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THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 16 1863.
REMARKS
0 F
HON. WILLIAM HOPKINS,
OF WASHINGTON.
IN THE HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES,
April 9, 1863,
On Joint Resolutions on the state or the country
Mr. OPEA81.11.; The magnitude of the issues
involved in the question before us must be my
apology for trespassing upon the indulgence
of the House at this late hour of the session.
Before proceeding, to the discussion of the
resolutions, I desire to strip the subject of the
mists thrown around it by the political ha
rangue delivered on last night by the learned
and eloquent gentleman from Allegheny, (Mr.
Shannon.) Whatever may be said of the
length of that speech, or of its applicability
to the subject under discussion, all will agree
that its logic was irresistible. It would be im
possible to remember all that was said in the
course of a three ha,urs' speech; and I regret
that an opportunity was not afforded me to re
ply to him at the time, when his remarks were
more fresh in my memory.
Had a stranger chanced to eater this hall
(taring the first two hours of the gentleman's
speech, he would have supposed that a politi
cal- gathering of partisans was assembled here,
and that the orator was arraigning the great
Democratic party upon a charge of inconsis
tency, especially upon the slavery question.
Now, Mr_ Speaker, I must confess that my
powers of perception did not enable me to see
the relevancy of this part of the gentleman's
speech to the questions under discussion.
Suppose, sir, we concede that the Democratic
party has been ineonsiat.ent upon this ques
tion, or that it has been even as variable upon
all questions as the opposition party (with
which the gentleman himself is now identified)
with its varied names, how would that affect
the present condition of our country ? Sir, in
the present sad and trying hour, when the pil
lars of our glorious Republic seem to be crum
bling, and the temple of our liberties rocking
on its foundation stones, it would be more pa
triotic and statesmanlike to strive to prevent
its utter overthrow, rather than to indulge in
tirades about party consistency.
Ent to the logic of the gentleman from Alle
gheny. He told us that a Democratic conven
tion was held in the city of Pittsburg in 1849,
'at which a resolution was adopted ‘ - against the
farther extension of slavery," and therefore,
by the gentleman's logic, every subordinate of
the administration has a right to arrest and
imprison for months a private and peaceable
citizen in a loyal State, " without due process
of law," or 'without even any information or
accusation being made according to the re
quirements of the Constitution. Is not that
cittr ?
illrftin—the gentleman told u that Ployd,
- aTim. and Cobb had defrauded the govern
out of large sums, consisting of arms,
etc, and therefore he would have us be
:-Te that the hundreds of millions of dollars
ths,t,4ave been plundered from the Treasury
during the present administration, was all
right ; and not only so, but the man who ques
tions the integrity of these pnblio robbers, is
‘, in sympathy with the rebellion." Is not
this equally clear ?
The gentleman also told us that James Bu
chanan, in 1819, offered a resolution against the
introduction of slavery into free territory, and
therefore, according to the gentleman's logic,
President Lincoln had an undoubted right to
issue his proclamation freeing the slaves in the
revolted States. Who will fail to be convinced
such cogent reasoning as this ?
Having thus dis,pssed of the gentleman's
declamation, of which I cannot see the
rertinenoy. I proceed, Mr. Speaker, to notice
iris argument upon the resolutions. The only
reference he made to these, was to the third,
fourth and seventh. The third reads this
"Third, That this General Assembly recog
nizes a manifest difference between the admin
istration of the government and the government
itself; the one is transitory, limited in duration
to that period of time for which the officers
erected by the people are charged with the
conduct of the same; the other" is permanent,
intended by its founders to endure forever."
This resolution the gentleman was 'pleased
to stigmatize as worthy only of the notice of a
school-boy. Mr. Speaker, it does not so strike
me; and; inasmuch as there have been found
in this House but three persons to vote with
the gentleman against this resolution, I am
safe in saying that there are many who recog
nize here a sentiment and a principle that
merits something more than a sneer—and
amongst those who think so are many upon the
gentleman's own side of the House, who are al
most as old and as learned as himself. There
are many in this land who confound the go
vernment with the administration. If this is
of so, why are men denounced as traitors who,
while unwavering in their fidelity to the Con
stitution—which is the life of the government
—feel it their duty to denounce some of the
measures of Mr. Lindoln, his Cabinet, and the
. - flepublican Congress, who compose the admin
istration? Why, sir, when was it ever sup
rosed that fealty to the government required
Ulna and passive acquiescence in the policy of
the party who, for the time being, might have
control of the administration ? If this dogma
were true, our country has always been cursed
with a prolific brood of traitors_ For the time
has never heretofore been when those out of
power did not freely discuss, and even bitterly
eenounce, the measures of the party in power
—if we except the days of the elder Adams,
when it was attempted, by the then opponents
of the Democratic party, to make it seditious
and treasonable to speak disrespectfully of the
President. Can it be that those days are to
return again ?
The fourth resolution is in these words :
"Fourth. That thib General Assembly, in the
exercise of its right to differ with the Federal
Executive, enters its solemn protest against
the proclamation of the President of the Uni
ted States, dated the first day of January, o n e
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, by
which he assumes to emancipate slaves in
certain States, holding the same to be unwise,
...mconstitutional and void."
In regard to this resolution, I shall have
Fom ething to say hereafter. For the present,
I pass on to the eotisideratiotx of the seventh
resolution, which is as follows :
"Seventh, That this General Assembly deem
it proper farther to declare, that it, together
with all the truly loyal people of the State,
Would hail with pleasure and delight any man
ifestation of a desire on the part of the seceded
States to return to their allegiance to the go
ver=•ment of the Union, and would, in such
event, cordially and earnestly co-operate with
them in the restoration of peace and the pro
curement of such proper guarantees'as would
.give security to all their interests and rights."
And this, Mr. Speaker, is the resoul , ion
which the gentleman from Allegheny treated
..with such scorn and contempt; and concern-
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VOL. 5.=-NO. 194.
ing which he even used the polite and classic
expression, that he would 4 i spit upon it." I
venture to say, sir, that this resolution embo
dies the spirit of every prayer that is offered
to the Throne of Grace by every truly °bristle!'
man. Yes, air, go with me to yonder sanctua
ry of the living God, and listen to that devoted
servant of the Prince of Peace, whose mission
was to preach " peace on earth, good will to
man," and hear him as he invokes the "Great
God of Battles to restore once more to our be
loved and bleeding country the inestimable
blessings of peace." • What think you Mr.
Speaker, would be the response of a gentleman
who would sneer at such a resolution as this ?
Would it be a hearty " amen?" No, sir ; no.
It would be "blood," "blood," "blood." Or,
Mr. Speaker, go with me, if you please, to yon
der humble cottage, and as you approach tread
lightly, for it is the . abode of a widow, whose
husband has fallen on the battle field, in de
fending the " glorious ensign of the Republic,
once known and honored throughout the world."
See her as she meekly bows, surrounded by
her little ones ; hear her as she implores Him
who has promised to be a father to the
fatherless . and a husband to the widow ;" see
her gushing tears, as she whispers, "0, Father,
I would humbly beseech Thee to put it into the
hearts of those who have taken up arms
against the government to return to their al
legiance, and thus stay the further ravages of
this cruel war, that others may be spared from
my sad fate." What would be the response of
the gentlenian from Allegheny and those who
applauded his sentiments on that side of the
House, and in the gallery_ Would it be a nor
dial "amen ?" No, sir ; I suppose it would be,
"we spit upon it." Because, Mr. Speaker,
such a prayer is the very essence of this sev
enth resolution. Nothing, it seems, will sat
isfy these gentlemen bat blood, more blood. Or
in the language of a reverend gentleman, whom
I shall notice by and by, the extermination of
every man, woman and child in the revolted
States. In the exhuberance of the genteman's
desire to present the resolutions, and those
who voted -for them, in as odious a light as
possible, he ignored the eighth altogether.
That resolution reads thus :
"Eighth, That the soldiers composing our
armies merit the warmest thanks of the na
tion. Their country called, and nobly did they
respond. Living, they shall know a nation's
gratitude ; wounded, a nation's care, and dy
ing, they shall live in our memories, and
monuments Shall be raised to teach posterity
to honor the patriots and heroes who offered
their lives at their country's altar. Their
widows and orphans shall be adopted by the
nation, to be watched over and cared for as
objects truly worthy a Elation's guardianship."
And this is one of the series of 'lsolations
which the gentleman calls "miserable trash,"
and this, notwithstanding the gentleman him
self voted' for this particular one. I undertake
to say, sir, that every Democrat in the Com
monwealth would Cordially endorse the send
ment herein contained.
Mr. Speaker, we are in the midst of the most
terrible civil war that history records. We
are surrounded by circumstances the most ex
traordinary that this or any other country has
ever witne , seil. - Does it not then become the
true patriot to pause and inquire, where are
we? and whither are we drifting? Some two
years since a wicked and unjustifiable rebellion
was inaugurated in,a number of the States of
this Union, under which an armed force of
from four to six hundred thousand men arrayed
themselves against the authority of the Federal
government, while the government itself has
marshalled a much larger force to compel obe
dience to its Constitution and laws, and save
both from overthrow. In the. incipiency of
this unnatural and' deplorable strife, there
.seemed to be but one object on the part of the
government, and that was to restore the su
premacy of the Constitution and the laws over
the revolted States. This may be seen by
reference to the resolution of Congress, passed
in July, 1861, which was as follows:
"Resolved, “That the present deplorable elvil
war has been forced upon the country by the
disunionists of the Southern States, now in
arms against the Constitutional Government,
and in arms around the Capital; that in this
National emergency, eongrese, banishing all
feeling of•mere. passion or resentment, will
recollect only its duty to the whole country;
that this war is not waged on their part in any
spins of oppression, or for any purpose or conquest
or subjugation or purpose of overthrowing or in
terfering with the rights or established institutions
of those States, but to defend and maintain the
supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the
Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights
of the several States unimpaired; and that as
soon as these objects are accomplished the war
ought to cease."
This resolution. Mr, Speaker, was regarded
at the time, and for many months afterwards,
as the true test of loyalty, throughout all the
loyal States, and it was adopted by a Republi
can Rouse of .Representativee, with, I believe,
but three dissenting votes.
Thus we find the immediate representatives
of the people, in the most solemn and un
equivocal manner, defining what the purposes
of the war, en our part, were. With the object
of the war thus defined, the patriotic citizens
throughout the country, without distinction of
party, rallied to the support of the government
by hundreds of thousands, and to their credit
be it said, they did not stop ,to inquire who
occupied the Executive chair, and, sir, with a
patriotism rarely if ever equalled, and a cour
age never surpassed, teas of thousands of these
brave men have laid down their lives on the
altar of their country. Yee, sir, the land has
been deluged with blood in this fratricidal war,
and much of it the best blood of the country,
and it is not, perhaps, an exaggeration to say
that a hundred thousand widows, and five hun
dred thousand orphan children, are to-day
wailing the loss of husband and father, to say
nothing about fathers and mothers, rothers
and sisters, who have lost loved ones. But all
this was submitted to with becoming resigna
tion. The heart stricken bowed to their sad
fate, under the assurance that the terrible
sacrifice was made in attempting to sustain the
Constitution and Union, as they were be
queathed to us by our fathers. But alas, bow
delusive was this fondly cherished hope, based,
as it was, upon the plighted faith of the gov
ernment. In an evil hour the President
yielded (as I solemnly believe against his own
better judgment) to the seductive influences
of the radicals who surrounded him, or in his
own language, to the " outside pressure." and
did that which in his inaugural address, as
well as on several subsequent occasions, be
declared he had no power to do Is* this alle
gation true? Let the President be his own
witness. In his inaugural he said, in speak
ing of slavery in the States :
"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of Slavery in the
States where it exists. I believe ,I have no
•lawful right to do so, and I have no inclina
tion to do so. Theme who nominated and
elected me did BO with the full knowledge
that I had made this and many similar decla
rations. end had never recanted them. And
more than this, they placed in the platform
for my acceptance, as a law to themselves and
to me, tile clear and emphatic resolution which
I now read.
HARRISBURG, PA., THURSDAY, APRIL 16, 1863.
And in reply to a committee of his political
friends from Chicago, who urged him to pro
claim liberty to the slaves, he used the following
truthful and significant language:
"What would a proclamation of emancipation
from me do, especially as we are now situated ?
I do not. want to issue a document that the
whole world will see must neccessarily be in
operative like the Popes' bull against the
comet. Would my word free the slaves, when
I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the
rebel States ? Is there a single court or magis
trate, or individual that would be influenced
ily it there ? And what reason is there to
think that it would have any greater effect
upon the slaves than the late law of Congress,
which I approved, and which offers protection
and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters
who come within our lines ? Yet I cannot
learn that the law has caused a single slave
to come over to us. And suppose they could
be induced, by a proclamation of freedom from
me, to throw themselves upon us, what should
we do with them ? How can we feed and care
for such a multitude? Gen. Butler wrote me
a few days since, that he was issuing more
rations to the slaves who have rushed to him
than to all the white troops under his com
mand. They eat, and that is all; though it is
true, Gen. Butler is feeding the whites also by
thousands, for it nearly amounts to a famine
there."
Now, sir, I submit whether I am not fully
sustained in the allegation, that the President's
convictions were against the proclamation,
and yet in the face of these solem asservations,
and in defiance of the clearly expressed will of
Congress ; he issued his celebrated proclama
tion, abolishing slavery in all the States and
parts of States, that were in rebellion on the
first day of January, 1863, as well the slaves of
loyal as disloyal masters. And here, sir, .corn-:
menced discontent both in the north, and in
the border slave States. All the energies
of the administration seem now to be directed,
towards the consummation of theproclamation,
and I think I do not misrepresent, either the
adminiittration or Congress, when I affirm that
those who fall in battle hereafter, fall, not in a
war for the restoration of the "Constitution as
it is, and the Union as it was," but in a war
for the abolition of slavery.
And here, permit me to inquire, what new
light has been shed upon the President, since
he told his countrymen, under the solemnities
of his oath of office, that he had no power,
under the Constitution to interfere with slavery
in the States ? I pause for an answer. Do I
hear some one say, "he did it under the war
power ?" The war power, sir ! Why if the
President may do that which the Constitution
forbids, under the plea of Military necessity,"
what is it he may, mot do ? Sir, he may, under
the same pretence, usurp all the powers of the
Government, Legislative and Judicial, and
proclaim himself Military dictator, and thus,
with one fell swoop, blot out every vestige of
constitutional liberty, for which our Revolu
tionary Fathers offered up their lives. Whose
heart does not throb with patriotic indignation,
ate the bare suggestion of such an indignity to
the memory of our departed heroes and states
men ? Who does not tremble for our own free
dom, when such a doctrine receives the popu
lar approval? Could the spirit of Washington
visit our distracted land to-day, he would
doubtless exclaim, in agony of soul, "0, my
countrymen, did I not warn you to "frown in
dignantly upon the first dawning of every at
tempt to alienate any portion of the country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties,
which now link together the various •parts ?"
And, "did I not admonish you to beware of the
formation of politicaliparties, upon geograph
ical discriminations, Northern and Southern ?"
etc.
Mr. Speaker, until something of the same
spirit wh'eh prompted these utterances, be
cultivated now, as well on-the Ott of theru
lers as the ruled, we can have but little hope
for the future.
Mr. Speaker, I will not believe that any far
ther advance will be made in the direction I
have indicated—l will cling to the hope that
better counsels will prevail, and that the a 1.-
ministration may yet be brought back to a re
alization of the fact that this war was " L
waged, on our part, for the purpose of or.e6-
throwing or interfering with the rights or es
tablished institutions of any of the States, but
to defend and maintain the supremacy of the
Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with
all the dignity, equality and rights of the sev
eral States unimpaired," St.c.
Mr. Speaker, I can regard the Abolition
proclamation of the President in no other light
than as "an assumption' of power, not dele
gated by the Constitution and laws of the
country, but in derogation of both." This
may seem like strong language to employ in
reference to the " powers that be," which,
inspiration teaches us, " are ordained of God,"
but, in the fear of Rim, I believe it to be true—
and if, in times like these, I should fail to utter
it, I should deem myself unworthy of a seat
upon-this floor. Am I not fully sustained in
the allegation. that. the proclamation was a
usurpation of power, not warranted by the
Constitution and laws, by the official declara
tions of the President himself, as quoted
above`? But, for the sake of argument, sup
pose it be conceded that under the plea of
Military necessity" the President had the
power to issue the proclamation, what practi
cal good can result to either race from its ex
ercise ? For my life I cannot see how either
can be benefitted, Mt, on the contrary, I can
see nothing but "evil, and only evil, and that
continually." Why, sir, look at it for a single
moment. Here are some three or four millions
of unfortunate beings, thrown upon their own
resources, many of them without sufficient in
telligence to appreciate the blessings of liberty,
and wholly incapable of taking care of them
selves. This, I admit, may be their misfor
tune, rather than their fault, but it is, never
theless, true, and hundreds and thousands of
them, when left without a protector, would be
obliged either to subsist on the told charity of
the world, or go
. down to 'premature graves
from absolute starvatino. Then again, those
of them who would be able and Willing to
work, would come in direct competition with
the labor of white men and women, and con
sequently reduce their wages below subsisting
point ; and flue, Tithile you would not, in the
remotest manner, improve the physical condi
tion of the former, you would inaugurate a
policy ruinous to the latter, and create a jeal
ousy and bitter strife between the two classes,
which would lead to the most disastrous con
sequences. But, sir, let me not be misunder
stood here. I am not now, nor have I ever
been, the advocete of slavery. On the con;
trary, I could wish that 'there was not one of
the race, either bond or free, wi'hin the limits
of the United States ; that they were some
where by themselves, to enjoy all the liberty
they are capable of. But I have always main
tained, and do still maintain, that neither Con
gress nor the President has any right to inter- -
fere with it in the States, either by civil or
military power. This is one of the reserved
rights of the individual States, and they, and
they alone, can exercise it. I cannot sustain
a policy which would change so 'suddenly, and
so radically, their present relation, even if the
power existed, until convinced that' it would
benefit either them or ourselves. " Better far
to bear the ills we - have than flee to others
that we kuow not of." And, above all, I am
opposed to ruch a change being brought about
by a total disregard of constitutional obliga
tions.
Sir, if this power that is now claimed by
the adrniuis,tration be acquiesced' in without,
at least, protesting against it, then indeed - is
the pertinency of the interrogatory, "Whither
are we drifting ?" most apparent. We have it
recorded in the book of books, that he who of
fends in one particular is guilty of the whole,
and the same principle is applicable to our
form of goiernment. If the Executive may
disregard with impunity one provision of the
Constitution, which he has sworn to support,
he may set at naught the entire instrument,
and usurp the whole functions of the govern.
ment, and dispose of property, life and liberty,
as to him seemeth meet. Mr. Speaker, it has
been said, here and elsewhere, that those who
take exceptions to this extraordinary exercise
of power on the part of the President, "are
in sympathy with the rebellion." The same
is said of those who condemn the enormous
frauds that have been perpetrated upon the
treasury, which have amounted to hundreds of
millions of dollars, much of which has been
exposed by committees of the friends of the
administration.
Yes, sir, the test of loyalty set up by certain
partisans, army contractors and others, is un
qualified approval of every enormity committed,
whether it be the robbery of the treasury by
hundreds of millions, or the arbitrary arrests
of private citizens at the mere caprice of some
vindictive subordinate, 'without due process of
law. But, sir, the only emotion that the at
tempt to establish such a test excites in my
bosom is pity for the miserable creature who
would thus attempt to deter the freemen of this
country from an honest expression of their de
testation of fraud, corruption and tyranny,
wherever found to exist. Let not this "stop
thief " cry of "disloyalty," or "sympathy with
the rebellion," deter any from expressing his
convictions on questions of public policy. 'The
allegations of "sympathy with the rebellion,"
for such a reason, are as unfounded and false as
are the miscreants who make them ,shameless
and dastardly. Why, sir, there is not a battle
field since the inauguration of this unhappy
strife that does not give the lie direct to such
allegations, and that does not send up a Cry to
Heaven for vengeanle on the heads of those
who make them. Sir, the whole land has been
saturated with the blood of tens of thousands
of just such "sympathizers," while the wretches
who pour forth such vile slander have taken
good care to keep out of harm's way them
selves.
Mr. Speaker, in my judgment., true loyalty
consists in the citizen rendering to the govern
ment, in time of war, either foreign or domes
tic, his hearty co-operation in all legitimate
measures that may be adopted for its success
ful prosecution, and at the same time to ex
press., in a proper spirit, his disapproval of ail
frauds upon the treasury and palpable infrac
tions of the Constitution. Ey this standard
am willing to be judged, and stand or fall. If
I may be pardoned for an allusion to one so
humble as myself, I will state that from the
hour of the attack on Fort Sumpter, down to
the issuing of the emancipation proclamation,
my voice was always for sustaining.the adatin
fstration, and I may add, I trust, without sub
jecting myself to the charge of egotism, that I
made more speeches, such as they were, than
did many of the disinterested patriots who are
now so ready to talk about "sympathy with
the rebellion." While this is true, I would be
wanting in candor did I fail to say, in my place
here, that the proclamation has never for a
single moment received the approval of my
judgment. When it is remembered that the
President himself has repeatedly declared that
he had no power to issue such a paper, and
that Congress affirmed that the war was waged
for no such purpose
,as.is therein avowed, is
it any wonder that I, or any, one else, should
hesitate in endorsing it? But, aside from the
absence of power,l could not approve it, be
cause I believe (whether so i4tended or not, it
matters but little) it was an invitation to the
slaves to rise in servile insurrection, and en
gage in an indiscriminate slaughter of men,
women and children. A measure calculated to
lead to such atrocity can never receive my
approval, and thank God for having given me
a heart that revolts at even such a suggestion.
'I will go further, and say that the commanding
officer who would stand by and permit such a
fiendish work, without using his utmost efforts to
prevent it, would deserve, while living, to bt,
"whipped naked round the world," and when
dead, should spend an eternity in hopeless re
morse, Bat, sir, I have too high a respect for
the courage and gallantry of our brave officers
to believe that they would become so fitr lost
to every manly impulse, so cowardly, as to
tolerate such a hellish work,
Think of it for a moment, milions of these half
civilized creatures, instigated by unbridled pas
sion, backed by the pledge of the "executive
branch of the goVernment, including the army
and navy, to do no act, or acts, to repress any
effort theymay make to accomplish their perfect
freedom." I quite from memory, not having the
proclamation before me, but believe that it is
substantially correct. 0, sir, go with me to
that once peaceful and happy southern home.
See that devoted and happy mother, surroun
ded by her innocent children—see the exas
perated slave approach with weapon of death
in hand—see her as she clasps tightly to her
bosom her darling infant, and flees for refuge,
she knows not w..erc•—hear the shrieks of her
other loved ones. z. 3 they cry, " 0, dear mother,
save us "—s. , e her, as she becomes faint from
fright and eruau9tion, as she turns with a pit
eons look towards her once dutiful, but now
ferocious, pursuer and preetrates herself at his
feet, and exclaims, " 0, spare me, and my dar
ling children!! But, ah, no, she is doomed by
the teachings of fanaticism, to butchery, and
with eyes upturned to Heaven she receives the
fatal plow, after first, perhaps, witnessing the
murder of her dear ones—and We is patriotism.
With profound reverence, I pray God to deliver
me from. such patriotism.
Mr. Speaker, is this a mere flight of the im
agination ? Is the picture overwrought, through
partisan prejudices, or for partisan purpoees ?
Let us see. On the 231 day of March, 1863, a
certain Alfred R. Gilbert; wbo has the title of
"Bee." prefixed to his name, addressed a
"Union League" in Philadelphia, OR which oc
casion he uttered the following ehrishan senti
ments, which were applauded by a Philadelphia
Republican audience. I read from the report
of the address as published in the Philadelphia
Inquirer, whose fidelity to the administration
will not be doubted by any one; and, I may
add, that L believe this respectable journal,
published this infamous speech without a word
of disapproval. If lam mistaken in this I will
be most happy to be corrected. But to the
extract ;
"Advocating the 'Proclamation of Freedom,'
he said :
" But its inhumanity is urged. There are
many. We know they speak the truth when they
say that the negro slays everything within his reach
when he rises in rebellion. •We have all learned
the history of St. Domingo, and it would be terri
ble to have a St Domingo massacre re-enacted
upon our 80. But the President has declared this
a military necessity, and. if blood must flow, we
PRICE TWO CENTS.
must not dread the consequences. Blood must flow
in this war.
6 1 But so impressed am I with the greatness of
the interests engaged in this rebellion, and its
suppression, so satisfied of the inconceivable
importance of the struggle that opens up be
fore us in the suppression of this rebellion,
that I speak it meaningly, and as a Christian,
deliberately and calmly, that I would rather see
every woman and child in the South perish than
that the Southern Confederacy should succeed in
attaining the objects of its leaders. (Applause.]
Men sometimes are placed in crises, where to
choose for any side would be fraught with ter
rible consequences, and this is one of them."
Sir, this occurred in the land of Penn, in
the "City of Brotherly Love," in the beautiful
metropolis of our great old Commonwealth,
and I blush to know that such fiendish senti
ments could receive applause in such a place,
even amongst Republicans ; but, .I rejoice to
know that neither there, or elsewhere, could a
Democrat be found base enough to countenance
such brutality. And lam glad, also, to know
that there are very many Republicans who
would dispise the miserable wretch who uttered
them. And this fellow, Gilbert., yow will ob
serve, tells the audience that he is a chfistian.
May the Lord have mercy on his hypocritical
soul ! I doubt not but that there are thousands
of such christians in perdition to-day, and will
be at least one more, unless he repents and ob
tains.forgiveness for the above outrage upon
decency and the common instincts of humanity.
Sir, contemplate the scenes that I have at-
tempted feebly to describe, and then tell me,
1 if you please, that to establish my " loyalty,"
I must approve of a proclamation which would
lead to Ouch atrocities, however foreign it may
have been from the intent . idn of its author, and
I will tell you in reply, " Never, no never !"
Rather would I be stigmatized the balance of
my days as a " sympathizer," than sacrifice my
manhood, by sanctioning a measure, from
which every impulse of my heart recoils with
loathing and horror. Yes, sir ; rather than
endorse such atrocity, I would seek eternal
banishment from the face of man, and drag
out a miserable existence in perpetual exile.
But I have no fears that my countrymen will
ever regard me as a " sympathizer " for ex
pressing my abhorrence of such a monstrosity.
I am perfectly willing
that my opinions on this
subject, shall go before the country in juxta
position with those who differ from me.
But, Mr. Speaker, it is asked What we, on
this side of the House, propose to do in refer
ence to the prosecution of the war. I answer
for myself and say, that so long as it continues,
or until some mode of adjustment can be de
vised, I am for sustaining the government in
all proper measures for the suppression of the
rebellion, within the Constitution, and laws
made in pursuance thereof; and I am for con
demning all palpable usurpations of power,
whether by the executive, legislative or judi
cial departments of the government. We are
engaged in a terrible civil war, which in its
origin was intended, on our part, to restore
the authority of the Federal government over
the revolted States, and " not for any purpose
of conquest and subjugation, or purpose of
overthrowing or interfering with the rights or
established institutions of those States, but to
enforce and maintain the supremacy of the
Constitution and to preserve the Union, with
all the dignity, equality and rights of the sev
eral States unimpaired." Let the administra
tion then come back to this clearly defined
policy, and to this end let the war be prose
cuted, and let all yield a willing co-operation,
and all may not yet be lost.
Mr. Speaker, we are standing on the very
verge of a yawning gulf of irremediable ruin,
with scarce a.. hope left for escape. Those
scenes which the lamented Webster prayed
God might never fall upon his vision, have
fallen upon ours. Do we not "behold States
dissevered, discordant, billigerent ?" Do we
not see " a litnil rent in civil feuds and drench
ed iu fraternal blood ?" And for what, I ask ?
Why, sir, it is the natural result of causes
which have been at work for many years, chief
among which may be mentioned the ultraism
of men North and South. If these extremists
were the only sufferers it would not matter
so much. 4 But unfortunately the conserva
tive men of the country, those whose voices
have uniformly been raised against fatielieism
on the one hand, and on the other, are equally
involved with those who brought the calamity
upon us. Crimination and recrimination, how
ever, can do no good now. I suppose the best
we can do is to support the right and condemn
the wrong in the future, until by the peaceful
and legal instrumentality of the ballot-box, we
can produce a change in our rulers, and conse
quently a change of policy. Let us do this,
and let all unite in humbly invoking the great
God of battles, that he may graciously vouch
safe to restore once more to our distracted, our
bleeding, our beloved country, the inestimable
blessings of peace, harmony, and fraternal
regard.
sPEJKuR
o,
HON. C. R. EARLEY,
OF ELS COUNTY,
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRE9ENTATIVES )
. April 8, 1863,
On the Resolutions on the Steve of the Country
Mr. SPEAKER : Before casting my vote on the
final passage of these resolutions, it may be
proper for me to eve my views in a few words
touching the present state of our country. and
why I am found voting for the resolutions as
they are. It is shit known that the resolutions
now before this House do nut in every partic
ular meet my views ; but they are as near right
as we can as a party agree upon at this time,
and I shall therefore vote for them. I shall
not refer to the numerous speeches made on
the other side of the House. I think they
have given their views, and I shall be content
in giving mine. Holy Writ says, "Re&ove not
the ancient landmarks which thy fathers have
er." It is not only profitable, but it is ne
cessary, to recur to first principles to see how
well we have kept our ancient landmarks. Let
us for a short time refresh our memories with
the landmarks of our national history, and see
if we have lived up to and in the faith of our
fathers, or departed therefrom ; and, if we
have departed, how we can return.
Three years ago ire possessed a country the
most prosperous and one of the most power
ful upon the face of the earth. Twenty
seven millions of the Caucasian race of men
had attained in it almost unlimited personal
and political liberty, and four millions 0f the
African race had reached a civilisation never
attained by an equal number of them in, any
other country or in any other age. The ag
ricultural productions of the . West sustained
the tropical productions in the South, and both
aided the manefacturing and commercial in
dustry of the East—the whole presenting an
aggregate of wealth nowhere else exceeded, if
equalled. Thirty-four sovereign States, com
bining a portion of their power in one common
government, possessing among themselves ab
solutely unrestricted social and commercial in
tercourse. presentee an asylum to which men
of all nations gladly pressed, and a fortress
from which all hostile nations instinctively re
coiled, and a shield under which all the nations
of the Western Continent reposed in safety
PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING,
SUNDAYS EXCEPTED,
BY 0_ BARRETT & CO'
THE DAILY PATRIOT AND UNION will be served to isab •
scribers residing in the Borough for TEN CENTS PER Irian a,
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THE WEEKLY P avaiOT AND ITNtoN le puhlfshed at TWO
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from the subjugating attacks of Europe. For
all this happineps—for all this prosperity—for
all this freedom—for all this wealth, power and
renown—for all our glorious hopes of the In
ture—Nwhat have we now ? Abraham Lincoln
and the negro ! Abraham Lincoln and his ques
tionable and unconstitutional policy l That is
the sum of all that is now offered to us in lieu
of the result of two hundred and - fifty years
of incessant toil, sacrifices and war. - Of two
hundred and fifty years of unparalleled achieve
ment and success; that is the sum of all the
wisdom and patriotism of our fathers—a wis
dom and patriotism which, by the judgment of
the whole human race, has never been excelled.
This is the sum of all our life-long efforts
which, until now, equally challenged the ap
proval of all men.
Let us look at our history for a moment.—
When we examine the Declaration of Indepen
dence it will be seen by every man that the
thirteen colonies were separate sea distinct,
and having separate and distinct charters, each
and all as entirely distinct and separate as to
their governments, as to the power of one over
another, as England is to- day to control Amer;
lea. The governments of the Old World, front
Nimrod down, with few exceptions, depended
upon the will of the governors—ours upon the
will of the governed. Theirs upon force—
ours upon voluntary choice. The punishment
or repression of acts criminalin themselves, as
murder, theft, riot and disorder, is common to
all governments, but with us political ques
tions among communities of men were always
only subject to voluntary arrangements. Hence
mutuality of concession, hence assimilation of
interests, hence the absence of the waste and
horrors of war and endless burdensome taxa
tion, hence continual advancement in wealth
and comfort of the working classes and national
greatness, hence, above all and chief of all, we
have untrammeled freedom, for in the clash of
arms not only are the laws silent, but liberty
is dumb—an axiom of all times and of all na
tions. It is an axiom of which every man,
woman' and child - in Pennsylvania now knows
and feels by experience to be true in spirit and
in letter of fact. This is theftret great and
fundamental principle of liberty—the consent
of the governed, the direct and only antagonist
of despotism. To this let us revert. It was
by such voluntary consent that in 1643 was
formed' by Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecti—
cut and New Haven, the United Colonies of New
England. It was by such voluntary consent
that Rhode Island, refusing the restrictioq re
quired of her, kept apart from the Union rat her
than join it with the restriction, without any
attempt by the other States to coerce on their
part Rhode Island.
By the same voluntary consent the thirteen
colonies met in Congress; (a word a knowledge
of the meaning of wrii.oh—a coming together
—seems to be lost or forgotten by many;) two
years afterwards, in the year 1776, these thir
teen colonies declared themselves sovereign and
independent States, .basing that declaration
upon the same broad principle of voluntary
consent. By this voluntary consent they
formed the confederation known as the United
States of America, in the year 1778, in the
midst of the war then sustained by them
against 'Great Britain, and for the establish
ment of this very principle. By the same vol
untary consent State after State withdrew front
this •perpetual Union" of 1778, to enter that
other proposed by the confederation of 1781,
The States, true to the principles on which
the confederation was based, used no coercion
to prevent sister States from withdrawing, but,
to the contrary, by the -same voluntary con
sent, a convention of the States assembled in
May, 1787, and labored long and patiently to
compromise and adjust the different wrongs, or
supposed wrongs, which were complained of
by the different States, growing out of the
confederation.
Mr. Speaker, had we, had Abraham Lincoln
and his party, rested upon this great landmark
of our fathers, we would not today have been
considering these resolutioirs on the state of
the country--we would not now have men from
every household cold in death.
By the same voluntary consent eleven of the
States put the new government into effect in
the year 1789, Rhode Island, breaking the
continuity of the territory of the new confed
eration in the east; North Carolina and Vir
ginia breaking in the south between the States
of Georgia and South Carolina ; New York, the
Empire State, breaking the same continuity
and dividing the States of Connecticut, Mas
sachusetts and New Hampshire from Penn
sylvania. During all these years did the
confederation attempt coercion ? Sir, force
was not spoken of. In those days conciliation '
and love, harmony and charity, were the links
which bound and the landmarks which guided,
and which those wise men planted all over the
pages of our country's history for future
generations to refer to as their ortly chart by
which to navigate our precious ship. Who
doubts but that this was ajust and wise policy ?
By conciliation a great nation was made—by
conciliation maintained. •
Sir, have we departed, from the landmarks
of our fathers ? Yes, sir ; we have departed
from this all-wise and christian policy two
years since. And what have we ? We have
just exactly what our fathers would have had
had they adopted the policy of force and co
ercion; we have tried it against six millions
of brave people, and have the fruit held up to
our eyes of thousands of homes made desolate
—mourning isin every firm-house, and desola
tion stands like giant despair.
Sir, our whole country is reeking in blood,
our good old State stained all over, and, sir,
we may still send and pileup the bones of our
brave sons mountain high, and the result will
only be more sure separation, the inevitable
result, unless we return to our old landmarks,
and compromise end conciliate, The day is
here when men must speak their solemn con
victions—when they must tell the truth—and
as I stand here favoring these resolutions I do
what I believe to be my duty.
By the same voluntary consent eleven of the
States put the new 'government in operation.
and Rhode Island and North Carolina entered
in 1790. By this same policy, voluntary con
sent, State after State joined the "more perfect
Union," until the number of the States was
nearly doubled, and they were thus kept to
gether until there was elected to the executive
office of the common government,by a minority
of the people, a President upon sectional prin
ciples, and the principles of oppression, farce
end coercion.
The second great principle of our government
is the right of the sovereignty of the States.
It was for this principle that the States waged
war duiing the revolution. It was upon this
principlP they formed the old Confederacy, and
upon this they formed a second and more per
fect Union. It delegated to the new govern - A
ment a few strictly defined and closely guarded
powers, those only which related t o the man
agement of foreign affairs, and . to intercourse
and commerce among the citizens of all the
States. They (the States) reserved to them
selves respectively all the essential powers of
government. viz regulation of marriage, the
tenure and descent of peoperty, the defidition
and punishment of crime, the regulation of the
right of suffrage, and all othed not expressly
d e legated and distinctly grantml, these were
held by their State Executiie, Legislature and