. OF • e
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a tee as regular advertisements.
•
ti
SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1863
SPEECH
0 Y
HON. DANIEL W. VOORHEES,
. OF INDIANA,
Delivered at Die Great Democratic Mesa Meeting, at
Otiseord, New Harapeture, Jab' 4,1863.
[CONCLIIB/ON.I
The class here portrayed is unfortunately
formidable at this time in the control of public
sentiment. By it, every warning voice in be
half of the supremacy of the Constitution and
the rights of the citizen 'under it, is at once
clamorously denounced as evidence of hostility
to the government. Its peculiar province is to
paint to the publio eye the dispensers of pat
ronage as incapable of error, infallible, without
spot or blemish, and subject to none of the in
firmities of sinful flesh. The disciples of this
school of political Magdalene have the extra
ordinary faculty of transforming the most
atrocious crimes, on the part of those who hold
the keys of wealth and position, into the most
resplendent virtues. To them the murder of
innocent men and women by slow torture in
loathsome prison houses is simply evidence of
devotion to the cause of the Union if committed
by those who load their abject partisans with
the infamous wages of their adulation. The
plunder of the public treasury, the wholesale
robbery of the fruits of the labor of honest peg)•
ple:finds with them 01.' ready and ample j ustifi
cation if their own palms are enriched with a
portion of the spoils. Imbecility is converted
into statesmanship, brutality into zealous pa -
triotisra, and the defeats of inferior partisan
generals into grand and conclusive victories.
In the press, in the pulpit, in the.forum, and
at the hustings, they now invite the open and
..audae_oris approaches of a complete'despotism,
and proclaim in advance the submission of the
countrymen of Warren and Hancock in the
East., and of Jackson and Clay in the Weet.--1-
That such betrayers of public liberty and con
stitutional government shall aim their poisoned
shafts of detraction and calumny at the faithful
sentinel who announces the near approach of
fatal danger is to be expected, but should not
=silence the voice of .patriotic duty. They are
in the service of their master.. A passionate
exclamation of Henry 11. in the hearing of his
cbsequious minions turned them into assassins
and stained the altar of God with the blood of
Thomas a Becket. In like manner this coun
try now swarms with those whose feet are swift
to carry out, in defiance of all law, human and
divine, the obscurely hinted wishes, the half
disclosed views of an administration which
avows no restraints except its own will.
Look with me for a few moments over the
intolerable events which have marked the con
duct of those now in chief authority since
their accession to power, and which call in im
perative tones—in tones not to be denied, for
reform or for revolution. I come from the
broad, free plains of the West. I come from a
land of unmeasured attachment to the Union
and to those principles which made the Union.
Its patriotism has been as spontaneous as the
productions of its fertile soil. Its valor in the
face of battle has been as fierce as the flames
that rage over its prairies. It has not paused
to measure its resources before pouring them
out in this contest. It has made no conditieoc,
exacted no partisan pledges, required no pro
clamations before rendering obedience to-the
laws. The Northwest is no delinquent. She
is no crimina,. Yet the sentence of outlawry
has been pronounced against her. Her prOud
and stately neck has been selected for the yoke
—the yoke more galling than the Roman em
blem of bondage which doomed whole prov
inces. She has been robbed of the protection
of written laws, and placed in the custody of
military Governors. . The great State of Indi
ana has had a succession of these officers.—
Her Constitution provides for a civil Governor
who shall see that the laws are faithfully ex
ecuted, and who is the chief of her military
organization. That official, however, can no
longer be regarded as the Executive of the
-State, inasmuch as the duties of that position
in all important particulars have been surren
dered to the bands of another. Thus federal
usurpation strikes down the contain/Lion and
government of the State, and the advocates of
a consolidated despotism abandon oath, digni
ty, and duty in order to forward the "ravish
ing strides" which it is making in our midst.
By some silent process of the Presidential
mind the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus
have become suspended in the West.
We had not thought that the subiect had
-even engaged the attention of the Executive
until after our citizens had clamored in vain
from their prisons for trial and justice. We
were not even informed of the great revolution
in our rights and penalties until we were de
prived of the former and suffering the latter.
To suspend the privileges of this great popu
lar writ is given by the Constitution as one of
the enumerated powers of Congresa; but the
President of the Unitdd States exercises that
power, as we at last discover, without conde
scending to inform the people that he has done
so. But I need not confine my remarks on
this point tsi any one section of the loyal States.
They apply equally to all. If not in extent at
least in principle. Arrest, trial, condemna
tion and punishment of citizens free from every
taint of crime, all take place in the silent cham
bers of one mind. Law, fact and sentence all
exist alone in the will of the Executive. The
person of every citizen of America, his wife
and his child is more at the iperorto-day. of
Executive caprice and tyranny than the slave
of Virginia is at the mercy of his master.—
Written laws regulate the condition of the
black man's servitude. None "mist for the
protection of the white man. In this letter to
the Albany committee on the subject of the
arrest and exile of Mr. Vallandigham, the
President plainly avows his independence of,
and supremacy over all law in his dealings
with the liberty of the citizen. He announces
that the only law which he recognizes. In
what the public safety consiott he alone will
judge. Whatever oonduees to the public safety
that he will do, and again he alone is to deter
mine-what may bo necessary to this end. This
is his argument, and it absorbs within himself
every possible. power that the maddest tyrant
ever coveted over life, liberty and properly. If
in the estimation of Mr. Lincoln the life of
Mr. Vallandigham or any other citizen was
inconsistent with the public safety, this rea
soning would produce his death in any man
ner which the Executive might see proper to
indicate-
We will have to turn back to the familiar
and odious names of the worst despots of the
old world and of ancient days to find a parallel
to this monstrous assumption of power. The
English house of Stuart was the champion of
liberty in comparison. Louis XIV, when he
exclaimed "I am the State," did not profane
the world with so fatal and bloody a heresy as
now stalks through this land almost without
rebuke. Tiberius, in his hours of vengeful
solitude at Ckprea, never menaced more openly
or more bitterly the lives and the liberties of
- _ .
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VOL. 5.-NO. 267.
Roman citizens. A law was enacted by the
lest Congress avowedly to cover such supposed
offenses as were alleged against Mr. Vallan
digham, and - for which be. underwent the
mockery and insult of a trial by court martial.
By that law jurisdiction in such eases was ex
pressly given to the courts of the United States.
And by that law express penalties were at
tached in the event of conviction, consisting
of fine and imprisonment. Yet with that lair
staring him full in the face, with its provisions
all unrepealed, with the ink soarcelydry which
affixed his name to it, and with his official oath
on his conscience to execute it, the Executive
of the Republic ignores its existence, and sub
stitutes in its place a trial and punishing.
unknown to free governments.
Banishment! Banishment! , Do we live in
Russia or America ? Have we a Siberia. a
Botany Bay ? Banishment ! 'What sad memo
ries of atrocious despotism the word recalls!
We again behold the pure and inflexible citi
zen of Greece, the just and upright citizen of
Rome, going forth to exile for braving the furi
ous license of arbitrary power. The melan
choly lessons of history are busily repeating
themselves in our midst. The old principles
of good and evil are contending as they have
ever contended, with various success. To-day
the lovely features of virtue are marred and
defaced by some foul and revolting calibanf of
malignant mischief. To-morrow she triumphs
with a brow as radiant and unsullied se the
jocund beams of the morning. To-day a law
abiding, earnest and distinguished citizen
floats away into banishment on an iron-clad
vessel surreunded by bayonets for making a
defence of the acknowledged letter and spirit
of the Constitution. To-morrow he will return,
strengthened by the ordeal like the giant after
his slumbers, bringing a new vitality and force
to the cause for which he has suffered. Men
of revolutionary ancestors ! The great and
solemn question of the hour is whether the
Constitution and the laws are yet supreme in
this land. Shall the mind of one man consti
tute your government ? To what do you owe
allegiance ? Shall Roman Deoemvirs hang the
written laws of your country out of your eight,
and then punish you for offending against the
bidden purposes of their own minds? Into
what war of Plutonian darkness have we been
driven by the Waring elements? Where is the
North star? Where are the compass and the
needle ?
"Dispel this cloud, the light of Heaven restore,
Give me TO 888, --and Ajax asks no pore.”
Yes, give us vo see the light of the Consti
tution still unobaoured and we will - be epoteut
to abide the tardy steps of time for the alle
viation of all other wrongs. But shall all obe
dience be required of the people and none of
their publio servants? Is not obedience in a
Free Government a mutual duty? Shall dis
criminations be made between American citi
zens in the enjoyment of rights and the sup
port of burdens ? What harden has the Demo
crape party failed to assume in support of the
Government, and of what right has its mem
bers not been deprived by the express order
or the silent. consent of this Administration?
In the words of John Jay, "Reason looks with
indignation on such distinctions, and freemen
can never perceive their propriety." What
home in this broad land has been secure from
the parted and satanic hoof of bare, naked.
suspicion? Am I working a sketch from the
colors of fancy ? Let the. screams of the wife
and mother emanating from an hundred in
ward households at the dead hour of night,
answer. • These facts shall not escape history.
They will constitute the stocks in which the
present Administration will stand pilloried for
ever in open shame and infamy. 'The angel
of death respected the blood on the door-posts
of Egypt. The King of England could not
enter the humblest tenement in his realm, but
the meanest and basest of mankind in the em
ployment of the present Administration have
had the power of access over the insulted body
of the Constitution into every chamber beneath
every roof between the two oceans. This is
the necessary result of the argument of the
President that he is the supreme judge of what
is essential to the public safety. Before this •
baleful thereory every head bows to the earth,
every mouth is silent, and every door tliee
open.
Robespierre, in the delirium of the French
Revolution, when " the sun's eye had a sickly
glare," and the world grew faint with horror,
never assumed so much. The responsibility
of the doctrine and practice of this phase of
despotism was divided, in his day, among the
members of a committee of public safety. No
one man accepted the terrible consequences.
It erected that frightful, appalling spectacle of
insatiate murder—the guilliotine—in France.
It may do the same here to-morrow, if the
President should declare the public safety to
require it. It filled every prison, it desecrated
every home, it spared no age, no sex, it pitied
no condition, it sacrificed• whole hecatombs of
victims to suspicion and private malice, it con
verted all France into a field of blood. All
this may transpire here before our eyes if the
doctrine of the Executive, lately announced, is
to receive our submission. Well might a lead
ing administration journal (the N. Y. Times)
exclaim a few months ago : " Hitherto Presi
dent Lincoln has given us no Constitutional
Administration. * * * He has assumed
himself to be the sole Executive—to control in
his own person the whole action and conduct
of the Government, and that, too, avowedly
without any fixed and stable policy, but ac
cording to the shifting drifts and currents of
public sentiment and the changing judgments
and caprices of his owii. mind_ * * No
monarch in Europe at this day, however abso
lute, attempts or dreams of such an underta
king, and Mr. Lincoln.must abandon it, or the
ruin of his country- will be the price of his
presumption."
But let us indulge in some inspiring histori-.
cal recollections. The history of New England
is full of glory en this subject. The writs of
assistance were the contrivance of a servile
Parliament iii aid of the usurpation of a ty
rannical king. They gave the right in a mode,
however, pointed out by law, to do that which
our present executive authorizes his officers to
do, without color of legal enactment. The
spirit of liberty took the alarm. The flames
of the Revolution blazed up under the elo
quent denunciations of James Otis. I quote
from the speech of that fervid apostle of Ame
rican freedom. "In the third place," said be,
"a person with this writ, in the daytime, may
miter, all houses, shops, ac., at will, and com
mand all to assist him. Fourthly, by this
writ not only deputies, &0., but even their
menial servants, are allowed to lord it over us.
What is this but, to have the curse of Canaan
with a witness on us; to be the servants of
servants, the most despicable of God's crea
tion. Now one of the most essential branches
of English liberty is the freedom of one's
home. 'A man's house is his castle ; and
whilst
be is quiet he is as well guarded as a
Prince in his castle. This writ if it should be
declared legal would totally annihilate this
Privilege. Custom house officers may enter
our houses when they please; we are com
manded to permit them to. enter. Their me
nial servants may enter, may break locks, bars
and' everything in their way; and. whether
they break through malice or revenge, no man,
no court can inquire. Bare suspicion without
oath is Stltheient. * * What a scene
HARRISBURG, PA., SATURDAY, JULY 11, 1863.
does this open! . Every man prompted by re
venge, ill humor, or wantonness, to inspect
the inside of his neighbor's house, may get a
writ of aesietance. Others will s aek it from
self•defence ; one arbitrary exertion will pro
voke another, until society be involved. in tu
mult and blood." And out of this question
of personal liberty and the security of your
ancestors' home, in the language of John Ad
ams, speaking of this event, "American inde
pendence was then and there born. The seeds
of patriots and heroes to defend the non sine
Dila animosua mfans, to defend the vigorous
youth were then and there sown." And shall
we at this late day abandon those very princi
ples for which our fathers enacted Lexington
and Bunker Hill? • Shall we deliver up into
the hands of tyranny the Declaration of our
Independence? Shall we surrender all that
our *Constitution has gained from the system
of one man power? Was the American revo
letion in vain ? Did it produce no permanent
policy ? Ibtelhe existence of American liberty
been a'sweet but temporary dream?
"Oh ! liberty can man resign thee,
Once having felt thy generous flame;
Can dungeons, bolts and bare confine thee,
Or whip thy noble spirit tame?'"
From tbisapot, and on this holy day set apart
in the calendar of time to the cause of liberty,
4I would solemnly warn the Executive and his
advisers, in candor and not in malice, that civil
war. has but just commenced in this unhappy
country if they continue to pursue their pre
' sent career of license and usurpation. By the
shades.of the mightrdead who died for Ame
rican freedom, we here swear to protect and
preserve the great inheritance. But all that
I have urged to-day in behalf of the integrity
of the Constitution will be met by the 'ancient,
venerable and odious plea that et necessity ex
ists for its subversion. , Shall this abomination
in the sight of reason be dignified by an argu
ment? Shall we pause to explode this thou
sand times exploded dOctrine of despotism?
Is the experience of 'all history lost upon the
American mind ? Are we deaf to the voices
that issue from the tombs of ancient Repub
lics ? Th?y all died from military necessity.
This is the story of the old school books, and
the children of the civilized world know it by
heart. But in defiance of reason and experi
ence the usurpers of the present hour have
boldly intrenched themselves in the worn out
maxims of king craft, and demand the surren
of this last fortress of constitutional liberty.
!peke the fiend, and with necessity,.
The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds.”
But let us try for a moment this defense,
false and dangerous as it is, by the results
which have followed. What has been-achieved
by a resort to the doetrine of necessity ? The
people of the United States have been required
to submit to the erection of
,this fearful stan
dard as a rule of conduct in public affairs.
Under it 'newspapers have been silenced, free
speech denied, citizens of every grade and
condition in life torn from their homes and im
prisioned, no sex exempted, childhood pun
ished, and all this has been borne without
revolt. What have the people received in ex
change for such unparalleled sufferings and
forbearance? Have they a oonntry restored
to the , highway of national glory ? Has the
evil of secession been overcome? Has this re
bellion been suppressed'? Has the blessed
Union been restored ? Are we far on the way
towards that consummation so devoutly to be
wished ? Does the brilliant bow of promise
span the future? Is the sky clear r:nd bright
over our heads today? Does the rising sun
of this hallowed anniversary. come to us with
healing in its beams ? The rulers of this coun
try have bad all, everything, even to the lives
and liberties of the citizen. All his been cast
at their feet. Taxation without limit, a bank
ing system which absorbs and controls the cur
rency, an act of conscription which demands
the life of the citizen, and a bill of indemnity
for past and future crimes committed against
his liberty, are the work of one Congress ; and
constitute %measure of despotic power. which
I boldly affirm in the face of my countrymen,
his no parallel this day in the history of civil
ized notions. And what has not been given
by ready legislation has been seized by a bold
hand.
What are the returns for all this ? The ear
has heard the promise, but the hppe has found
it broken. The begtutiful apples of gold set
in pictures of silver ithich you beheld so
temptingly near at the opening of this war,
are dead sea fruit-ashes to the taste. Oh!
what scalding irony the position of affairs to
day casts upon the boastful, vain-glorious
prophecies of two years ago. Armed with su
preme power, the members of this administra
'lion are now shaking with mortal terror in the
midst of their official predictions that war
would restore the Union in sixty days. The
people stand by in amazement and horror,
stunned by the evil fortune which pursues
us. There confidence, long abused and now
dead, bereft of hope, and paralyzed by the want
of a capable and onest head to the govern
ment. And this is the result which has atten
ded the unlimited exercise of the doctrine of
necessity ! Does it, however, surprise the
student of morals, of history andphiloeophy ?
Can wrong, injustice and crime constitute the
basis of success in a righteous cause ? Has it
ever been so ? Ought it to be ?' If such was
the law of human action, then evil would have
stronger reasons in its favor than God ever de
signed it should have. No. Away with this
noxious heresy. It is baneful in theory and
disastrous in results. Let us do right, though
earth and hell confront us. Let us follow the
principles of truth and liberty though they
should give us no wider honie than the grave.
All hail the Constitution ! The trial has
been made to administer this Government in
dependent of its aid, by ahigher law; The
failure is complete. The world will take no
tice of this fact, and think the better of the
American Constitution. The American citizen
everywhere, and of all Parties, will engrave
this great lesson on his heart, and flee in every
hour of peril hereafter to the shelter of the
Constitution as the house of his refuge. The
worship of the golden calf in the wilderness,
and the calamities which attended the sacri
lege, gave the ark of the' living God a 'firmer
bold on the confidence and affections of -Israel.
Let the results of disobedience to the Consti
tution which we now behold, teach us a simi
lar lesson. To this disobedience may be traced
the " Illiad of our wow." The Constitution
is strength—it is wisdom. It is love of coun
try. it is liberty. It is Union. All this has
been in times past and all this it Will be again
in the future to those who embraee and obey
it. Thus far I have spoken of these import
ant and overshadowing incidents of this war
which have befallen the people of the loyal
States,—assailing us like plague and famine
shaken front the wings of some baleful comet
sweeping over the earth. But we do not
shrink from a full consideration of the actual
issues involved in the prosecution of the war
itself against the seceded States. If English
men in the Parliament of England in the days
of King George could derfounce a war waged
ostensible - to restore arid preserve the Union
of the British Empire, but in reality tending
to, and resulting in its dissolution, the citizens
of New Hampshire may reasonably claim sim
ilar rights. If one portion of our, countrymen
can discuss their plans for the future condi
tion of a common country I shall never be able
to understand why we should be -silent.
C mmon sacrifices and common destiny
beget common privileges. If Wendell Phillips
shall rave, shall not the sane men of New
England reason ? If a committee on the con
duct of the war Mall bring disaster upon a
great and Coble army and ruin the country in
order to blacken the fame and prostrate the
usefulness of the brilliant mid able M'Clellan,
who shall hinder us from speaking freely our
minds in this committee of the whole people
on the subject of the war itself? I spurn and
defy every assumption, military order, or civil
mandate which is aimed at this right. My
colintrymei, I. am content that calm and im
partial history dual determine the claims to
wisdom and statesmanship between those who
advocated a resort to arms as a means of na
tional union and those who believed and still
believe that war is disunion. Our form of
government was not constructed with a view
to such a !ilan of preservation. Of this fact
the evidence is ample in the recorded proceed
ings and teachings of those who framed it. I
might enter into this broad field and gather
an ample harvest of historical facts. I shall,
however, on this occasion, content myself with
the support of a single name. Nor will Ibe
accused of selecting from the disciples of the
school of States rights. Ancient Federalism,
the doctrine of a powerful, centralized govern
ment, the absorption by the general govern
ment of many of the most cherished rights of
the States had for its founder and chiefest
glory the gigantic intellect of Alexander Ham
ilton. Will the spirit of New England Fede
ralism listen to his great voice to-day ? Hear it:
"It has been well obserVed that to coerce
the States is one of the maddest projects that
was ever devised.. A failure of compliance will
never be confined to a single State. This be
ing the ease, can we suppose it is *he) to haz
ard a civil war ? Suppose Massaohuaetts, or
any large State, should refuge, and Congress
should attempt to compel them, would they not
have influence to procure assistance, especially
from those 'States who are in the same situa
tion as themselves ? What picture does this
idea present to our view ? A complying State
at war with a nun. complying State ; Congress
marching the troops of one State into the bo
som of another; this State collecting auxillia
ries, and gaining perhaps a majority against
its federal head. Here is a nation at war with
itself. Can any reasonable man be well dis
posed toward a government which makes war
and carnage the only means of supporting it
self—a government that can exist only by the
sword ?
Bun, in my judgment, is the true philoso
phy of the American Union—of its creation in
the beginning, its duration for nearly a cen
tury, its restoration from its, present evil es
tate, and its preservation for the future. It
was born of compromise; it rested upon an
enlightened public consent, and the idea of a
resort to the sword as a means of its perpetu
ation was characterised even by the leader of
the high Federal party, an "one of the maddest
projects that was ever devised." My hope,
therefore, is not in war. My hope is in peaoe
and in the supremacy once more of human
reason. The councils of a convention are more
powerful and less cruel than the battle-field.
Negotiation must commence some w here._
In the whole range - of history no war civili
zed or barbarian, was ever before waged thus
long by a government of •a portion or he own
citizens in revolt without an effort for peacefal
settlement. If 'it is objected that , such an ef
fort would bey fruitless in our case, my answer
is that that fact• is not known. The records of
the Stith Congress will forever show that the
South would 'have honorably compromised
then. What she will do now, or hereafter, can
only be known when - the rulers of the nation.
shall consent to take the precepts of the Chris
tian gospel as their guide instead of the war
cry of Moloch in his unholy thirst for ven
geance. War is the sport of Kings, but alas!
what fatal ruin to the people ; and the Ameri
can people—Tan rnoran, not the noisy, enrich
ed, paid, stuffed and pampered officials whose
numbers and appetites afflict the land like Egy
ptian locusts, but the people of the soil and of
the workshops with hard hands and honest
fates are crying out in an agony of sweat and
blood in every corner of the Republic as they
behold the progress of• this war and its results,
"How long oh Lord ! how long !" They are
standing in anxious expectation, with longing
hearts and tearful eyes ready to exclaim,
"Blessed are the peacemakers for they shall
be called the children of pod" The policy
which has governed the couduct of this war
has also further aggravated its original weak
ness as a remedy tor disunion. I shall not
here pause to discuss it. The whole civilized
world knows that shameful .story. Broken
faith, violated ,pledges,
,perverted purposes,
popular deception, dishonored laws and a shat
tered Constitution line its whole pathway.—
The Union party at the South outraged "and
crushed, and'old partisan issues thrust in the '
face of the North to divide and distract its
people constitute the results of the civil pol
icy of the administration in connection with
the prosecution Of the war A war thus prose
cuted cannot suet:esti hiss not the merit Of
an honest and sincere management. And the
war as now conducted has one more element
of failure and disgrace, which shall here and
everywhere receive my malediction. The
smoke of the private dwellingmhere helpless
age and infancy, and gentle womanhood are
aneltered in the midst of the horrors of war is
not an agreeable intense , to the Christian's
God. The sidles of unoffending towns and
cities are not - an acceptable offering on the al
tar of civilization. .The . wasteful and indis
criminating vengeance of Attila, Alario, and
Hyder Ali will not command the smiles of
Heaven, nor long foreiun success. I avow my
belief in the special providenoes of the Al
mighty. I believe in the speedy overthrow of
those who deny the Divinity of justice, truth
and mercy, War has its rules that go in miti
gation of ite sanguinary features, which cannot
be violated with -impunity. And if war must
rage yet for a season, may God incline the
hearts of those who shape out councils to spare
the mother and her babe, and to cease the
heavy reproaches and profanations which a
Butler, or a Montgomery has inflicted upon the,
spirit of the age in which we live ! I say this
standing upon a pedestal of eternal principle
Viieh !lite UM high above party des i gn-. No
nation can mock God in war or in peace and
long expect to escape the ' humiliation due to
offense. But my fellow citizens, having thus
expressed my views on some of tne principal
issues of the day, and arraigned, as I conceive
to be just, the present administration of affairs
of the country, in this dark hour and time of
trial, it will no doubt be asked what our pur
pose is in maintaining the organization of the
Democratic party and what we design to ac
complish for our country. lam ready to an
swer, not as one having authority, but as a
humble member of that grand old party fully
and earnestly inspired, I trust, with its time
honored and conservative principles. We in
tend to preserve the Constitution. We intend
to preserve it for all the States if we can, but
we intend to preserve it for the States in which
we live, at all hazards, and to die, if necessary,
with arms in our hands for its defence. The
danger of all civil ware is a military despotism.
This evil is to be confronted; and to do so is a
part of our mission. Liberty, thou star of
PRICE TWO. CENTS.
promise, hovering over the cradle where the
Republic was born, and still burning on the
front of the sky, we will follow thee wherever
thy orbit may lead. We will spurn from us the
trafficker of the hour who offers perishable wares
in exchange for the light o( this jewel. The
restoration of the Union, too, is a cherished
purpose of the Democratic party. And after
some time be past this will be accomplished,
not in strife and blood, but in compromise,
harmony and peace. The glory of the country
in the past in the hands of the Democracy is a
sufficient guarantee for the future when it
shall again lay its hand on the helm of the
ship. In this contest for the regeneration of
the Republic who can doubt the glorious part
which the Democracy of New England will en
act ? This is the home of Democracy upon
principle. Place, position, offices and patron
age are not the reward of your devotion. The
spoils or victors are not in your hands. But
the sublime consciousness of rectitude and
true love of country unite and uphold you.—
Storms have beat upon you in vain. The
flames of persecution have licked the very
stars over your head. The winds and the rains
have descended, but your house has not fallen,
for it is founded on the rock of eternal truth.
The base material is gone from your ranks.—
The smell of the flesh-pots was in the nos
trils of some. Others bowed their heads to
escape the tempest. You that remain are like
your own elms and oaks that rear their lofty
heads to Heaven and defy the hurricane. All
the land has taken note of you. The West
this day greets you, and joins hands with you
in the name of a common country, and a com
mon glory. Let us know each other better.—
Let us cultivate fraternity. Let State speak to
State until the voice of a united Democracy
shall be heard like the voices of the deep cry
ing unto deep. And then at no distant day
the sun cf our prosperity, Union, and peace
will once more arise upon this now bleeding
and mourning nation.
INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA.
BATTLE Or GZTTYSISURG.
One of the beet and most graphic accounts
of the invasion and the late repulse, which we
have seen, is the following, from the pen of
Mr. Cooke, the special correspondent of The
Age. Our readers should not be deterred by
its length, from a perusal of what will be found
an unusually clear and veritable chapter in
the hisiory of the present war;
The battle of Gettysburg will be one of the
.I(ngest remembered of all the battles of this
war. It is the only contest, yet fought upon
Northern soil. It repelled an invasion. It
was sanguinary and desperate. Both armies
had good positions, and, what is most anoma
lous in war. both occupied such advantageous
around that neither could drive the other
away. At different times during the battle
each commanding general contemplated a re
treat. One made it, but the other did not.
Both Lee and Meade wished to act on the de
fensive, but misapprehensions made each at
tack at different times, and both attacks were
defeated. Poor Reynolds lost his life *ken
driven back from his advance on Oattlitown ;
and Barksdale fell as Longstreet's Grand Di
vision was repnlsed in their fierce attack upon
the
,Cemetery. Each commander,
too, relied
upou reinforcements to acootaplish his purpose.
Meade.reoeived his; but Lee got none. Eigh
ty thousand men fought on each side, each
army. supported by at least a„hundred cannon,
and the losses may be safely stated at one
fifth of the whole number engaged. Gettys
burg, a small inland town, has become as fa
mous as Waterloo. •
PREVIOUS TO THE BATTLE.
The great landmark of the battle-field is the
Schuh mountain. This runs almost north from
Harper'e Ferry until it enters Pennsylvania,
and then it curves gradually around towards
'the northeast, and sweeps off. to the upper
Susquehanna. There is a valley- on each aide
of it. Hagerstown is the principal city in the
western oho and Frederick in the eastern.
Entering Pennsylvania, we have Chambers
burg to the west of the mountain and Gettys
-burg -to the east. As the two valleys curve
around to the northeast, we find Carlisle in
the western one, north of Gettysburg. There
is no railroad running alfing the eastern valley ;
the. Cumberland Valley road, however, tuna
the entire length of the other.
After the battle of Chancellorsville was
fought, both armies lay for some time quietly
watching each other at Fredericksburg. Then
silently and secretly General• Lee began• his
movemeate. He hurried• away with the prin
cipal portion of. his force before the Federal
army knew it. Up along the southern bank
of the Rabpahannook, through Culpepper and
around - the bases of Rattlesnake Mountains,
his army marched as swiftly as was possible.
He passed west of the Bull Run Mountains,
sending, cavalry to Thoroughfare Gap and Al
die to watch the passes. His troopers-had nu
merous skirmiehee with Federal cavalry on the.
eastern aide of the mountain. Still Lee marched
on. He passed between 'Leesburg and Harper's
Perry with part of his force. The remainder
crossed the Blue Ridge into the Shenandoah
Valley, 'which is but a continuation on the
south side of the Potomac. of the Chambers
burg Valley. -He pounced upon the astonished
'Milroy at Winchester. • On and on his two col
umns marched, until both reached the Poto
mac. Thc lower one, with the smallest force,
crossed , below' Harper's Ferry, and the main
body passed the stream' ‘ at a dozen • different
fords and bridges between Sharpefiurg and
Williamsport. The lower one entered Frede
rick, and the upper Hagerstown ; • and after
wards the different raids through the Pennsyl
vania valleys were made, resulting in such
great destruction of property.
It was not until Genfiral lee had sedated Ft
good start that General Hooker discovered the
movement. Then began those great long
marches which tested the endurance of the
Federal soldiers. Twenty and thirty miles a
day General Hooker's army journeyed, from
Fredericksburg to the mouth of'the Monocacy,
crossing the Potomac near there and waiting
for further information. Lee made the Anti
etam field his quarters, whilst Hooker halted
at Frederick. • -
The Confederates made several feints toward
Washington and Baltimore, frightening every
one in both cities, and then General Lee began
that bold and daring movement which has
astonished the world. As swiftly as,,possible
he marched , tep the Cumberland Valley. One
Strang column went through Chambersburg to
Carlisle; another came east through the South
mountain to Gettysburg and York and Colum
bia. The North -was more frightened than
ever. After the first raids there had been a
lull, but a new fear seized all, and many of
the farmers loaded up their household goods
and deserted the threatened oonntry, hasten
ing to the east bank of die Susquehanna. The
enemy's columns, however, retreated, one •to
Gettysburg, and the other to Chambereburg.
Thus matters stood on Sunday, June•2Bth.
Suddenly the mhiudnietration relieved Gen.
Hooker of his command. He ordered • the
evacuation of Maryland Heights, where by
just such an invasion last year Col.: Miles and
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nine thousand men were captured. Millet*
forbade it. Hooker asked to be relieved, and
he was, relieved.. At three o'clock on the
morning of June 29th, an'officer who had rid
den poet-haste from Waehington entered Gen.
Meade's tent. He woke Mende'vfith "General,
I bring you trouble," and'handelf him an order
to take command of the army.,AA,. daylight
Meade found himself the leader of it:force of
which, beyond his own corpsai t e kite* but
little, and with which he was expected to drive
from Pennsylvania a triumphant
flushed with victory, loaded with booty; and
led with consummate ability. With many
misgivings General Meade Mk Command, and
marching north until he struck the turnpike
from Baltimore to Gettysburg, be turned north
westward to find the enemy.
The administration was frightened—Am much
so that for almost the first time since the war
began it forgot political schemes to attend to
the wants of the army. Every available eel
dier was gathered from Fortress Monroe and
North Carolina. General Helot element's reserve
in the entrenchments of Washington was de
pleted to add to Meade's force, and the Federal
army marched to Gettysburg about eighty
thousand strong. At ten o'clock on Monday
morning, June 29th, General Foster's North
Carolina troops passed through Baltimore, and
made what haste they could towards Gettys
burg.
The removal of General Hooker was the first
blow which the enemy received, and Meade's
march towards Gettysburg was the 'second.
They had confidently relied on meeting a fa
tigued Federal army, exhausted by long
marches and commanded by an officer in whom
confidence was impaired, on the comparatively
flat country near York. They scarcely expec
ted to have a battle further west.
TUE BATTLE FIELD.
On Wednesday morning, July 1, Gen. Rey
nolds, with twenty-five thousand men, the ad
vance of the Federal army, approached Gettys
burg from the southeast and began the great
battle. The field upon which it h a s fought
was a peculiar one. The South Mountain, a
long ridge several miles west of Gettysburg,
is the great land mark, and the Most'promi
nent spot near the town is 'the hill
. apan which
stood the unfortunate but famous cemetery.
Gettysburg is situated in a valley. Two
ridges, a mile apart, parallel to each other,
are on each side of the valley. It and the
ridges are all curves, tie concavity being to
wards the east. It was upon these ridges that
the battle was fought, the combatants advan
cingaud retreating through the town and across
the valley above and below it. There is but
one stream of water on the field—a narrow,
swampy one, a mile south of Gettysburg,
which runs zigzag down the valley towards the
Monocacy. The lines of battle formed by the
two armies were upon these ridges, and re
sembled. two horseshoes, one inside of the
other.
The beet view of the field is had' from the
top of the Cemetery Hill.. It is a short dis
tance south of the town. In front there is a
rather steep declivity to the valley, then a
gentle ascent, covered with low, scrubby tim
ber and pieces of rock, to the Seminary Hi ll
ar-ittile•-ilistarit. Here was the Confedereng
line. As the gazeratood amid the broken
tombstones he could see the entire field. The
Talley, the debateable ground, stretched around
'trope .to left, almost a *Pints:3lMo. He
Could look over th'e tree=tops Wad little lettehes
of wood, and passing his eye up the tit on
the other side, could see the seminary teiiirds
the northwest. Further to the right ; hi''sho
Gettysburg College; also on the Seminary - kilt.
Beginning at the left hand, - the Confede
rate line rested on the little stream; theti as
cended the hill and ran along a stone *ice,
which had been made into a rifle-pit. As it
approached Gettysburg it curved around, cross—
ing the Chambersburg andigmmettsburg roads
and the road to Carlisle, and passed the temi
nary and college, between which it crossed a.
serpentine rails's! leading into the town, called
the Tape-worm. ' The ridge continued the
entire length, its front, except in a few cleared
spots, being covered with timber. The line
must have extended at least eight itiles.
The ridge occupied by the Federal troops
was half enclosed by the other. It was an
inner circle, and-wits made up of much higher
and bolder hills 'than the outer one. The
Federal left rested also on the little stream and
ran along a rocky resinei then ascended the
Cemetery Hill, and do on in troomioirole over
one round-topped *Wed hill aver another
until it was lost on'the tight in the Oases of a
thick forest. Meade's' line was about five
miles in length, and in the battle, beside the
higher ground, he had all •the advantages of
interior lines, and slim was in a friendly coun
try. His headquarters Imo on a wooded knoll,
a mile east of the cemetery.
'Away off behind the Confederate line, and
curving around in a larger eirehratiii, was the
South Mountain. •
T$E BATTLA.
In all the contests; except the• opening one,
the enemy attacked. On Wednesday morning,
lieneral Reynaldo, with the Federal advance,
approached the town from the southeast, the
enemy evacuating it on hie arrival. He passed
through and out on the west side, towards
Chambersburg. Re marched several miles,
was met by the enemy In stronger force, and
after a slight contest was compelled tty retire.
The enemy pushed-him'very hard, sad he came
into the town on a run, his-troops going along
every available road, and rushing out on the
east side, closely followed:by the enemy. One
of his brigades came , along the "Tape-worm"
with a Confederate brigade on each side of it.
All three Were abreast, running es hard as they
could—the two outside ones pouring a heavy
fire into the centre, out of which Men dropped,
killed or wounded, at almost every ftettetep.
This Federal brigade, in running - that terrible
gauntlet, lost half of its men. General Rey
nolds was killed, and Gettlebtt . rgpas lost ; but
the Federal troops succeeded . tal mutating the
Cemetery hill, and the enemy•Oesetedpursuing.
At night the enemy eboamped hr tbe town and
the Federal troops oh the hill.
Dniing Wednesday and, .Thursday
morning the' tao itrutteewen conesnerathig en
the two ridges, which were to be next day's
lines of battle, 'and' bp noon on Thursday each
general had a fordo of eighty thousand men at
his disponi: The began the great 'artillery
contest, the' infantryon, both sides ; rouching
behind femme and trees. and,in rifle pita. The
Federal in the, cemetery lanimany of
the tombstones on the ground to prevent in
jury, se that many escaped. Theis was but
little infantry fightinton Thursday,-and nei
ther party made much Impression upon the
other. The Confederates in the town erected
barricades, and.hed their sharpehootersOosted
in every 'mailable/ spot, picking- off Federal
eoldieteron the little to the north of the ceme
tery. - , Theammonade was fierce and incessant,
antsheligfrom both sides flew over And into
the devoied town. Beyond killing aAd wound
ing, breaking times and shattering house, and
.making an awful noise, however, thissannon
ade had but little effect on- tie moult, of the
battle. Both tides fought irith,great ferocity,
and neither could drive the other out of posi
tion.
On Friday night, fearing that the enemy had
flanking parties which might turn his rear,