RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Your lines or lessoonstitnte half &square. Bight Lines
or note than four, constitute a square.
B o g eq., one day..— $OBO One au, one day.-- $0 60
one week-- 120 •' one week.... 200
c. one month.. 800 41 one month.. 000
three months 600 a three months 10 00
" aix months.. 800 .c aia months.. 16 00
0neyear.......12 00 CC one year.,.. 20 00
LIT Business notion inserted in the LOCAL comma,
ow before marriages and deathe, TZS CENTS Pee LIIII for
sea maanion. Ts merchants and others advertising
year, nevem eerme 'nu be offered.
DJa sa..aut.uem of WeertlOne Milt be deal gusted on
adeerusanrewl.
Marriagea and Deaths will insertel arum cams
rates ea regular admtieements.
Business laos.
R OBERT SNODGRASS,
ATTORNEY A.T LAW,
Office North Third street, thsrd door above Mar
ket, Harrisburg, Pa.
N. B.—Pension, Bounty and Military claims of all
kinds prosecatEd and collected_
Refer to Nona_ John O. Kunkel, David Mumma, 0. 3
and B.A. Lamberton. myll-d&wfim
WM. H. MILLER,
R_ E. FERGUSON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
OFFICE IN
SHOEMAKER'S BUILDINGS
SECOND STREET,
BETWEEN WALNUT and MARKET SQUARE,
ap-291h1cd Nearly opposite the Buehler House.
THOS. C. M&oDOWELL,
ATTORNEY . AT LAW,
MILITARY CLAIM AND PATENT AGENT.
Office in the Exchange, Walnut et., (Up Stairs.)
Having formed a connection with parties in Wash
ington City, wno are reliable business men, any bunt
mew connected with any of the Departments will meet
with immediate and careful attention. me-y
DR. C. WEICHEL,
SURGEON AND OCULIST,
BZELDREIGII TUMID NBAR MOUTH OT MUIT.
lie is now fully prepared to attend promptly to Uts
duties of profession in all its branches.
A LOWS AID MT avocisassoL INDIOAL isrmainitOs
justifies him in promising full said ample satisfaction to
all who may favor himmith a call, be the disease Ohrimis
or any other nature.
MILITARY CLAIMS Ni)A PEN
SIONS.
The undersigned have entered into an association for
the collection of Military Claims and the securing of
' , onions for wounded and disabled soldiers.
Master in And Muster-out Bolls, °Macre Pay Boils,
Ordnance and Clothing returns, and all papers pertain
ing to the military service will be made out properly
andlixpeditionsly_
Office in the Exchange Buildings, Walnut between
Sevvudlynd Third streets, near OmiVs Hotel. Harris
burga. THOli ILLODOWELL,
je2s-dtf THOMAS A. biA.GIIIBE.
81.1,A8 WARD.
NO_ 11, 31013111 THIRD ST., EARILISSMUL
STEINWAY'S PIANOS,
MELODEONS, VIOLINS, OITITABS,
Basjat, .Flutea, Fifes, Drums, accordeono,
etiottan, army AIM Boor mvsta, Be. , As.,
PHOTOGRAPH FRAMES. ALBUMS,
Large Pier and Mantle Mirrors, Square and Oval Prams
of every description made to order. Reguildiug done.
Agency for Howe', Sewing Machines.
ILT - Meet Munn sent by Mail. eistl4
JOHN W. GLOVER,
MIERCHA.NT TAILOR!
Ms just received from Now 1 - (0, an mart'
ment of
SEASONABLE GOODS,
which he offers to his customers and the public at
SOYA) iIiaLkETATE -PRICES- - dU
T 8008, Merchant Tailor,
eh 27 CHESNUT ST., between Second and Front,
Has just returned from the city with an assortment of
CLOTHS, CASSIMERES AND USTMOS,
Which will be sold at moderate prices and made up to
order; and, also, an assortment of READY MIA
Clothing and Gentlemen's 'Furnishing Goods.
nov2l-Iyd
DENTISTRY.
„A- B. IL GILDEA, D. D. 8.,
' If 0 . 119 MARL ET STREET
ICIINSZTA urnpxNa, VP SEMIS
janB-tf
R ELIGIOUS BOOK STORE,
TICACT AND SUNDAY SCHOOL DEPOSITORY,
E. S. GERMAN.
117 5013111 11100 ND STREET, ABOVI ORMINUT,
IiAIIIBEI7II.II, PA.-
Depin fortlesale of SteroosoopnAltsmigastphiritTffil
Made and Ilitalaal Isstraments. Also, suburiptiong
taken for religione publications. n0304y
JOHN G. W. MARTIN I
FASHIONABLE
CARD WRITER,
BMWS HOTAL, HARIIIBBITEG, PA.
Allmanner of VISITING, WEDDING AND BUSI
NESS CARDS executed in thentost artistic styles and
moat reasonable terms. deel4-44
UNION HOTEL,
Ridge Avenue, corner of Broad street
umutissiffie, kA.
The undersigned informs the public that he has re
cently renovated and refitted his well-known " Union
Hotel" on Ridge avenue, near the Round House, and is
prepared to accommodate citizens, strangers and travel
ere in the best style, at moderate rates.
His table will be a - applied - with the beet the awoke%
afford, and at his bar will be found superior brands of
liquors and matt beverages. The very best accommo
dations for railroaders employed at the shops in this
vicinity. 10.4 dtf] HENRY BOSTGEN.
F RANKLIN HOUSE,
BALTIMORN,
This pleasant and commodious Hotel ham been tiro
ronghiy re-fitted and re-furnished. It is pleasantly
alloatot on North-West somas of Howard and Franklin
streets, a few doom; west of the Northern Central Rail
way Depot. Iyery attention paid to the comfort of his
guests. U. LZIODNRING, Proprietor,
jel2-tf (Late of Selina Grove. Pa.)
THEO. F_ SCHEFFER,
BOOK, CARD AND JOB PRINTER,
No 18 MARKET STREET, HARRISBURG.
13j . ' Particular attention paid to printing ruling and
of Bantus' Blanks, Manifests. Insurance Poll.
vies, Checks Bill-HesAs,
Wedding, - Visiting and Business Cards printed at very
low prices and in the best style. janll
•
TAILORING.
The subscriber is ready at NO. 94, MARKET ST.,
four doors below Fourth street, to make
MEN'S AND BOY'S CLOTHING
Ia any desired style, and with skin and promptness.
Fn'enna whiling nutting done on have it dwiii it Use
shortest notice. ap2T.d
CHARLES F. VOLLMER,
UPHOLSTERER,
Chestnut street, four doors above Second,
(OTPOSITH WASHINGTON HOSE House,)
Is prepared to furnish to order in the very beet style of
workmanship. Spring and Hair Mattresses, Window oar.
tam' Locirges, and all other articles of Furniture in his
line, on short notice end moderate terms. Having ex
perience in the business, he feels warranted in asking a
share of public patronage, confident of hisabilityto give
satisfaction.
qICY—LTGHT GALLRRy,—The rooms
on the corner of Market square and Market erreet„
opposite the Jones House, occupied as a Gallery for
Daguerreotype, Photograph and Ambrotype purposes,
are FOR EMT from the 9th of September next.
APPIY to JOHN WTETH
jrig-4114*3*
WEBSTER'S
,AJMY AND NAVY
POCKET DICTIONARY.
Jtuitiointriii and for sale at
BOBIFINR 2 B BOOKWORM
NB‘VORLEANB SUGAR !---FINEIT IN
m MARIN! !—Por sale by
WIL DOOR & 00.
~. .
~...-•--_---
_.-'-‘,-, V' - --- , : l .-- - 7, -; ---- ..i•i; •IF.-'- '-] 7 2 •
-- , ,....t•i1i5k......** -.----'-- ,
.. -' 2
• _ i,.;,....L.' , .." :.II _. •?„ , • ''',...,- '
• -t.
- "A• '''''' ille' ' l l- I ''''''' .'-'''' - --''
• , ~ ,. .E . A. Z .;- ' 11 : , ,, , ' .' I. . -- - - 4't... -!'-' - . 1 7- . '
• ,:.-- .* , •i 1 :_,., - --./.,4- 7 . 1 1-„.-.^:• - ..., - - -- - ..----1.-- --- .
f•A ,
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..17j , - -- 1- - ..;__-_
.--
VOL. C.-NO. 10.
‘,ll atrint tt
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPT. 12, 1863.
FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.
The Abolition Leaders Convicted out of
their own Mouths of Disunion-Aboll.
tionism-0 I' Insurrectionary Doctrines—
A Design to Change the Government,
Override the Constitution and Form a
Central Despotism—Of Falsehood, Cor
ruption and Treason
[Prepared for the Patriot and Unionj
"SIR, THE ABOLITION PARTY IS A
DISLOYAL ORGANIZATION. ITS PRETEN
DED LOVE FOR FREEDOM MEANS NOTH
ING MORE OR LESS THAN CIVIL WAR
AND A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
HONEST MEN OF ALL PARTIES SHOULD
UNITE TO EXPOSE THEIR INTENTIONS
AND ARREST THEIR PROGRESS."-AN
DREW JACKSON.
PROPHECY.
"If these infernal fanatics and abolitionists ever
get the power in their hands, they will override the
Constitution, set the Supreme Court at defiance,
change and make laws to suit themselves, LAY VIO—
L - Nry HANDS ON THOSE WHO DIFFER WITH THEM
IN toPINION, or dart question their fidelity, and
finally bankrnpt the country and deluge it with
bIood."—DANIEL WBBSTER.
In the Senate Mr. Clay said in relation to
Abolitionism
"To the agency of their power of persua
sion, they now propose to substitute the power
of the ballot box ; and he must be blind to
what is passing before us, who does not per
ceive that the inevitable tendency of their pro
ceedings is, if these should be found- insuffi
cient, to invoke finally, the more potent powers
of" the bayonet."
FUNDAMENTAL DOCTRINES OF ABOLI-
TIONISM-HIGHER LAW.
"I have always hated slavery, I think, as
much
_as any Abolitionist. I have always been
an old line Whig. I have always hated it but
I have always been quiet about it until this
new era of the introduction of the Nebraska
bill again. I always believed that everybody
was against it, and that it was in course of ul
timate extinction.
"We are now far into tht fifth,/ ear since a
policy was initiated with the avowed object and
confident promise of putting an end to slavery
agitation. Under the operation of that policy,
that agitation has not only not ceased, but has
constantly augmented. In my opinion it will
not cease until a crisis shall have been reached
and passed ; a house divided against itself can
not stand. I believe this government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half free.
Ido not expect the Union to be dissolved ; I do
not expect the house to fall ; but I do expect
it will cease to be divided ; it will become all
one thing or the other. Either the opponents
of slavery will arrest the further spread of it,
and place it where the publio mind shall rest
in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
atinction, or its adir . O4i4S6 will push it forward
till it shall become alike lawful.in all the States,
old as well as new, North as well as South."—
Abraham Lincoln—campaign edition of hie
speeches_
Afterwards, commenting on this, he says:
"I only said what I expected would take
place. I made a prediction only; it may have
been a foolish one, perhaps. I did not even
say that I desired that slavery should be put
in course of ultimate extinction. Ido say se
now, however ; so there need be no longer any
difficulty about that."
"Correct your own error, that slavery has
any constitutional guarantee which may not be
released, and ought not to be relinquished.—
Say to slavery, when it shows its hand, (that
is the Constitution,) and demands its pound of
flesh, that if it draws one drop of blood, its
life shall pay the forfeit. * * Do all this,
and inculcate all this in a spirit of moderation
and benevolence, and not of retaliation and
fanaticism, and you will soon bring the parties
of the country into an effective aggression
upon slavery."— W. H. Seward, Cleaeland,
1848.
"Send it abroad upon the wings of the wind,
that I am committed, fully committed to the
fullest extent, in favor of the immediate and
unconditional Abolition of slavery, where
ever it exists under the authority of the Con
stitution of the United States."—Senator Wil
son of Massotolausell.i.
In the year 1857, an individual named Hin
ton Rowan Helper, who had been forced to
leave his native State, North Carolina, in dis
grace, published a book, of which he was tho
reputed author, entitled " The Impending Cri
sis." The book recommended direct warfare
on Southern society, ft be the consequences
what they might." It was so extravagant in
tone, and so diabolical in its designs, that it
was at first generally supposed to be the work
of a fool or a madman. What, however, was the
surprise of the public when the book was actu
ally adopted by the Republican party as a cam
paign document, and its atrocious principles
endorsed by anal"-EIGIIT Republican Mem
bers of Congress and all the influential mem
bers of the party ! Below will be found an
abstract of the principles it advocated, taken
from the large edition of the work. published
by A. B. Burdick, No. 145 Nassau street, N.
Y., 1860:
1. We unhesitatingly declare ourselves in
favor of the immediate and unconditional abo
lition of slavery.—Page 26.
2. We cannot be too hasty in carrying out
our designs."—Page 83.
3, D{Q man can be a true patriot without first
becoming an Abolitionist.—Page 116.
6. Slaveholdere are more criminal than com
mon mnrderere.—Page 140.
7. All slaveholdera are under the shield o
a perpetual license to murder. —Pace 141.
8. It is our honest conviction that all the
pro-slavery slaveholders, who are alone re
sponsible for the continuance of the baneful
tomitution,among ne, deserve to be at once re
duced to a'parallel with the basest criminals
that lie fettered within the cells of our public
prisons.—PagelsB.
9 . Were it possible that the whole number
(of alaveholdere), could be gathered together
and transferred into four equal gangs of li
censed robbers, ruffians, thieves and murder
ers, society, 'we feel assured, would suffer less
from their atrocities than it does now. —Page
108,
10. Once and forever, at least BO far as this
country is concerned, the infernal question of
slavery must be disposed of. A speedy and
(MOW@ abolishment of the whole system is
the true policy of the South, sbd this is the
polioy which we propose to pursue.—Page 121.
WE UNFURL OUR BANNER TO TSB WORLD.
Inscribed on the banner which we (W. U.
HARRISBURG, PA:, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1863.
. .
•
Seward, Horace Greeley, and the other en
dorsers,) herewith unfurl to the world, with
the full and fixed' determination to stand by it
or die by it, unless one of more virtuous effi
cacy shall be presented, are the mottoes which,
in substance, embody the principles as we On
sieve should govern us.
THE MOTTOES ON OUR BANNER.
1. Thorough organization and independent
political action on the part of non-slaveholding
whites of the south.
2. Ineligibility of slaveholders ; never ano
therAvote to the trafficker in human flesh.
3. No co-operation with slaveholders in poli
tics no fellowship with them in religion, no
affiliation with them in society.
4. No patronage to slaveholding merchants ;
no bequest to slave waiting hotels; no fees to
slaveholding lawyers ; no employment to slave
holding physicians . no audience to slavehold
ing parsons
5. No recognition of pro-slavery men, except,
as ruffians, outlaws and criminals.
6. Immediate death to slavery, or if not im
mediate, unqualified proscription of its adV9-
sate during the period of its existence. — P ages
—_ ages.
155 and 156.
7. Thus, terror engenderers of the South
have we fully and frankly defined our position -
we have no modifications to propose, no coin,
promises to offer, nothing to retract. Frown,
sirs, fret, foam, prepare your weapons, threat,
strike, shoot, stab, bring on civil war, dissolve
the Union, nay annihilate the solar system if.
you. will-4 '
10 all this, more, less, better, worse,
anything— to what you will, sire, you can
neither foil nor intimidate us • our purpose is
as firmly fixed as the eternal pi llars of Heaven ;
we have determined to abolish slavery, and so
help us God, abolish it we will—Page 187.
Wendell Phillips, shortly after the organiza
tion of the Republican party, speaking of that
party said :
"No man has a right to be surprised at this
state of things. It is just what we (Abolition
ists and Disunionists) have attempted to bring
about. It is the first sectional party ever or
ganized in this country, It dces not know its
own face, and calls itself national ; but it is
not national—it is sectional. The Republican
party is a party of the North pledged against
the South.
"No net of ours do we regard with more eon=
scientious approval or higher satisfaction,
none do we submit more confidently to the tri
bunal of Heaven and the moral verdict of man
kind, than when, several years ago, on the 4th
of July, in the presence of - a great assembly,
we committed to the flames the Constitution of
the United States."
" I believe this government cannot endure
permanently half slave and half free."—Abra
ham Lincoln.
The master not only governs the slave with
out his consent, but he governs him by a set
of rules altogether different from those which
be prescribes for himself. Allow all the gov
erned an equal voice in the government. —How
ell's Life of Lincoln, page 279.
"Qyr Legislatures, State and Federal, should
raise the platform upon which our free colored
people stand ; they ,should give to them full
political rights to hen office, to vote, to sit me
juries, to give their testimony, and to make no
distinction between them and ourselves: The
instrument called the, Constitution, after pro
nouncing - alt men equal, and having equal
rights, suffers slavery to exist, a free colored
person to be denied all political rights, and
after declaring that all persons shall enjoy a
free intercourse with the States, suffers the
free negro to be driven out of all, and excluded
from such rights. Deliver me from such an
instrument thus partial, thus unjust, that can
be thus perverted, and made to sanction preju
dices and party feelings, and note the acci
dental distinction of color."—Cassius Dl. Clay.
When questioned in the House of Repre
sentatives, the Hon. N. P. Banks, afterwards
elected Speaker of the House, and Governor of
Massachusetts, by the Black Republicans, de
clared his inability to decide whether the white
or black was the superior race, but would
leave the qtiostion to be decided by absorption
or amalgamation ! He said :
"So far as he had studied the subject of races,
he had adopted the idea that when there is a
weaker race in bzistence, it will succumb to ?
and be absorbed in, the stronger race. This
was the_univereal law as regarded the races of
men in the world. In regard to the question
whether the white or the black was superior,
he proposed to wait until time should develop
whether the white race should absorb the black;
or the black absorb the white."
And Horace Greeley, while admitting that
the abolition of slavery in the States is the real
object of the Rapalaßeau party, explains the
reason why they did not then openly advocate
the doctrine. We quote from his paper (the
Tribune) of July 25, 1854 :
"We contend that the abolition of slavery in
the States is the real object of the Republican
party.
"Admit that Abolition in the States is what
all men ought to strive for, and it is clear to
our mind that a large majority are not pre
pared for this, and the practical question is
this—Shall we politically attempt what will
certainly involve ua in defeat and failure ? or
shall we not rather attempt that which a ma
jority are ripe for, and thus, by our consequent
triumph, invite that majority to go further ?
Shall we insist on having all the possible eggs
now, or be content to await their appearance
day by day ? The latter seems to us the only
rational, sensible course. We care not how fast
Messrs. Birney & Co., may ripen public senti
ment in the North for emancipation ; we will
aid them to the best of our ability ; but we will
not refuse the good now withjn our reach out
of deference to that which is yet unattainable.
Mr. Birney'e 'ultimatum' may be just what he
sees fit; we have not proposed to modify or
meddle with it. We only ask that he shall not
interdict or prevent the doing of some good at
once, merely because he would like to do more
good, as we shall, also,
whenever it shall have
become practicable."
W. P. Cutler, another Republican member
of Congress from Ohio, in a speech in the
House, said:
"Slavery has caused the present rebellion,
and there can be no permanent peace and Union
in this Republic, as long as that institution
exists."
At the same session, Owen Lovejoy, a Re
publican Congressman from Illinois, said :
"There can be no Union till slavery IP de
stroyed."
DISUNION SENTIMENTS OF ABOLITION
LEADERS—"LET THE UNION SLIDE"—
"THE LEAGUE WITH HEW , AND COVE
NANT WITH DEATH." ,
" The Union is not worth supporting with
the South."—Horace Greeley.
"I am willing, under a certain state of cir
cumstances, to let the Union slide."..-Gencral
Nathaniel P. Banks.
"In case of the alternative being presented
Of the continuation of slavery or a dissolution
of the Union, I am for a dissolution ' and I care
not how soon it comes."—Rufus B. Spalding.
"I detest slavery, and say, unhesitatingly,
that I am for its abolition by some means, if it
should send all party organizations in the
Union, or the Union itself, to the devil."—H.
hf Addison, of the American Advertiser.
"By all her reggrd for the generations of
the future, by her reverence for God and man,
the North is bound to dissolve her present
Union with kidnappers and murderers, and
form a Northern Republic on the basis of 'No
Union with slaveholders."—Hon. Henry C.
Wright, of la, June 9, 1856.
This treason was preceded by Senator
Hale, who presented a petition in the Sen
ate for a dissolution of the Union, and
boasted that he had alrei'dy "presented Eight
Petitions for a Dissolution of the Union." See
Congressional Globe, February Bth, 1850, the
same year in which Senator Henry Clay de
clared that, "the great question before the
country was whether abolitionism should put
down the Union, or the Union should put down
abolitionism."
To those New England disunionists, Senator
Dayton of New Jersey said, "Sir, I have yet
to know that the right of petition has ever
been extended to the destruction of the Gov.
ernment to which it is addressed. It is not
the right of any party to petition the sovereign
power to destroy itself. This petition (presen
ted by Haleq comes here and asks us to dis
solve the Union. It asks us to put an end to
the Federal Government ; it asks us to destroy
the Constitution. Why, the first thing I did
when I came here, was to take an oath .to sup
port the Constitution which those men ask me
to destroy. Sir who wants argument, rho
wants debate in answer to such memorials ?"
Massachusetts' most noble Senator, who for
his reverence for the Constitution, and his deep
love for the Union—Daniel Webster, for his
integrity, honor, truth and justice, was stricken
down by Massachusetts. Senator Webster
said "I am much obliged to the member from
Michigan, (Mr. Cam) for the clearness with
which he has expressed his opinion against
this petition. I am quite sorry that such a
petition has been presented, and shall be quite
surprised if there shall be any vote in the
Senate for receiving it. I think the substance
•of this petition is this : You and each of you
took your solemn oaths in the presence of Al
mighty God, and on the Holy Evangelists,that
you would support the Constitution of the
United States, now therefore we pray you take
immediate steps to break up the Union, and
overthrow the Constitution as soon as you can,
and as in duty bound we will ever pray." Said
Senator Cass, "That's Aral rate." This peti
tion for the dissolution of the Union was in
stantly and indignantly rejected, every Senator
voting against it, except three.
Massachusetts, because of the admission of
Louisiana, sent her representative to Congress
to declare the Union of the States dissolved.
Massachusetts, on the admission of Texas,
voted herself out of the Union, and has never
voted herself in again.
To follow up the course of history, look at
the facts :
Massachusetts was foremost in the party,
which, in 1866, raised the notional flag of dis
union, blotting out one half of the stars from
our glorious flag, and striking boldly for dis
union, as that State has always done and is
now - doing.
Massachusetts, in 1860, bent on carrying
out her deep laid conspiracy against the Union,
reorganized the party which was announced
as the party of the free States against the
Slave States ; the North against the South.
James S. Pike, long editorially connected
with the N. 7. Tribune and now Minister to
the Netherlands, said:
"I have no doubt that the free and slave
States ought to separate. The Union is not
worth supporting in connection with the
South.
“The Republican party is moulding public
sentiment in the right direction for the speci
fic work the Abolitionists are striving to ac.
complish, viz ; The diSolution of tho Union,
and the abolition of slavery throughout the
land.”
The present Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury—Francis E. Spinner—during the
Fremont campaign said :
4 , Should this (the election of Fremont) fail,
no true man would be any longer safe here
from the assaults of the arrogant slave obli.
garchy, who then would rule with an iron
hand. For the free North would be left the
choice of a peaceful dissolution of the Union,
a civil war which would end in the same.
"I will not stultify myself by supposing that
we have any warrant in the Constitution for
this proceeding.
••This talk of restoring the Union as it was,
under the Constitution as it is, is one of the
absurdities which I have heard repeated until
I have become about sick of it. The Union can
never be restored as it was. There are many
things which render such an event impossible.
This Union never ehall, with my consent, be
restored under the Constitution as it is, with
slavery to be protected by it.—Hon. Thaddeus
Stevens, the administration leader in Congress.
" Whenever any portion of this Union, large
enough to form an independent, self• subsisting
nation, shall see fit to say authentically, to the
residue, 'we want to get away from you,' we
ebnil say—and we trust self-respeet, if not re•
gard for the principle of self government will
constrain the residue of the American people to
say—Go !"—N. Y. Tribune, Dec., 1860.
From the Chicago Tribune Dec„ 1860;
Not a few of the RepubliCan journals of the
interior are working themselves up to the be
lief that they are endeavoring to impress upon
their readers that the seceded States, be they
few or many, will be whipped bad: into the
Union. We caution all such that in language
of that sort they are adding new fuel to the
flame which is already blazing so fiercely; and
that the probabilities now are that the result
will prove them to be false prophets. No mete
knows what public policy may demand of the
incoming administration ; but the drift of opin
ion seems to be that, it peaceable ,secession is
possible, the retiring States will be assisted to
go, that this needless and bidet' COT troversy
may be brought to an end."
As proof of what we assert, we quote from
the speech of Stephen A. Douglas, delivered
in the United States sedate, January 3d, 1861,
on the compromise measures then pending be
fore that body :
" I believe this to be a fair basis of amicable
adjustment. If you, of the Republican side
are not willing to accept this, nor the propo.
sition of the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr.
Crittenden,) pray tell us what you are willing
to do ?
4‘ I address the inquiry to Republicans only,
for the reason that in the Committee of Thir
teen, a few days ago, every member from the
South, including those from the cotton States,
(Messrs. Toombs and Davis,) expressed their
readiness to accept the prepobition of my ven
erable friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden),
as a final settlement of the ootroverey, if in
tended and sustained by the Republican mem
bere.
"Hence the sole responsibility of our disa.
greement, and the only difficulty in the way of
an amicable adjustment, is with the Republi
can party."
PRICE TWO CENTS.
Republicans will surely not discredit one
whom they so frequently eulogize and from
whom they occasionally quote. Mr. Douglas
boldly charged the responsibility on them, and
they had not the hardihood to deny it.
In February, 1863, Horace Greeley wrote a
leader for the Tribune, in which appears the
following:
"Speaking for ourselves, we can honestly
say that for the old Union, which was kept in
existence by Scuthetu Inenttoes and Northern
concessions, we have no regrets and no wish
for its reconstruction.
"Who wants a Union which is nothing but a
sentiment to lacquer Fourth of July orations
withal
" If by chance, in ancient times, the crimi
nal felt the loathsome corpse, which justice
had tied upon his shoulders, lipping off—he
did not, we fancy, ory out : 'Oh wretched man
that I am l who will fasten me again to the
body of this death V If we are, in the provi
dence of God, to be delivered from unnatural
alliances—if the January of slavery is no lon
ger to chill, by natural embraces, the May of
human hope, who is there weak and wicked
enough to forbid the righteous divorce ?"
Dr. 0. A. Brownson, whom the Abolitionists
last year ran for Congress in the district of
New Jersey, opposite New York City, said in
his well-known Review for July :
" It is no secret now that the leaders of the
Republican party were prepared, if they could
not retain the border slave States, to let South
Carolina and the Gulf go, and form, if they
chose, an independent confederacy."
"I will continue to experiment no longer, it
is all madness, Let the Slaveholding Union
go, and slavery will go with the Union down
into the dust. If the Church is against dis
union, and not on the side of the slave, then
I pronounce it as of the devil. I say, let us
cease striking hands with thieves and adultery
and give to the winds the rallying cry, 'no
union with slaveholders, socially or religiously,
and up with the flag of disunion.' " Wm. L.
Garrison.
Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, the Chairman, of
the Judiciary Committee of the House, in a
remarkable speech made by him at the same
session, says:
""Who in the name of God, wants the Cotton
States this side perdition, to remain in the
Union, if slavery is to continue ?
"The Union as it was will never bless the
vision of any pro-slavery fanatic or amnion
sympathizer, and it never ought to. It is a
thing of the past, bated by every patriot and
destined never to curse an honest people, or
blot the page of history again."
" The fact can no longer be disguised that
many of the Republican Senators desire war
and disunion, under pretext of saving the
Union. They wish to get rid of the Southern
States, in order to have a majority in the Sen
ate to confirm the appointments, and many of
them think- they can hold a Republican ma
jority in the Northern States, but not in the
whole Union ; for partisan reasons they are
anxious to dissolve the Union, if it can be done
without holding them responsible before the
people."—Stephen A. Douglas, in the U. S. Sen
ate, Dec. 25, 1860.
From a speech of Cassius M. Clay while the
President was persuing a conservative policy.
" Better recognize the Southern Confederacy
at once, and stop this effusion of blood, than to
continue in this ruinous policy or have even a
restoration of the Union."
" If the cotton States become satisfied that
they can do better out of the Union than in it,
we insist on letting them go in peace. The
right to secede may be a revolutionary one,
but it exists nevertheless. * * *
4 , We must ever resist the right of any State
to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the
laws thereof. To withdraw from the Union is
quite another matter; and whenever a considers•
ble section of our Union shall deliberately re
solve to go out, we shall resist all coersive
measures to keep it in. We hope never to live
in a government where one section is pinned to
another with bayonets."—New York Tribune,
Nov. 9, 1860.
Also the following from the N. Y. Tribune,
of December 17, 1860
"If it (the Declaration of Independence) jus
tified the secession from the British Empire, of
three millions of colonists in 1776, we do net
see why it would not justify the secession of
five millions of Southrons from the Union in
1861. If we are mistaken on this point, why
does, not some one attempt to show wherein
and why ? For our own part, while we deny
the right of slaveholders to hold slaves against
the will of the latter, we cannot see how twenty
millions of people can rightfully hold ten or
even five millions in a detested Union with them
by military force.
fiff seven er eight contiguous States Stall
present themselves authentically at Washing
ton, saying, "We hate the Federal Union; we
have withdrawn from it; we give you the
choice betwon acquiescing in our secession
and arranging amicably all incidental ques
tions on one side, and attempting to subdue
us on the other—we could not stand up for co
ercion and subjugation, for we do not think it
-would be right. We hold the right of self,
government sacred, even when invoked in be
half of those who deny it to others.
"If ever seven or eight States send agents to
Washington to say, "We want to get out of the
Union," we shall feel constrained by our de
votion to human liberty to say, let them go !
And we do not see how we could take the other
side wiihout coming in direct conflict with
those rights of Men which we hold paramount
to all political arrangements, however conveni
ent and advantageous."
The same paper in February last declared,
that if, in the next ensuing ninety days, the
rebels should not be whipped the Federal gov
ernment should make with them "the best at
tainable peace."
"When the same paper urged a barbarous
warfare that would be a reproach to the nation
and the age, and stir the niOet bitter hatred in
the Southern people against the loyal States
and the government, it meant disunion.
When it demanded, with unparalleled inso
lence, an emancipation proclamation from the
President in the name of twenty millions, it
meant disunion.
When it pressed the extreme measures of
Abolitionism upon Congress, it meant dis
union.
When it says to Jeff. Davis and the Confede
rate leaders, continue the struggle until the
first of May and we will then separate, it means
disunion.
What has the administration and Congress
meant in the adoption of its policy ? Were
they blind ? Will history be so charitable as
to excuse their fatal errors on the ground that
their want of comprehension absolved them
from criminality ? Now when the mask has
been thrown aside by the Garrison Abolition
ists, and they have proclaimed their ultimatum
of war till May and then disunion, can the ad
ministration continue the policy of these Abo.
lition disunionists and hope to escape the
criminality which that policy involves ?—Thur
/ow Weed—ln the Albany Evenav Journal.
PUBLISHED EVERY MOUNIN.
IItriDAYS BEOZPVID
BY 0. BARRETT it 30
TiE DAILY PATRIOT AND MHOS will be eer►et to orb.
Northers residing in the Borough for TIN osmrs rma wasz,
PaYeble to the Carrier. Mail subscribers, rive noLLMIS
Pie ANXIng.
THE WHItLY Pieatee AIM UNION is palstielked alive
not.tcaa ran ANNIIIII, invariably in advance.. Ten eople
to one address, Moen dollars
Connected with this establishment , n extensive
TON OFFICIO, containing avariety of plain and fancy
type, uneouilled by any establiehment in the interior of
the State, for which the patronage of the public' is BO
INSURRECTIONARY DOCTRINES OF THE
ABOLITION LEADERS-MASSACRE AND
BLOODSHED ENDORSED AND ADVOCA
TED.
I tell you, fellow-citizens, the Harper's
Ferry outbreak was the legitimate consequence
of the teachings of the Republican party.—
Senator Wilson, of Hassachusetts—Speech at Sy
racuse, October 28, 1859.
The Hon. Robt, C. Winthrop, late Speaker
Jr! the National House of RepreeentatiVee, On
his return from Europe, uttered the following
proof of the true character of John A. An
drews, who was elected Governor of Massa
chusetts because of his complicity with the
attempted massacre of Virginia women and
children ; Mr. Winthrop says : "I shall not
soon forget the emotions with which I received,
at Vienna, last November, the first tidings of
that atrocious affair at Harper's Ferry. I
think there could have been no true American
heart in Europe at that moment, that did not
throb and thrill with horror at that announce
ment. But I confess to have experienced
emetione hardly MP (loop or diotrooolog When
I read; not long afterwards, an account of a
meeting in this very hall, I believe, at which
the gallows at Charlestown, in Virginia, was
likened to the Cross en Calvary, and at which
it was openly declared that the ringleader of
that desperate and wicked conepiraoywas right.
Sir, if it had been suggested to me then, that,
before another year had passed away, the pre
siding officer at that meeting would have been
deliberately nominated by the Republican
party of Massachusetts for the Chief Magis
tracy of the Commonwealth, I should have re
pelled the idea as not within the prospect of
belief—as utterly transcending any pitch of
extravagance which even the wildest and Meet
ultra members of that party had ever pre
pared us to anticipate.
" But the nomination is before us, (and An
drews was elected). I should be false to every
impulse of my heart, if being here at all this
evening—if opening my lips at all during this
campaign—l did not utter my humble protest
—as one to whom the cause of Christianity
and social order is dear, as one who would see
the word of God and the laws of the land_ re
spected and obeyed—if I did not enter my
humble and earnest protest against such an
attempt to give the seeming sanction of the
people of Massachusetts to sentiments so impi
ous and abominable."
John A. Andrews, Governor of Massachu
setts, presided at a John• Brown sympathy
meeting on the 19th November, 1859, at which
Wendell Phillips and H. W. Emerson made
speeches. He, too, made the speech above re
ferred to, and from it we make the following
extract
John Brown and his companions in the
conflict at Harper's Ferry, those who fell there
and those who are to suffer upon the scaffold,
are victims and martyrs to an idea. There is
an irrepressible conflict [great applause] be
tween freedom and slavery as old and as im
mortal as the irrepressible conflict between
right and wrong. They are among the mar
tyrs of that conflict. John Brown was right.
I sympathize with the idea, because I wipe.
thize with and believe in the eternal right.
They who are dependant upon him and his sons
and his associates, in the battle of Harper's
Ferry, have a right to call upon us who have
professed to believe, or who may have, in any
manner or measure, taught the doctrine of the
rights of man as applied to the colored slaves
of the South, to stand by their bereavement.
We are to-night in the presence of a great and
awful sorrow, which has fallen like a pall upon
many families whose hearts fail, whose affec
tions are lacerated, and whose hopes are
crushed—all of hope left on earth destroyed by
an event which, under the providence of God,
I pray will be overruled for that good which
was contemplated and intended by John
Brown."
Yet "impious and abominable" as it was,
Andrews WAO elected Governor of Massachu
mite because he said "John Brown was right,"
and one of his Abolition papers, the Pine and
Palm, published in Boston, says : "We would
beeitate at no conceivable atrocity, we would
spare neither parlor nor cradle, neither age
nor sex, did we believe that they must perish
in order that negro slavery might perish with
them."
We next quote from the Winstead (Connecti
cut) Herald, a strong Republican paper:
"For one, we confess we love him, we honor
him, we applaud him. He is honest in his
principles, courageous in their defence, and we
have yet to be taught, reading from the Book
of Inspiration we acknowledge, how and
wherein old John Brown is a transgressor.
" Be dared to undertake what you (the Re
publican leaders) in the security of your sane •
turns, only are bold to preach."
"If I am elected Governor of Ohio, and I
expect to be, I wiU not let any fugitive be re
turned to Kentucky or any other slave State;
and if I cannot prevent it any other way, as
Commander-in-Chief of the military of the
State, I will employ the bayonet, so help me
God."—Gov. Dennison, of Ohio.
"On the action of this convention" (the con,.
vention which nominated Fremont,) "depends
the fate of the country. If the Republicans
fail st the balicit- We Will be forced to drive
back the slaveocracy with fire and the sword."
—Gen. James Watson Webb, the present Minister
to Brazil.
"I sincerely hope a civil war may burst upon
this country. I want to see American slavery
abolished in my day. It is a legacy I have no
wish to leave my children. Then my most fer
vent prayer is that England, France and Spain
may speedily take this slavery-accursed nation
into their especial consideration, tind when the
time arrives for the streets of the cities of this
land of the free and the home of the brave to
run with blood to the horse', bridle, if the
writer tie living, there will be one heart to re
joice at the retributive justice of Heaven.--
W. 0. Duvall, of .New York, a leading Republi
can politician.
"We urge, therefore, unbending determina
tion on the port of Northern members twine
to this intolerable outrage," [Kansas bill]
"and demand of them, in behalf of peace, in
behalf of freedom, in behalf of justice, and
and humanity, resistance to the last. Better
that confusion should ensue ; better that dis
cord should reign in national councils; better
that Congress should break up in wild disor
der ; nay, better that the Capital itself should
blaze by the torch of the incendiary, or fall
and bury all its inmates beneath its crumbling
ruins, than that this wrong and perfidy should
be finally accomplished."--Horace Greeley.
Prom tho;Helpor Book
11. Slaveholders I It is for you to decide
whether we are to have justice peaceably or
by violence, for whatever consequences may
follow, we are determined to have it, one way
or the other. --Page 128.
4.. Against slaveholders, as a body, we (that
is, the Republican signers and endorsers) wage
an exterminating war.—. Page 120,
6. Slaveholdere are nuisances, and it is one
imperative duty to abate the nuisances; we
propose, therefore, to exterminate slavery,