IVcaxo SunVnsrc.
Wo arc indebtad to the "Carlislo Repub
lican" for trie" following opinion of the Su
premo Court on this interesting question of
Constitutional law. The question nroso
upon a. Writ of error to the judgement of tfio
Common Pleas of "Xuzcrne county, in an
nctlrfn by William Fogg, a negro, against
Hiram Hobbs, inspector, and others-, ib'r re
fusing hia- vole. The plaintiff recovered
in the Court below ; and it will bo seen that
the Suprchtb CohtVliavo reversed the jud'g
men. The case was argued at Sunbury,
and tho opinion of tho Court delivered by
Chief Justico Gibson.
OPINION OF THE COURT.
This record raiscsa second time, the only
question on a phrase 'in tho Constitution,
which has occurred since its adoption ; arid
liowover paatixans may havo disputed the
wisdom of its provisions, no man has dis
puted the clearness and precision of its
phraseology. Wo havo often been called
upon to enforce its limitations of legislative
power; .blit tin business of interpretation
was incidental, and tho difficulty was not
in the diction, but in the uncertainty bf tile
act to which it was to lip applied. I have
said, a question on 'the lricinhig of a
phrase has arisen a Recnriil ii,n. T
woulil Be rnofd accurate to say the same
i"""""" io uuouu iiib second timo. -About
tho year 1795, as I have it from Jas.
Gibson, Esquire, of the Philadelphia Bar,
thp very point before us was ruled by the
High Court of Errors and Appeals, against
the right of Negro Suffrage. Mr. Gibson
declined an invitation to be concerned in the
argument, and therefore has no memoran
dum of the cause to direct us to the record.
I have had the office searched for it ; but
the papcis had fallen into such disorder as
to preclude s hope of its discovery. Most
of them wero imperfect, and many wire
lost or misplaood. But Mr. Gibson's re
rncrabrace of tho decision is perfect and en
titled to full donfidence That the case wa3
hot reported! is probably dwirig to the fact
that the judges gave no reason; and the
omision is the mora to be regrdttcd as a re
port of it would havo put the question at
rest and prevented much unpleasant excite
ment. Still the judgment is not the less
authoritative as a precedent. Standing as
the court of last resort, the tribunal bore the
same relation td this court that the Supreme
Court does to the Common Pleas ; and as
its authority could not be questioned then,
it can not be questioned now. The point
therefore is not open to discussion on origr
inal grounds.
But the omission of tho judges, renders it
proper to show that their decision was
founded in the true principles of the Con
stitution. In the first section of thb third
article, it is declared tiiat " in elections by
the citizens, every mieman of the age of
twenty-one years, having resided in the
State two years before the election, and ha
ving within that time paid a state or county
tax," shall enjoy the rights of an elector.
Now the argument of those who assert the
claim of the coloured population, is that a
negro is a man ; and when not held to in
Voluntary service, that ho is free : conse
quently that he is a freeman J and if a free
man in the eommori acceptation of theterm,
then a freeman in every acceptation of it.
This pithy and syllogistic sentertce compri
ses tho whole argument which, however
elaborated, perpetually gets back to the: point
from which it started. The fallacy of it, is
its assumption that the term freeddm signi
fies nothing but exemption from involuntary
servico ; and that it has not a legal significa
tion more specific. The freedom of a mu
nicipal corporation, or body politie, im
plies fallow-ship and participation of corpo
rate rights ; but an inhabitant of an incor
porated plarie, who is neither servant nor
fllflV. ittmifrli Vinntifl l,. !t. tnt... ....... 1
. ....w, ...vm,. iivuuu uj i.9 laws, may uc nu
freeman in respect df its government. It has
lniieeu ooen nnirrned by text writers, that
liabitance and navinn- sent snd Int. nivo
incidental right to corporate freedom ; but
ino conns nave reiused to acknowledge i
even when lh r.hartnr
and, when not derived from prescription or
I, t... !.. A .1 !. ....
" 'too ucon ucciuieu a ijuailllcailOU
merely, and not a title. fVi! cor. nhnn. 3.
pi. 450.) Let It riot bo said that the legal
Meaning of the word freeman, is peculiar to
llrltl.li nten m !m . 1. . ..... 1. - .
not in the charters and constitutions of Penn
SVlvania. Tim nfrrprv! nnnn in Tnrr.
land in May, 1082, used tho word in this
nn.illii malba .1 .. . c . . ' . I. 1 . I . . f . T
pvwi.b .cnac, aim uvun luniisn a ueiiiimon
of it. " Every inhabitant df the said pro
vince that is or shall be a pdrCnassr of one
hundred acres of land or upwnrdsi his heirs
atlU HSSiffllB! 5111ft Muni naanA thUn .lw.ll
hav paid his passage and shall have taken
bp one hundred acres of land at d penny an
ncic, aim nayu cultivated ten acres tnereoi;
and every person that has been a servant or
bondsmiili and is free by his servicej that
nhall have taken up his fifty acres of land,
and shall have cultivated twenty thereof;
and everv inhabitant, nriifmer. nr ntl,r
sident in the said province that pays ecot
ana 101 to mo government; snail be deemed
- . ...
unu uixuuucu a riir.r.Mwoj saw province:
and every such person shall be capablo ot
electing or being elected representatives o(
lllfl llpnnflt ill tlrlifinr.inl rwtitnnil np irniiAr.il
" - --"'l .1. r. u Jf IV.MI W IUIIVII W, glIIVllM
assembly oftliosaid province," Now why
tins minute and elaborate detail? Had it
l" ni intended, that all but servants and slaves
should be freemen to overy intent, it had
easier and rrfore natural to sky sit. But it
was iot inlcndcd.lt was'fureae'eh (hat there
would be inhabitants, iicithor planters itor
taxable, Who, thpugh free as the Winds,
might bo unsafe depositories of popular
mmyui, unu uiu uusigu was 10 aumu no man
to .the freedom of tho province who had not
a stako in it. That tho clause which re
laics'io' freedom by service, was not mtch-
deil (or manumitted slaves, is evident from
tho fact that there v,crq none; and it rcgar
ded not slavery, but 'limited 'servitude texpi
red by efflux of lime. At that time, cer
lainiy, me case oi a iianuinitteu slavo, or
onus fre'eborn progeny, Was, riot contcm
plated as onp tp be provided for on tho foun-
uur s scnomo oi poucy. j nave quoted tlie
passage, however, to"fehbv 'that the word
freeman was applied in a peculiar senso to
uie ponucai compact ot our ancestors, res
ting, like a cornoration. on a charter from
tho crown; 'and exactly as it was applied to
uouics pontic at nome. in cntiro consonance
it was declared in the Act ,of Union, given
at Chester in the samo year, that strangers
and foreigners holding 'land "according to
the law of a freeman," and promisliig obe
dience to tho proprietary a3 well as allegi
anco to the crown, "shall bo held and repu
ted freemen of tho province and counties
aforesaid" and it was further declared that
when a foreigner 'shall make his request to
the governor of the province for the afore
taid freedom, the same person shall be ad
mitted on the conditions heroin expressed,
paying twenty shillings sterling and no
more" modes of expression peculiarly ap
propriate to corporate fellowship. The
word in the same senso pervades the Char
ter of Privileges, tho Act of Settlement, and
the Act of Naturalization, in the preamble
to the last of which, it was said that some
of tho inhabitants were "foreigners and not
freemen according to the acceptation of the
laws of England." It held its place also
in the legislative style of enactment down to
the adoption of the present Constitution; af
ter which, thd words "by and with th dd
vice and consent of tho freemen," were left
out and the present style stibstitdtcd. Thus
till the instant when the phrase on which
the question" turns, was penned, the term
frecnlart had a peculiar and specific sense,
being used like tho term citizen which sup
planted it, to denoto one who had a voice in
public afiairs. . The citizens were denom
inated freemen even in the constitution of
1770 and under the present Constitution,
the word, though dropped in the stylo, was
used in legislative acts convertibly with
electors, so late at the year 1798 when it
grew into disuse. lit im act passed the
fourth of April m that year for the estab
lishment of certain election districts, it was
for the first time, used indiscriminately with
that word; sincd when, ii has been entirely
disused. Now it will riot be pretended
that the legislature meant to have it inferred
that every one not a freeman within the
perviow should bo deemed a slave; and how
can a convergent intent be collected from
the same word ill the Constitution, ilfat ev
ery one not a slave is to be accounted an
elector? Except fof the word citizen which
stands in tho context also as a term of qual
ification, and affirmance of these proposi
tions would extend the right of suffrage to
aliens; and to admit of any exception to the
argument, its force being derived from the
supposed universality oi" the term, would
destroy it. Once concede that there may
bo a freeman in oiie sense of it, who is not
so in another, and the whole ground is sur
rendered. In what sense then must the
Convention of 1700 be supposed to have
used the teim? Questionless in that which
it had acquired by use in public acts and
legal proceedings, for thd reason that a du
bious statutd is to be expounded by Usage.
"Tha me&niilg of things spoken and writ
ten, must bo as hath been constantly receiv
ed.'' (Vaugh 109.) On this principle, it
is difficult to discover how, the wortl free
man, as used in previous public acts, could
havo been meant to comprehend a coloured
race. As well might it bo supposed that
the declaration of universal and unalienable
freedom in both our Constitutions; was
meant to comprehend it. Nothing waa ov
er more comprehensively predicated, and a
practical enforcement of it would havo lib
erated every slave in the State; yet mitiga
ted slavery ldng continued to exist among
lis in derogation of it. Utiles of interpreta
tion demand a strictly verbal construction df
but a penal statute and a constitution is to
bo construed still more liberally than even
a remedial one, because a convention legis
lating for masscsj ean do little more than
mark att outline of fundamental principles
leaving the interior gyrations and details to
be filled up by ordinary legislation. "Con
ventions intended to regulate the conduct of
nations, said Chief Justice l ilgJiirian lii
the Farmers' Bartk v. Smith, 'J Sergt. and
Bawl. 09, "are not to bo constucled like
articles of agreement at the common law
It Is ofliltln importance to the public wheth
er a traet of land belongs to A or B. In
deciding theso titles, strict rules of construc
tion may be adhered to and it is best they
should bo adhered to.
Btit in addition to interpretation from
usage, this antecedent legislation furnishes
other proofs that ho coloured race was par
ly to oiir social compact. As was jusllyv
rerriarked by Prtaident 1-ox in the matter
of tho late contested election, our ancestors
settled the province as n community of
white men; and the' blaeks were introduced
into it as a race of slaves whence an un
conquerable prejudice of caste which has
come down to our day, insomuch that a sus
picion of taint still ha the unjust effect of
-fetttLiun ttij lrrinr'rif il liftlntlr llm nrtrntnntl
. ..... ...... j... . ... ......... ..... v....
level. I'Mistslcntly with tins pri'jnilcc, is
'it to bo credited, that parity of rank would
bo allowed to bucli a nice? Lot the ques
tion bo aliswtrcd by tho statno nl 172G
which denominated it an idle and a slnuth
ful people; which directpd the magistrates
to bind out Irco ncurocs for laziness or va
grancy; which forbade them to harbor In
dian or inulatlo slaves on pain of punish
ment by line, or to deal willt negro slaves
on pain of Mrincs; which Annexed to the
interdict of marriage wtth a White, the pen
alty of reduction to slavery; which punish
ed them for tipling with stripes, and even a
negro. II Ircemen, in pol tical sense, were
subjects of these cruel and degrading op
pressions, what must have been the lot of
their brethren iH bondage. It is also true
that degrading conditions were sometimes
assigned by whitomen, but never as mem
hers of a baste. Insolvent debtors, to indi
cate the worst of them, were compelled to
litako satisfaction by servitude; but that was
borrowed lrnm a kindred and still less ra
tional principle of tho common law. This
act of 1720, however, remained in force till
it was repealed by the emancipating act of
1780; and it is irrational to believe that the
progress of liberal sentiments was so rapid
in the next ten years as to prriddec a deter
mination in tho convention of 1790, to raise
this depressed race to the level of the whito
one. It sucti wero its purpose, it is strange
tiiat the word chosen to effect it, should
have bech the very bnb chosen by tho con
vontidn of 1770 to designate a whito elec
tor. "Every freeman, it is said Chap. II,
Sect. VI, "of the full ago of twenty tino
years, having resided in this state for the
space of ono whole year the day of election,
and paid taxes during that time, shall enjoy
the rights of an elector." Ndw if thd word
freemen wore not potent endugh to admit a
free ncirro to suffran-o under the first consti
tution, it is difllctllt to discern a degreo of
magic in tho intervening plan of emancipa
tion, sufficient to give it adequate pdteiftiy,
in thd apprehension of theconveritldn uiiddr
the second.
The only thing in the history of the con
vention, which casts a doubt upon the in
tent, is the fact that tho word white was
prefixed to tho word freemen in the report
of the committed, and subsequently struck
out probably because it was thought stl-
pcrlluoUS, or still iriore probably because it
was feared that respectable men of dark
complexion would often be insulted at the
polls by objection to their colour. I have
heard it said that Mr. Gallatlh sustained his
motion to strike out on the latter iinuind.
Whatever the motivei disseverance is in
sufficient to warp the interpretation of a
word of such settled and determinate mean-
nir as the ono which romniried. A legisla
tive bddy" speaks tothcjud!caryonly;hrodgli
its final net) and expresses its will in ih e
words ol it; and though their meaning may
bs influenced by the sense in which they
nave usually been applied td intrinsic mat
ters, we cannot receive an explanation of
them from what has been moved or said in
debate. The place or a judge is his forum
not the legislative hall. Were he even
disposed to pry into the motivps of the
members, it would lie impossible for him to
ascertain them; and in attempting to discov
er the ground on which tho conclusion was
attained, It is not probable that a member
of the majority could indicate any that was
common to all.
I have thought it fair to treat tho question
as it stands affeuled by dur1 dtf n municipal
regulations without illustration from thoso
of other states were tho Condition of the
race has been still less favoured. Yet it is
propdr to say that the second section of the
fourth articls of the Federal Constitution,
presents an obstacle to tho political freedom
of the negro, which seems to bs insupera
ble. It is to be remembered that citizen
ship as well as freedom, is a constitutional
qualification; and how it could be conferred
so as to overbear the laws imposing count
less disabilities on him in other slates, is a
problem of difficult solution. In this aspect
the question becomes one, riot 6f njtention,
but of power; and of power so doubtful as
to forbid tho exercise of it. Every man
must lament the necessity of these disabili
ties; but slavery is to be dealt with by thoso
whose existence depends on the skill with
which it is treated. Considerations of mere
humanity however belong to a class with
whidh, as judges', we havo not to do; and in
(eYprc'ting the constitution in the spirit of
our own institutions, we arc bound to pro
nounce that men of colour are deslilnde of
title to theelective franchise. Their blood,
however, may become so diluted in suc
cessive descent as to loose its distinctive
character; and then both policy and justice
require that previous disabilities should
cease. I5y t be amended constitution of
North Carolina no free negro, mulatto, or
free persons of mixed blood, descended
from negro ancestors to tho fourth genera
tion inclusive, though one ancestor of each
generation may have been a while person,
siialt vote lor members 01 the legislature.
I regret to say, no similar regulation for
practiclo purposes, has been attempted here;
m consequence of which every case of dis
puted colour must be determined by ito par
ticular rule but by the discretion of tho
judges, and thus n great constitutional right,
even under Uie proponed amendments of the
constitution, will bo left the sport of caprice.
In conclusion, we are of opinion thb court
erred in directing that tho plaintiff could
have his action against the defendant fur ihu
rejection of his vote.
Judgment reversed.
TO Tltfe PEOPLE, OF PENNSYLVANIA-
,
FELLOW CITIZENS t .
The Convention which assembled by
your direction to reform the Constitution of
this State was elecled'and organized under
unfavorable circumstances. Tho friends of
reform had much to contend with ; and for
a long time could mako but little progress,
with great discouragement in the conven
tion and throughout tho state. Our officers,
committees and preliminary steps were so
uncongenial with dispassionate proceedings
to improve tho frame of government, that a
general opinion prevailed that the conven
tion must end in abortion and discredit;
which apprehension was' so eencially and
discredit; which apprehension was so fecn-
orally and often disingenuously dissem
inated, particularly by the public press, that
a settled bclici n some measure still exists
that little br nothing could lie; br has been
dond; The deranceineutof (ho currency.
stagnation of business and excited state of
party feeling in both state and federal pol
itics combined to render the lime and cir
cumstanccs of our meeting extreme jniuspi
clods, arid many of the sinccrcst friends of
republicanism almost despaired of success
in any attempt to improve its institutions bv
such reforms as wb havd Hcvcr doubted are
required by a largo majority and the wel
fare of tho people of Pennsylvania. Re
form was supposed to bo in a minority of
tne convention and repealed movements
were tiied by some of its opponents claim
ing and seeming to be a conservative major
ity, to frustrate tho whole design of our
convention. By the aid 'of some of thb
more liberal of that apparent majority, how
over with generous and clightened constan
cy from first to last sustaining certain re
forms, and by the help of public sentiment,
we have the satisfaction to assure you that
great amendments have been at last" carried
by large majorities, to be submitted to the
pedplb for their action upon them. Pit
tience perseverance and free and candid dis
cussion during threo protracted sessions of
more thanhali a year's exclusive devotion
to the great objects confided to us, under all
the disadvantages alluded to, have enabled
us to close our labors with extensive and
fundamental reforms, for some of which
nearly all the members of the cunvenlion at
last voted. Almost overy member of a bo
dy; which throughout its deliberations has
shown no disposition for rash, inconsider
ate unnecessary, or evcii'numerous changes,
lias sanctioned finally the position we hate
uniformly occupied, that tho constitution of
1790 may be improved without endanger
ing its udvantaires, some errors corrected.
abuses inseparable from tile practical oper
ations of government removed, fiesh vigor
given to the virtue of Democracy, and the
legitimate sovereignty of a frdo pcdplo, re-
piuuisiiuu aim rciuiorccu.
Wo shall not attempt fellow citizons, in
this short, address to explain to you in de
tail the reforms submitted for your sanction.
They should and nb dodht will be parti
cularly examined by you before' yoti atit up
on them, But following summary will
show how thoroughgoing, yet as we trust,
how valuable and satisfactory they must
prove to every lover ilie utmost freedom
that is consistent with a government of
law.
The political year1 is to begin in January;
the principle of rotation in short terms of
offices is' applied by allowing the chief ma
gistrate but two terms of thee years each in
succession, the senatorial terms Is reduced
three Vears; the power of the legislature to
grant Banking corporations and privileges is
abridged dud regulated; and it is deprived of
all power to authorise either coFporations or
individuals to take private property for pub
lic use without compensation first paid or se
cured. The legislative power over marria
ges is likewise diminished, and there is con
stitutional provision against duelling.
The Governor's patronage is nearly all
taken away, and for the most part restored
to the immediate action of the people by
electihg those officers hitherto appointed
by tho Governor; whose appointment of
even judicial officers is to be cliedlicd by the
Senate, sitting with open doors on each
nominations. The legislature moreover
may direct the mode of appointing all offi
cer's which is not fixed by the constitution;
and removed from office remains as hereto
fore. All life officers arc abolished; Judges of
tho Supreme couit to bo commisflioile'd for
fifteen years, Presidents of the cornmon
Pleas nnd other Law Judges for ttfrt, and
Associate Judges, of the Peace and Alder
men for" five years, if they so long behave
themselves welh
The disagreeable1 duty of carrying out the
addpted principle by which Judges arc to
lie hereafter commissioned for limited terms
is to be enforctd by a scale of gradual re
moval, by which all tho personal forbearance
that isconsistent with constitutibrial arrange
ment is carefully attended to'
Justice of the peace and Aidcrm'an, are
to bo olcgiblo in wards, boroughs and town
ships at the Constable' election, in such
numbers as tho Legislature may direct.
Prothonotatics and clerks of courts, Regis
ters and Records aro to be elected for three
years by the people of each county, and
Clerks of the Supremo Court, to bo appoin
ted by that court for three years, if such
Prothonotaries, Clerks, Registers and Re
corders so long behave theiriselvcs well.
But one person instead of two is to bo cho
sen .Sheriff.
The right of suffrage Is extended to all
white freemen, twenty oho years old, ono
year resident in this' state having within
two years paid a tax assessed within ten
days before tho election, and resided ten
days immediately preceding it in tho district
white freemen, between twenty. one and
twonty two years old, having resided a year
in the state, may voto without paying any
tax or being tho sons of qualified voters.
These arc, wo conceive, great improve
ments. They extend the right of snffraTo
considerably beyond its present allowance,
and they put an end to the claim of those
who arc not entitled to political equality with
white freemen. Without impairing the ne
cessarily great power of legislation, these re
forms linilt ami r'cgulate it so us to curb one
of the greatest evils that has usurped the
public sovereignty. While abolishing all
officers for life, they preserve the indepen
dence of the judiciary, without its much com
plained of irresponsibility. They strip tho
Governor of that odious patronage which
convulsed the state. They givo back to tha
people the choice of their country officers ii
immodiatc magistracy. And throughout tho
whole of the amendments proposed, the sov
ereignty of the people is rendered a reality
in practice, as it is a principle proclaimed
in all the bills of rights of overy freo govern
ment. At the same time, civil, and religious
liberty, personal scctuity free'dom of speech
and of the press, all vested iiiterests, togeth
er with overy immunity of republican well
being are preserved as heretofore asserted in
the old bill of rights.
Finally, tho umoncidit constitution con
taing within itself the vital principle of fur
ther amendment, by authorizing both hou'
ses of two successive Legislatures, with the
approbation of the people at an intervening
election, onco in five ycarsj to add to theii1
constitution whatevbrifdlher amendments
cxpei ienco may require; so that the' frame
of government, without over-hasty action;
commotion expense or inconvenience may
at all times be deliperately improved, ds thd
good sense of the community may deter
mine, All things considered, we flatter ourselves
fellow citizens, that much desirable and sal
utary reform has been effected, as fara3 tho
convention is concerned. It was but A
committee of the whole people, preparing
by their instruction such measures as it rests
with them to act upon finally. It was thought
best to tilkc your judgment upon the wholo
as a unit, on the day of tho general annual
elections, when mord than at any special
election; the whdle pcoplo of Pennsylvania
may, and probably will; void on this impor
tant subject.
As citizens bf Pennsylvania; ds Ameri
cans, a9 freemenj as republicans, arid as re
formers 6f existing abuses, we ard willing
to abide your will, fellow citizens, on tho
principles of good government thus submit
ted td the people.
Philadelphia: 22d February, 1838.
Oi J. ingcrsolt,
Charles JJrown,
Joel K. Mannt
Tobias Sellers,
Jl, M. Head,
G, W. WoodiL'ard,
John J. McC'aieiu
Mdrcw Bedford.
Jno. Rittcr;
John Fuller,
David Gilmore,
Thomas Tf'eaver,
Ch rislian Myers,
J fin. Smyth;
Jacob Krilis,
Jlhx. Ma 'gec,
Henj, Martin.
William Gcarhart,
Henry Scheetz,
II. Gold Rogers,
Jamts Clarke,
Ephraim Dunhsi
Gio. II. Keinii
J.lt.Donnelt,
l)apid Lyons,
JFilliam High
Jim. L. Miller, '
Wm. Curll,
Geo. Smith,
Thomas Tqggarli
1!. M.- Graini
I). iYeutn, .
Jttcob IJillinger;
Jos. Fry, jr.
George Shillclo, .
John Cummin,
Geo. T: Craufordt John Foulkrodj
L. L. Eiiicloio,
John Jl: Gamblci
Samli O. Bonhtim,
Jacob Slickcl,
Nark Harrah,
Virgil Grencil,
JFm. Overfieldf
James Kennedyi
Thos S. Bell,
John Y. Barely,
,osepn m. vorun,
B. G. llhite,
Mm. Ilclfcnsteini
Jabez Hyde,
JFilliam Brown,
Hiram Payne,
Thomas Hasling'sf
Fierce Bullet,
Bobt. Firming,
Ezra S. Hayhurstt
Jiio. B. Ste'rigere,
Jai. Donagam
Geo. W. Biter,
'Thomas Earlt.
By the extinction of all licenses to Gam
bling Houses in France, that government
loses six millions of francs per annum.
Wheat Flour is icllirtg in New York ai
88. At Cleveland, Ohio, it is selling at $0
a barrel.
The debt incurred bv the state of Ohio in
prosecuting her public works is upwards ot
$11,000,000,
Tho Legislature of Maine has passed a
law exempting from attachment the pew of
an insolvent debtor.
Smrm nnn nslfpil a 1ml linu lia fiVinVtinnarf
to be so small for his age ? He' replied
"rather always keeps me flo busy I Inn t
time to grow I"
A cotcmporary editor makes (he follow
ing juat remark.' 'Thousands have leaf nod
this important trfith by their ruin a fewt a
very few, by their success : "Ncwspaper
enterprise and rtewspanor property are pe
culiar and sui gentrts. Like a poet,- at
newspaper EMTon must be born such or he
will never succeed."
A RkmruV. A person clioaked with a
Potato will find inMant relief, it Is said, by
swallowing u Pumpkin.