onlrdl tlla wholo.roi'cmie of llm onnnlrv.
The Constitution has declined il lo bo the
thi'ty of (lie President to sfco thnt tho lawn
aiu executed, and it makes him the Commander-in-Chief
of fho armies anii navy o(
tho United Slates. If the opinion ot the
most approved writers upon that epecics of
nnxcii uovernmcni, which, in modern lin
tope, is teuned monarch), in conlradistinc
lion to dcsnolisitiAe corroct.tliere was want.
ing no oilier addiiion to tho powers of our
utiiui magistrate lo stamp a monarchical
character on our Gocrnmeiit, but tho con
trol 6f tho public finances) And to me it
nppcar3 strange.indcod, that any one should
doubt that the entire control which the
Vrcsident possesses over the officers who
Irave the custody of the public moriey, by
Iho power of removal with or without cause
does, for all mischievous purposes at least,
virtually subject tho (reasura also to his dis
posah The first Roman Emperor, in his
rtticmpt lo scizo the sacred treasure, silenced
tho opposition of tho officer to whoso charfo
it hid been committed, by a significant al
lusion to Ms sword, iiy a selection of pr
litieal instruments for the caro of the nubli
money, a reference to thoir commissions by
. .Prrteiilan) ....l,l ln r.....t
i ibdiuunt, nuuiuuu 41111V us ciicciuai
argument as that of-Cajsar to tho Ilo.man
knight. I am not insensiblo Of tho groat
difficulty that exists in devising a proper
plan for tho safe keeping ahd disbursement
of the public revenues, and I lihow the im
portance which has been attached by men of
(treatabilities and patriotism to the Jivorce,
as it is. called, of the Treasury from the
banking institutions. It is not the divorce
which is complained of, but ihc unhallowed
union of the Treasury with the Executive
Department which has created such exten
sive alarm. To this danger to our Republi
can institutions, and that created by the in
fluence given to the Executive through tho
instrumentality of tho Federal officers, I
propose to apply a.1 the remedies which
lay ue at my command. Il was certainly
a great error 1V1 the framers of the Constitu
tion. aol lo nave made the of icer at the head
C il I" ! , - 1 1
. j 1- - " ' w J
r ,. t - ttt r-r 11.
1 tuts 1 iciiniii v iJHiitriiiii'iii i'iiiwim v in n
flllllMlL III LI1M'V I'l VKnilFI vh. r I f Rltfllllfl HI
ifiast have neen remnvnb o oniv unon 1110
- . , - r-
klMKd 1 IIMIB I n SUfTDnA. MAWMbIa MyMVlt(rt
iaecreiarv 01 ins 1 reasurv w unout com-
iiuwiuaiiuu Mil 1 q cirnumsiaiicus aiicuuii in
t I . . I . WW -
1 nc lmuioiice 01 me iL.xectmve in column
,0 " I
1 ( i! it t it . T nr f .
i ' .t. . f - r.
.. ... ... .. . ...
- - a
n.rui 11 n smii'ii 1 nr iiib uirviru nui ni i imir
iii'KrriH. ur-i'i nun inn iiniini inRinminnr r i
l .t .1 t .
r.YfliM 1 1 vn will
Thero is no part of the means placed
in the hands ot tho Executive whicli
light be used wilh greater effect, for
nnaiioweu numoaes. than the contro
tit 1 - . . .
t J I. . I I "Tilt t
i 1 ik iiiiiiiit' nrt'NS. 1 iim in iy 1111 wiiipm
1 - - - - ---
1 .1 .
lU.t tii.n rJ 1 r t.
icia 13 liic i'i t-;i l uiiiwiii k 11 1 1 1 v 1 1 n 11 11
religious noeriy, ' is ono 01 me most
Wo have learned, too, from our
tm ne 1tCkIt na 4 l nvr es tn n n nf r t t h
nunirii!s. mat ivniuHii nnnrK ph. iitj
whomsoeverQr by whatever pretence
imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron
?o mis of despotism. The presses in
lif nprcssarv Bmnlovmonl of tlin fin v-
r n m rii i aiiniini iiwvnr iif "ifi
i 1 II l I Iti
. 41
decent and manly examination of
hp ants of thn fSnvnrnniRnt slinnld hp.
lot only tolerated but encouraged.
Upon another occasion 1 have gtv-
UH I t I?..-... I I if k InfftP.
v 1 )i I u il v v vviaaw -
nai ine article in me uonsuiuuon
naking it the duty of the President to
W)lllll)lnU HJiUI IliaillflJ. U1IU dUL IULI-
vas not uuenueu lo mnue mm Hie
"... Ill ... ..
ource of logi jlation, and in particular,
hat ho should never be looked to for
!! . til
encmes oi unance. it would be ve
y strange, indeed, that the Constitu
iou should have strictly forbidden one
oring in the origination of auch bills,
nil that it shonlil ia rnnsiilirpil nvnn.
r that an altogether different depart-
lont of the Government ahou d be
ermitted to do so. Some of our best
uni.iL.tii iiiJAinio utiu uiiiiiiunn ii:iv
een drawn from our parent Isle.
nere are oi lers, nowevor. w cn cn
nt bn introduced in our svstnm wild.
ut singular incongruity, and the pro-
iff lion nf milfh misp.hief. Anil llili
conceive to be one. No mat tor jh which
ri rr. . r . i ? i ii .
riginatc, nor by whom introduced, a
minster, or a member oftlio onnosi-
ipn, by tlie fiction of law, or rather of
onslitutional principle, the Sove
cign is supposed to have prepared it
greeahly to his will, and then submit
jil it to Parliament for their ad
'ico &. consent. Nowlthe verv reversa
is Uie easo licro, not only with regard
to the principle, hut lite forms pre
;scrib.ed by tho Constitution. Tho
prinoiplo certainly assigns to tho only
body constituted by the confltittition(llio
legislative body) the power to make
laws, and the forms oven direct that
the enactment should bo ascribed to
them. Tho Senate, in relation to reve
nue bills, have the right to propose a
mendnieuls, and so has the Executive,
by tho powor given him to rotum them
to the House of Representatives, with
his objections. It is in his powor, al
so, to propose amendments in the ex
isting revenue law's, suggested by his
observations upon their defective or
injurious operation. I3ui 'hc delicate
duty of dovising schemes i)f revenue
should be left where (he Constitution
hns placed it with the immediate re
presentatives or the People. For
similar reasons, the mode of keeping
the public treasure should bo prescri
bed by them; and the farther remov
ed it may be from the control of the
engagements into which States have
Executive, the mora wholesome tho
arrangement, and the more in accord
ance witlillepublican principles.
Connected with this subject is the
character of the curreney. The idea
of making il exclusively metallic, how
ever well intended, appears to me to
be fraught with more fatal consequen
ces than any other scheme, having no
relation to the personal lights of the
citizen, that has ever been devised.
Ifany single scheme could produco
the effect of arresting at once, that mu
tation of condition by which thousands
cf our most indigent fellow-citizens,
b' their industry and enterprise, are
raised to the possession of wealth, that
is the one. If there is one measure
better calculated than another to pro
duce that state of things so much de
precated by all "liutr rvt.-'jUcnlijj--by
which the rich arc daily adding to
their hoards, and the poor sinking
deeper into penury, it is an exclusive
metallic currency, Or if there is a
process hy which tho character of tho
country for generosity and nobleness
of feeling may be dostreyed by tho
great increase and necessary toleration
of usury, it is an exclusive metallic
currency.
Amongst the oilier duties of a deli--cate
character which the President is
called upon to perform, is thr supervi
sion of the government of tho territo
ries of the United States. TIiofo of
them wnicn are destined toT ucromo
members of our great political family
are compensated by their rapid pro
gress from infancy to manhood, for
the partial and temporary deprivation
of their political rights. It is in this
District, only where American citi
zens arc to be found, who, under a
settled system of policy, are deprived
of many important political privileges
without any inspiring hope as to the
future. Their only censolation, un
der circumstances of such deprivation,
is that of the devoted exterior guards
of a camp that their sufferings secure
tranquility and safety within. Arc
there any of their countrymen who
would subject them lo greater sacri
fices, to any other humiliations than
those essentially necetary to the se
curity of the object for which they
were thus separated from their fellow
citizens? Are their rights alone not
to be guaranteed by the application of
those great principles upon which all
our constitutions are' founded? Wo
are told by the greatest of British Ora
tors and Statesmen that, at the com
mencement of the war of the Revolu
tion, the most stupid men in England
spoke of "their American subjects."
Are there, indeed, citizens of anv of
our States, who have dreamed of their
suujccts in the District of Columbia.
Such dreams can never be realized by
any agency of mine.
The people of the District of Co
lumbia, are not the subjects of the peo
ple of the Stales, but free American
citizens. JJeing in tho latter condi
tion when the constitution was form
ed, no words used in that instrument
could have been intended to depiive
them of that character. If there is
any thing in the great principles of un
alienable rights, so emphatically in
sisted upon in our Declaration of In
dependence; they could neither make,
nor the United Slates accept, a surren
der of their liberties, and become the
subjects, in other words the slpvcs of
their former fellow-citizens. If this
be true, and it will scarcely be denied
by any ono who has a correct idea of
his own rights as an American citi
zen, the grant nf Congress of exclusive
jurisdiction in the District of Colum
bia, can be interpreted, so far as res
pects the 'aggrcgate people of the Uni
ted StateF, os nieaning nothing more
than to allow to Congress the controll
ing powof necessary to afford a free &
safe exercise ofthc functions assigned
o tho General Government by the
Constitution) In all other respects the
legislation of Congress shoiild bo n
dapted to their peculiar position and
wants and ho conforniablc'with their
dclibcralo opinions of thetrown inter
est. ,
I have spoken of the necessity of
keeping the respective Departments
of the Government, as well as all oth
or authorities of our country, within
their appropriate orbits. This is a
matter of difficulty in some cases, as
the powers which they respectively
claim are often not defined by very
distinct lines. Mischieviotis, howov
er, in thoir tendencies as collisions of
of this kind may be, those which arise
between the respective communities,
which for certain purposes compose
one nation, are much more so; for no
such nation can long exist withoul.'the
careful culture of those feelings of con
fidence and affection which are the ef
fective bonds of union between free
and confederated Stales. Strong as is
the tie of interest, it lias been often
found ineffectual. Men, x blinded bv
their passions, have heenX known to
adopt measures for their 'country in
direct opposition to all the suggestions
of policy. The alternativelhen, is,' to
destroy or keep down a bid passion
by creating and fostering a kood one;
and this seems to bo the. corner stone
upon whicli our American political ar
chitects have reared the fabric of our
Government. The cement which was
to. bind it, & perpeUmlfc'ils existence,
was tho affectionate attachment be
tween all its members.
To insure the continuance of this
feeling, produced at first by a commu
nity of dangers, of sufferings and of
interests, the advantages of each were
made accessible to all. No participa
tion in any good, possessed by any
"-"her of an extensive confederacy,
except in o.. . . J '
withheld fromthe'-c.f.li1!"!;3 i
er member. .By a process att'eiPuOu J
with no difficulty, no iflelay, no es
pense but that of removal, the citizep,
of one might become the citizen of any
other, and successively of the whole.
The lines, too, separating pqwers to bo
exercised by the citizen of one State
fiom those of another seem to be so
distinctly drawn, as to leaye no room
for misunderstanding. The citizens
of each State unite jn their persons all
the privileges" wlTich" 'ttfal 'character
confers, and all that they may c)aim as
citizens of the United States; but in
no case can the same person at tho
same time, act as the citizens of two
separate States, and he is therefore
positively precluded: from any inter
ference, tuilli the reserved powers oj
anv State but that of which he is,
for the time being, a citizen. lie
may indeed oiler to the citizen of oth
er States, his advice as to their man
agement, and the form, in which it is
tendered is left to his own discretion
and sense of propriety.
It may bo observed, however, that
organised associations' of citizens, re
quiring compliance with their wishes,
loo much resemble J he recommenda
tions of Athens to her allies support
ed by an armed and powerful fleet. It
was indeed, lo the ambition of Ihc load
ing'Stale uf Greeco to control the do
mestic concerns of the others, that the
destruction of that celebrated confede
racy, and subsequently of all its mem
bers is mainly to be attributed. And
it is owing to the absence of that spirit
that the Helvetic confederacy has. for
so many years been preserved. Never
has there been seen in the institutions
of the separate members of any con
federacy more elements of discord.
In the principles and forms of govern
ment and religion, as 'well as in the
circumstances of the several cantons,
so marked a discrepance was observa
ble as to promise any thing but harmo
ny in their inlercoursc or permanency
in their alliance. Anij,ye'f, for ages,
neither has been interrupted. Con
tent with the positive benefits which
their union produced, wilh the inde
pendence and safety from foreign ag
gression which it secured, these saga
cious people respected the institutions
of each other however rcpitgnant to
their own principles and prejudices.
Our Confederacy, fellow-cilizcns,
can only bo preserved by the same for
bearance. Our citizens must be con
tent with lhe.excr.cjso, of., ljip pow
ers with which the Constitution
cloihes them. The attempt of those of
one State to control the domestic in
stitutions of another, can only result in
feelings of distrust and jealousy, the
certain harbingers of disunion, vio
lence, civil war, and the .ultimate
destruction .of our, u free institutions.
Our Confederacy isperfeclly.ilhistra..
led by the terms and principles gov
erning a common co-partnership.
There a fund of power is to be exer
cised Under the direction of the joint
councils of the allied members, hut
that which has been reserved by the
individual members is intangible by
the common government, or the indi
vidual members composing It. To
atlcmpt it, finds no support in the
principles of the Constitution, It
should he our constant and earnest
endeavor muldolly to cultivate a spir
it of concord and harmony among, the
various parts of our Confederacy. Ex
perience has abundantly latight uS that
the agitation by citizens of one pu t
of the Union of a subject not confided
to the General Government, but exclu
sively under tho guardianship of the
local authorities, is productive of no
other consequences than bitterness,
alienation, .discord, and injury lo -the
very cause which is intended to be ad
vanced. Of all the great interests
which appertain to our country, that
of union, cordial, confiding, fraternal
union, is by far the hiost important,
sines il is the only true and sure guar
anty of all others. '
In consequence of the embarrassed
state of business and the currency,
some of tho Slates may meet with dif
ficulty in their financial concerns.
However deeply vve may regret anv
'thing imprudent or excessive in the
enteicd for purposes of their own, it
does net become us to disparage the '
Stale Governments, nor to discourage
them from making the proper efforts'
for their own relief. On the contrary,
it is our duty to encourage them, to
the exjent of our constitutional author
ity, to apply their best means, and
cheerfully to make all necessary bur
dens to fulfil their engagements and
maintain their credit; for the charac
ter S credit of the several States fcrm
a part of tho character 3' credit of the
whole country. Tho resources oniicconntry
are abundant, the cn'erprizc & activity
of our people proverbial; and we may
adnuiA9P.1iJ,,,at wlse legislation ami
crnmenls, each acting rWRS!iv G
sphere, will restore former prosperity:
Unpleasant and even dangerous as
collisions may sometimes be, between
the constituted authorities or the citi
zens of our country, in relation to the
lines which separate their jurisdictions,
the result can be of no vital injury to
our institutions, if that ardent patriot
ism, that devoted ol'tochnicnt to liber
ty, that spirit of moderation and for
bearance for which our countrymen
were once distinguished, continue to
be cherished. If this continues to bo
tho ruling passion of our souls, the
weaker feelings of the mistaken enthu
siast will be corrected, the Utopian
dreams ef the scheming politician dis
sipated, and the complicated intrigues
of the demagogue rendered harmless.
The spirit of liberty is the sovereign
balm for every injury which our in
stitutions may receive. On the con
trary, no care that can he used in the
construction of our Government; no
division of powers, no distribution of
checks in its several departments, will
prove effectually to keop us a free
People, ,if this spirit is suffered to de
cay; and decay it will without constant
nurture. To the neglect of this duty,
the best historians agree in attributing
the ruin of all the. Republics with
whose existence their writings have
mado us acquainted. The same caus
es will ever produce (He same effects;
and as long as the love of power is a
dominant passion of the human bosom,
and as long as the understandings of
men can be warped and their affec
tions changed by operations upon their
passions and prejudices, so long will
tho liberty of a people depend on their
own constant attention to its preserva
tion. The danger to all well-established
and free governments arises from the
unwillingness of the people to believe
in its existence, or from the influence
of designing men, diverting their at
tention from the qua.rtcr whence II
approaches, to a source from which it
can never come. This is lite old
trick of those who would usurp tho
government of their country. In tho
name of Democracy they speak, warn
ing tho People against the influence of
wealth and tho danger of aristocracy.
History, anciont and modern, is full of
such cxair ilcs. Cajsor became mas
ter of the Roman people and the Sen
ate under the pretence of pupportjng
the democratic claims of tho former
against tjio aristocracy oflhs latter.
Cromwoll, in the character of protect
or of the liberties of tht People, he
came the dictator of England; and
Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited
power, with the title "of his country's
Iterator, Thorc is(on tficVojil'rqV'y,
no single instance on record of at) cxi
tensive and- Weli established republic!
being changed iirtto an Aristocracy,
Tho tendencies of nil such Govern
meats in their decline, is to .Monarchy)
and the antagonist principle to liberty
there is the spirit of faction a spirit
which assumos the character, and, in
times of great excitement, imposes iU
self upon tho People as the genuiuc
spirit of freedom, and like tho false
Christs whose coming was foretold by
the Saviour, seeks to, and Were il pes
sihle, would, impose upon the true mid
most faithful disciples of liberty.
1 1. fs tn peripds'likc (his that it be
hoves the People to be most watchful
of those to whom they have entrusted
power. 'And although (hero is at times
much difficulty "in distinguishing tho'.
false from the true spirit a calm and
dispassirtnato investigation will detect
the counterfeit as well by tio charac
ter of its operations, as the results tlialurcr
produced. The true spirit of liberty, aU
though devoted, persevering, bold and
uncompromising in priuciplo,tlial secured,
is mild and tolerant arid scrupulous as to
the .moans it omploys; whilst Ihc spirit of
party, assuming to bo that of liberty, ia
liarali, vindictive nlnl intolerant, and to
tally reckless as (0 the character of tho al
lies Which it brings to "tho aid of its cause.
When the genuine spirit of liberty animates"
the people lo a tltornuglf examination of
their afnirs,iileai)3 to the excision of every
excressence whidh may have fattened
i'self uppn any of the. Departments of
the Government, and reslores the sys
temto its piisliriu health and beauty.
Bntthe r.cign of an intolerant spirit of
party amongst a free people, seldom
fail's lo result in a 'dangerous accession
to the Executive power introduced
established amidst unusual professions
of devotion to demcracy
Tho foregoing remarks relate al
most exclusively to matters connected
wilh our domestic concerns. It may
be proper, however, that I should
give some indications to myfellow-cit-izens
of my proposed course of con
duct in the management of our for
eign relations. I assure thorn there
fore, that it is my intention lo ueo.M.
W.S ; TTn"ci1y:VnrS.VjJiqvver to Pierre
happily subsists with every foreign, na-.
tion and that, although, 6f course, not
well informed as lo to the slate of any
of them, 1 see in the personal charac
ter of the Sovereigns, as well as in the
mutual interests of our own anil of iho
Governments with which our relations
are most intimate, a pleasing guaran
ty that tho harmony so important to
the interests of their subjects, as yell
as our citizens, will not be interrupt
ed by the advancement of any claim,
or pretension upon their part to which
our honor would not permit un to
yield. Long the defender of my couu-j
try's rights in the field, I trust that
my fellow-eitizens will not see in my
earnest desire lo preserve peace wilh
foreign powers, any indication that
their rights will ever be sacrificed, or
the honor of the nation tarnished, by
any admission on tho part of theirChief
Magistrate unworthy of their former
glory.
In our intercourse with our aboriginal
neighbors, tho samo liberality and .justice,
which marked the course prescribed to me
by two of my illustrious prcdcccassors,
vh(in acting under their direction in the dis
charge of the duties of Superintendent and
Commissioner, shall be strictly observed. I,
can conceive qf no more sublime spectacle
nonp mora likely lo prnpiiliale nn Jmpar
tial and common Otealor, than.a rigid adhe
rence to tho principles of justice on tho part
of a powerful nation in it3 transactions with.
a weaker and uncivilized people, whom
circumstances havo placed at its disposal.
Ihforo concludinjj, fcllow-ciiizansj must,
say something to you on tho eubject of par
ties at this tlrao existing in our country.
To mo it appears pcrfeutly clear, that tho
interest of that country requires that tho
violence of the spirit by which tlios parties
are at tiis timo governed, must bo greatly
mitigated, if not entirely extinguished or
consequences will ensue which are appall
ing to be thought of. If parties ina Republic
are necessary lo secure a deroo of vhjilanco
sufjicient to keep tho public functionaries
wiihin tho bounds of law and diuy.at that
point their usefulness ends. Iloyohd that
thoy become destructive of public virtue.tho
parents uf a spirit antagonist to that of lib
orty", and, eventually, its inevitable conque
ror. We have examples of llcpublics,
where the Jot e of country and of libems at
one tirac.Vi'ore tho dominant passions of the
whole inuus of rhizmis, And yet witji tho
rontiutiancoof the'narne and forms of free
Government, not a vestige of these qualities
remoiniug in tho bosom of any pne of Its
citizens.
It was the bcjiililul remark of a distin
duiehed English writer that " in the lioman
Senate, Qctaiius had a party, and Anthony
a paity, but tho Commonwealth had none."
Tiut tho Senate continued' to' meet' in the
Temple or Liberty, to talk of tho sacred
tioss and beauty qf Common wealth, ai.'d
gnzenf . tho statues of the elder Brutus and
of tho Curitt and'Decii. And the pcopo