RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Your lines or less constitute half a square. Ten lines
Sr more than four, constitute I RUare.
lief sq-1 one daY••••-- $o so One sq., one $0 60
iL one week.... 100 " o ne week.... 200
4 , one month.. 800 I , one mouth.. 600
" three months E. 00 " threemonthslo 00
c" six mmths.. 800 " els months.. 16 00
1 , one year...... 12 00 '‘ one Year •-•••• 20 00
1,7" Business notices inserted in the LOCAL eo
NE Ltnur,
or before marriages and deaths, TEN CENTS PER Llfor
each insertion. an
To merchants d others advertising
bribe year, liberal terms will be offered.
ons must be designated on
1 The number of insertions
the advertisement.
113" Marriages and Deaths will be inserted at th e same
rates as regular advertisements.
. .
Illistellatteotte.
PENSIONS, BOUNTIES, BACK PAY,
War Claims and Claims for Indemnity.
STEWART, STEVENS, CLARK & CO.,
Au o mpt and Counaliort-at-Law, and #7olicuors
for all kinds of Military Claims,
450 PENNbYLVANTA. AVENUE,
WASHINGTON, D. C
This Jim, having a thorough knowledge of the Pon.
lion Business, and being familiar with the practice in
all the Departments of Government, believe that they
can afford greater facilities to Pension,. Bounty, and
other Claimants, for the prompt and successful accom
plishment of busyness entrants& to them, than any other
Arm in Washington. They duke to secure ouch an
amount of this business as will enable them to execute
the business for each claimant very cheaply, and on the
basis of their pay contingent upon their success in each
case. Tor this purpose they will secure the services of
Law Finns in each prominent locality throughout the
Staten where such Minium may be had, furnish snob
with all the necessary blank forms of application and
evidence, requisite printed pamphlet instructions, and
circulars for distribution in their vicinity, with SABO
elates names inserted, and upon the due execution of
the papers Sind transmission of the same to them by
their local assoeiates, they will promptly perform the
business here.
EX' Their charges will be ten dollars for officers and
live dollars for privates, for each Pension orßounty and
Back Pay obtained, and ten per cent. on amount of
Claims for Military. Supplies or Claims for indemnity.
113• Soldiets enlisted since the lit of March, 1861, in
any kind of service, Military or Naval, who 61.41 disabled
by disease or wounds, are entitled to Pensions. All
soldiers who serve for two years or during the war,
should it sooner close, will be entitled to $lOO Bounty.
Widows of soldiers who die or are killed, are entitled to
pensions, and the $lOO Bounty. If there be no widow,
then the minor children. And if no minor children,
then the father, mother, sisters or brothers are enti
_led as above to the4loo Bounty and Back Pay.
JOSEPH B. STRWART,
lIRBTOR L. STEVENS,
RDW &RD CLARK,
OSCAR A. STRVIDIS
WILLIS S. GAYLOBI.
flisenreravon, D. 0.08a2.
Apply at our 011ie* or to our Associate at
- Ussanstree, PA.—JOIIII A. BIGLER, Attorney and
Counsellor.
Pirronons, PA.—ARTEMIS & MULL, Attor
neys-at-Law.
Parramaye, PA.—WM. R. SMITH, Attorney and
Counsellor.
PIILLADOLTSIA, G. MINNIOHILD, 46 Atwood
street, WM. Pl. SULTS, Attorney and Counsellor.
tresuintiros, PA.—BOYD CRUMBINON, Attorney
and Counsellor.
jyalsily
JACKSON & 00.'S
SHOE STORE,
NO. 9031 NABILBT STILINT,
HARRISBORG, PA.,
Where they ntend to devote their entire time to the
manufacture of
BOOTS AND SHOES
ell hinds and varieties, in the neatest and most fash
enable styles, and at satisfactory prices.
Their stock will consist, in part, of Gentiensetela
Calf and Patent Leather Boots and Shoes, latest styles;
Ladies' and Misses' Gaiters, and otheighoes in great
variety; and in fact everything connected with the
Shoe baldness_
CUSTOMER WOBHwili beparticularlyattendedto,
and in all wee will satisfaction be win-rested. Lasts
jilted up by oss of as best makers is the country.
The long practical experience of the undeudgued, and
their thorough knowledge of the business will, they
trust, be ?nattiest guarantee to" the public that they
will do them justice, and furnish them an article tha
will recommend itself for utility, cheapnees and dam
puo9l .11&010110N & 00.
111313,11'sIGER'S PATENT' BEEF TEA.
AL a solid, concentrated extract of
BEEF AND VEGETABLES,
Convertible immediately into a nourishing and dell-
Crone soup, Mg/ay approved by assn . /4er of miaow
.Physicicas.
Ties admirable article condensed into a compact form,
all the substantial and nutritive properties of a large
talk of meat sad vegetables. The readineeswithwhich
it dissolves into a rich and palatable Soup, which would
require hours of preparation according to the usual
method, is an advantage in many situations of life too
obvious to need urging. Its highly nourishing qualities
combined with its delicacy, renders it invaluable for the
sick while for those in health, it is a perfectanbstitate
forfresh meat and vegetables. It will keep good 'neap
Climate.
It is peculiarly well adapted FOB TRILVELBR B iby
land or sea, who can thus avoid those accidental deprive
lions of a comfortable meal, to which they are soliable.
SON INVALIDS, whose capricioni appetite can tints
be satisfied in a moment.
NOR SPORTSMBN and DICOTIBSIONISTS. to whom,
both its compactness and easy preparation will recom.
Mend it. For sale by
sep24-11
CHARTER OAK
FAMILY FLOUR!
UNEXCELLED BY ANY IN THE Dr. STATES!
AND SIIPERIOR TO ANY
..1E• .A. MV Cil lir MI 3EL JCL 1%1 . 3:3) 0
OFFERED IN PENNSYLYANIA.!
IT IS MADE OF
CHOICE MISSOURI WHITE WHEAT.
1D Delivered anyplace in the city fres of charge.
Terms aria* us claZivery.
OM WM. DOCK, Ja., /r. CO.
QOLDIER'S CAMP COMPANION.-
iJ A very convenient Writing Desk; also, Portfolios,
Kezeorandnm Books, Portmonnaies, &c., at
SCHAPpER I I3 BOOKSTOWA
VHEESE 11-100 Boxes Prime Cheese
'4_,/ (on consignment) for sale at lees than market rate.
jylo Wffi. DOCK, JY., & 00
MOTIONS.—Quite a varlet) , of - useful
1.
and entertaining articles—chesp—st.
SCHEFFIOI.I3 BOOKSTOIIII.
WANTED.—A. GOOD COOK at the
BOMGAIUMBIt nom,. Apply immediat
IvRET WINE ! !—We are closing out
a TNItY ammo& for at less Male cost !
j.. 79 WK. DOCK 3311. CO.
PRDIE POTATOES !-A LARGE LOT
just received and for sale low.
oct24-dtf WK. DOCK, Js., & CO.
111 NOE MEAT !—Very superior, just
received and for sale by WM. DOCK, jr., & CO.
VONDENSBD MILS '—Just received
t/ sad for oak by WM. DOCK Jr., & GO.
TJERMETICALLY SEALED
Peaches, Tomatoes, Lobster, Salmon, Oyrters,
Spitted Oysters, for sale by WM. DOCK, jr., & CO.
RMOKED HALIBUT I—A very choice
),) axed., Just received and for Bale by
WM. DOCK, jr., & CO.
VRENCH MUSTARD, ENGLISH and
T . Domestic Males, (by l'he dozen or hundred,) Su
perior Salad 011, Ketchup, Sauces and condiments of
nary description, for sale by
isty2s WM. DOOR, J*., 00
TAKE TROUT ! !—A small- invoice of
LARS TROUT, (Mackinaw) trimmed, and the
quality "A NO. 1, 2, tort received and for sale very low
by WM. DOOR, ay.., & co
WAR WAR' —BRADY, No. 62
Market street, below Third, has received a large
assortment of 811IVIDS 3 Sanas and BlLva, which h
will sell very low. sai.o-dtf
gni? SEALING FRUIT JARS !-
o Beet and Cheapest in the markets! Call and
examine them.
kin
VOR RENT—Tvto desirable OFFICE
r. WOMB, second story front of Wyoth's Building
comer of Market &pare and Market street. Apolyst
his Ohm sep23dif
ACKERELIII
M►CHEBIL, Nos. 1, 2 and 3, in all stood poolroom
wow, and mob package ararrasted. Just meted, and
Or solo low by WM. DOCK, Js., & 00.
WM. DOM. & CO .
WM. DOCK, he., k CO
-
. .
- -1 - ~..=------
• ,'- ' ,Cr.* 4. - _ *B7-I "iii --. 7 . - - -tr. -- .
. --...___L_... - 7- - r;
~; „ :,.; , v,•---- -= - ---, -,
, f ,At 't . . - = . :' . .,: - ,.= - 7 - I - -,
pi •
' 7 : ---:";": 7 - - i - - - - , ; -
rilif:".:
...:•,;.::-..-'• 7.':=;!L ' --.--
•
....
• .-_-,-_:7-7 - ,i - „,..„ L . „. 1.,,..-
_...----
111 9 n . A t 0 n
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' 1 4, -
. L t:
*
• '-: -------; rq , . -----
• •
. _
VOL. 5 -NO. 181.
Buointeg tarbe.
R.
C. WEICHE
ATURGTON AND OCULIST,
RESIDENCE THIRD PINAR NORTH BTRANT.
He le now fully prepared to attend promptly to the
duties of profession in all ite breeches.
A. %ONO AID TIST SVOCISBOVIIL 7111:110A1.11.12111NON
juitiles him In promising Oil/ mid Ample maidefaetion to
all who mayforor himmita a eel, bethe diem* Ohroidi
or any other nature. mlit-dfaly
W M. H. MILLER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
011'101 IN
SHOBMAKER'S Bli/LDINGEI
SECOND STREET ,
Birrwm WALNIIT AND KAMM NMI,
ao2B] Nearly opposite the Buehler Heim. rdlaway
THOS. C. MAcDOWELL,.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
MILITARY CLAIM AND PATENT AGENT.
Office in Burhe's Row, Third street, (Up Stafrs.) .
Having formed a connection with parties in Wash
ington City, who are reliable business men, any busi
ness connected with any of the Departmental will meet
with immediate and careful attention. WIT
CHARLES F. VOLLMER
UPHOLSTERER,
Chestnut street, four doors above Second,
(Omens WASHINGTON HOB! HOOS11,)
Is prepared to fnrnishto order, in the very best style of
workmanship, Spring and Hair Mattresses, Window Our
tains, Lounges, and all other artieles of Furniture in his
line, on short notice iond moderate terms. Haring ex
perience in the business,he feels warranted in asking a
share of public patronage, confident of his ability to give
satisfaction. janl7-dtf
SILAS WARD. •
80. 11, NORTH THIRD ST.,
STEINWAY'S PIANOS,
MALODSONS, VIOLIUS, OIIITARB,
Banjos, Flutes, Fifes, Drums, -11ccorde.ous,
MINOS; BENIT AND NOOK MUSIC, &C., &0,
PHOTOGRAPH FRAMES. ALBUMS,
Large Pier *ad Mitfttlit Mirrors ! Square and Oval Frame
of every description made to order. Roguilding done.
Agency for Hewes Sewing Machines.
• U7' Sheet Mamie sent by Mail. oetl-.1
JOHN W. , GLOVER„.
MERCHANT TAILOR!
Has jut received from New York, an assort
ment of
SEASONABLE GOODS,
which he offers to his customers and the public a ,
nov22) MODERATE PRICES. dtt
SMITH & EWING,.
ATTORNEYS-AT,-LAW,
THIRD STREET, Harrisburg,
Practice in the several Courts of Dauphin county. Col
lections made promptly. A. C. SMITH,
feb2ii B. EWING%
JCOOK; Merchant Tailor,
• 27 011ESNUT ST., between Second and Front,
Has just returned from the city with an assortment of
MOMS, CASSIMERES AND VESTINGS,
Which will be sold at moderate prices and made up to
order ; and, also, an assortment of READY MADE
Clothing and Gentlemen's Furnishing Goods.
nov2l-Ird
D E N-TISTR Y.
.'•
B. N. GILDEA, D. D. S.,
•• N 0 . 119 MARKET STREET,
* Ate
EBY & KIMONO litraDlN4, UP STAIRS.
janB-tf
RELIGIOUS BOOK STORE,
TRACT AND SUNDAY SCHOOL DRPOSITORY,
E. S. GERMAN,
IT 801:ITN ONOOND STRUT, ABUT) 011NONIIT,
nesatiseuso,
Depot for tkomsle of Otereascopee,Stareosoopielriews,
Undo and Musfeal Instruments. Also, subscriptions
taken for religions publications. no3o-sly
JOHN G. W. MARTIN,
- FASHIONABLE
CARD WRITER,
HERB'S HOTEL, lIANAISBIJIM, PA.
All manner of VISITING, WEDDING AND BTIS.I.
NESS CARDS executed in the most artistic styles and
most reasonable terms. decl4-dtf
FRANKLIN SQ-USE,
DALTIMORA,
This pleasant and commodious Hotel ham been tho
roughly re-fitted and re-rundehed. It is pleasantly
situated on North-West corner of Howard and Franklin
'Amato, a few dogrel west of the Northern Central Rail
way Depot. ]fiery attention paid to the eomfort 01 his
guests. G. LISENRING, Proprietim,
Jan.& (Late of Selina Grove. Pa.)
T HEO. F. SOHEFFER,
BOOK, ' LARD AND JOB PRINTER ,
NO. 18, MARIINT STREET, HARRISBURG.
ID' Particular attention paid to printing, ruling and
binding of Railroad. Blanks, Manifests, Insurance Poll.
Gies, Checks, Bill. Meads, &c.
Wedding, Waiting and Moines' Garda printed at very
low prices and in the best style. jam%
DYOTTVILLE GLASS WORKS,
PHILADELPHIA ,
ILABVPLOTURII
CARBOYS, DRIIIJOHNS,
PORTER, MINERAL WATER, PICKLE AND
PRESERVE BOTTLES
Or 11112.1' mulosurnov.
H. B. & W. EENNERS,
0011-dir 27 South Front store, Yhiladelphia.
'MUSIC STORE!
NO. 93 MARKET STRIET, HARRISBURG, PA.
SHEET MUSIC, PIANOS,
MELODEONS, GUITARS,
VIOLINS, BANJO STRINGS,
Of every deeeription.
DRUMS, PIPES, FLUTES, ACCORDEONS, etc. at
the lowest CITY PRIORS, st
W. KNOCHE'S MUSIC! STORE,
No. 98 MASI= BUM.
A BOOK FOR THE TIMES 1
American Annual Cyclopedia and Register of
Important Events forth. Year 1861. In 1 vQi,
8 vo. over 750 pages. Cloth .p 3, Leather $3.50.
Published by D. Appleton 4' Co., New York.
The design of this work is to furnish a record of all
the important knowledge of the year. The events of
the war, owing to their prominence, will, of coarse oe
cnpy a conspicuous part, but all other branehas--1181-
enee, Art, Literature, the Mechanic Arts, acie. will re
ceive due attention. The work will be published ex
clusively by subscription, and ready for delivery in June
next.
Also, new complete
Destaels Debates of Composs,l6 volumes, $8 and $8.50
per vo/etme.
Esaton's Thirty Years to U. S. Senate, 2 Taunus' PM
and $8 per root.
Cyclopedia o American Efogamme, containing the
speeches of eWe most amine' Orators of America, 1.4
scut mrrtraits, 2 vets. $2.50 each.
Partoake Life and Times of Andrew Jackson,B volumes,
52.50 each.
address J. P. WERAISBAUGH, Harrisburg, Pa. •
General Agent for D. APPLETON & 00.
For Circulars descriptive of Annual Cyclopedia.
aprila-daewtf.
QWEET CIDER !—A very superior lot
tj just received end for sale by WM. DOCK, jr., dcoo.
POTATOES. --300 BUREI 14LS OF A
superior 'polity just received and for sae low, by
WM. BOOS, JR., & CO.
ia FD PE XCHES-PARED AND
ITSPARID—inet received by
WM, DOCK, k 00.
HARRISBURG, PA:, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1, 1863.
atriot ion+
WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 1. 1863.
THE TRUE CONDITIONS OF :AMERICAN
LOYALTY,
ADDRESS OF HON. GEORGE T. •CIJRTIS.
MEETING OF THE DE4VOCRATICITNION
ASSOCIATION.
Hon. George Ticknor Curtis, formerly of
Boston, but now a resident of New York, ad
dressed tho Democratic Union Association of
that city on Saturday evening.
He came upon the platform amid applause,
and upon being introduced by Mr. P. W. Engs
was greeted with three hearty cheers. He
spoke as follow 3:
MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE
DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION : Nothing but a sense
of the duty which every man owes to society,
according to the measure of his ability to serve
it, would have induced me to address you in a
time like this. It is a time of strange excite
ments and strange acts. No man who does not
join in a wild, undiscriminating support of the
measures bed dogmas of a dominant party can
hope to escape detraction and obloquy. The
utmost exertions are made to suppress ordinary
freedom of speech; every device is employed
to misrepresent, and every effort is made to ,
misunderstand, the purposes of thotie who are .
in political opposition to the party in power.
The vocabulary of political slang is exhausted
to find terms of reproach and infamy with
which to stigmatize men whose motives have
in their favor all the ordinary presumptions of
purity, and whose arguments and opinions are
at least entitled to a respectful hearing. This
process, which has been going on for many
months with a violence unexampled even among
a people whose political discussions are never
marked by too much temperance, has culmina
ted from time to time in outrages upon the
rights of persons and property, and may do so
again. It is no time when one would choose
to utter opinions without being impelled by a
strong sense of duty. •
But if we are not prepared 'to suffer for our
conviCtions they must be very feeble OORVie.
tions. If we do not love our country and its
institutions well'enough to encounter all the
hazards that may attend an honest effort to
save them, our love must be cold indeed.
Such, f am sure, Is not your case or my own.
(Applause.) Meaning to utter here nothing
but words of truth' arid soberness--the truth,
as I hold it, in the soberness that becomes me—
I accept all the responsibility to public opinion
which may justly fall thereon.
I propose to speak to you to-night upon a
a subject which seems to me to be strangely mis
apprehended by many good men, and strangely
perverted by many who are not good. I mean
theaubject of "Loyalty." The word itself, at
least in the sense in which it is to be used in
those countries from' which we have lately bor
rowed it, can scarcely be said to have an ap
propriate place in our political and social
system. But it is a word at present , in great •
use among us; and we must take it as we find
it, and are bound to inquire what are the moral
duties which its just and true eigni4eation
embraces. This inquiry, and the certain con
sequences of accepting and following out the
doctrines which are now farced upon us, will
form the topics of my discourse.
The trae eonditions of American loyalty are
not to be found in the passionate exactions of
partisan leaders, or in the frantic declamations
of the pulpit, the rostrum, or the press.—
(Cheers.) People who do not like my political
opinions may hurl at me the epithet "disloyal,"
but when they have thrown this missile they
have not taken a single step towards defining,
to me or others, what the true conditions of loy
ally are. It is important that this step should
be taken; for whether we are to go on or to
cease, in this course of idle and unmeaning
abuse, it concerns us all to know what measure
of public duty may rightfully be exacted of
us. To know the height and depth of those
great virtues which are comprehended in the
term "patriotism"—to feel at once that they
are seated in our affections and enthroned in
our reason—is to get "wisdom and to get un
derstanding." in the largest of earthly con
cerns. (Applause.)
The true conditions of Americal,loyalty are
to be found in the law of the land; in the insti
tutions under which we live; in the duties flow
ing from the Constitution of our country;
(applause) in the political system which we
have inherited from our fathers, with all its
manifold relations, through which we may
trace the clear dividing-line that separates
perfect from imperfect obligations. (Cheers.)
The text of our fundamental law is the guide,
and the sole guide, in all ethical inquiries into
the duties of the citizen. To that source all
must come, rulers and people alike; to that
fountain all must resort. The vague and shift
ing standards that are drawn from supposed
dangers to what is called "the national life,"
or which spring from the conflicting judgments
of men respecting public necessities, can de
termine nothing. These things can furnish
no rule. We must have a rule, for loyalty is a
moral duty ; and it must therefore be capable
of definition. A people whose "national life"
exists only by virtue of a written constitution,
and who can have no necessities that lie out of
or beyond that written necessity, can find no
rule of loyalty in any of the necessities which
their constitution of government does not
cover. They may find grounds of expediency,
in one or another supposed necessity, for des
troying their constitution; but it would be
extremely absurd to say that this expediency
could be made the object of their "loyalty."
Let us go then to the fountain head—the source
of all our national obligations.
The Constitution of the United States itself
prescribes the full measure of our loyalty in
these words:
"This Constitution and the laws of the Uni
ted States which shall be made inpursuance thereof,
and all treaties made or which shall be made,
under the authority of the United States, SHALL
BE THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND."
Observe how precise as well as comprehen
sive this great rule of our duty is. It expresses
without ambiguity the whole of our obligation
toward the federal government. It makes a
supreme law ;—n; law paramount to all other
human laws—an obligation transcending all
other political obligations. It leaves no room
whatever for the intrusion of another or a ri
val claimant to our civil obedience. That
claimant can neither be a person invested or
uninvested with office, nor an idea of publio
necessity, nor an imaginary national life be
yond or apart from the life, created under the
Constitution. The only possible claimant of
our obedience is the Law ; for as that law is
made supreme, all other demands or demand
ants upon our submission are of necessity
cud/Ivied. (Loud cheers.)
What, then, does this supreme law embrace?
The text on which I am commenting itself fur
nishes the answer. " This Constitution," it
says—what this Constitution contains, and the
laws that shalt be made -in conformity with it—
these shall be the supreme law,rising in autho
rity above all other laws. No public necessi
ties, save as they are embodied in the Consti
tution; no "national life," save as it exists
under the Constitution; no legislation that is
not in accordance with the Constitution—is the
supreme law; but what the Constitution ordains
or authorizes, that is the public necessity, that
is the national life, because it is the supreme
civil 'obligation. (Applause.)
Such is the fundamental character of our
political systein ; and so perTect is it in its con
sistency with itself and with the rights of all
who are subject to it, that it contains a ma
chinery by which the conformity of all ants of
the government with the principles of the Con
stitution may be peacefully tested, without
forcible resistance. If the acts of the govern
ment are complained of as unconstitutional,
they may be brought to a judicial test, or the
people may themselves pass upon them at the
ballot-box, through the instrumentality of
frequent elections. (Applause.)
Now, when we look into the Constitution of
our country to discover the full scope of the
obligations' which are embraced in the supreme
law of the land, we fipd that it grants certain
political powers and rights to the central or
national government, and reserves all other
political powers and rights to the States or the
people. ' Hence it is plain that the reserved
rights of the States or the people are just as
much a part of the supreme law of the land,
just as much comprehended within the duty of
our allegiince, just as much the rightful ob
jects of our "loyalty," as the powers and rights
vested in the national governMent. If the po
litical existence created by the Constitution is
the national life, called into being by the su
preme law of the land—and he would be a bold
and reckless sophist who should undertake to
find thit national life anywhere else—then the
rights which the Constitution reserves to the
States or the people are equally comprehended
in that life, for they are equally declared to be
parts of the suprenie law of the land. For
this reason, all idea of a supremacy of the na
tional rights or powers or interests, when
founded on something not embraced in the
Constitution, is purely visionary. No duty of
"loyalty" can possibly be predicated of Any
claim that is not founded in the supreme lair
of the land. When it is once ascertained what
are the rights and powers vested in the national
authorities by the Constitution, they are parts
of the supreme law, and our "loyalty 7 is due
to them. When we know what are the rights
and powers reserved to the States or the peo
ple—and we know that they are the whole re
sidue of all possible political rights and powers
—they are equally the objects of our "loyalty,"
for the self-same reason, namely, they are
parts of the supreme law of the land. (Loud
applause.)
Again : the Constitution not only contains
some political powers and rights granted to
the Federal Government, and a reservation of
all other political powers and rights to the
States or the people, but it also embraces
rights, of person and property guaranteed to
every ,citizen in his individual capacity ; and
these are equally made, not by implication but .
expressly, parts of the supreme law of the
land, and are therefore equally the objects of
our "loyalty." All pretense, therefore, of
efliv-Peratactunt
ernmeat to override these personal rights of
the citizen, or to claim our "loyalty" in dis
regard of these co ordinate parts of the su
preme law, is a perversion of the very idea of
American loyalty. (Cheers.) As well might
the citizen claim, because the Constitution has
made his personal rights part of the supreme
law, that therefore the loyalty of his neighbor
is due to him alone, as the govettiment can
claim that loyalty is due solely, or chiefly, or
primarily, or ultimately to the functions which
it is appointed to perform. The rights of the
government, the rights of the States, and the
rights of individuals, all and equally, are
comprehended in the supreme law of the land,
and our loyalty is due to that law, to the whole
and t 3 every part of it, and public officers are
in the same sense 'and for the same reason
bound to obey every "jot and tittle" of it.
(Great applause.)
These positions are very plain and familiar
truths; too familliar, perhaps you will say,
to require to be stated. But in these days
nothing that is true is too fundamental or too
plain to be inculcated. The extravagant lan
guage and ideas that are current in the mouths
of even sensible people on this subject of loy
alty would have exceeded all capacity of belief
in any other period than this. If one were to
undertake to reduce this language and these
ideas to something like a definite moral pro
position, it would be found that the doctrine
is something like this: In time of war, when
there are great public dangers, the . rights of
the States and of individuals must give way;
and if those who administer the government
are satisfied that public necessity requires
them to use powers that transcend the limits
of the Constitution, he who does not acquiesce
in their judgment, or who questions their au
thority to do particular acts, is a " disloyal"
citizen. (Laughter.) This statement of the
.doctrine is the best that I know how to make;
for I know not how else to interpret or to ap
ply the denunciations which we find in the
proceedings of public meetings, in the columns
of party newspapers, and in the common
speech and action of very many persons. I
need only point to the utter prohibition that
is attempted to be placed upon all discussion
of any plan for bringing this dreadful civil war
to a close excepting by the particular method
of fighting; or to. the manner in which the
terms " traitor " and " secessionist" are hurled
at all who question the policy and lawfulness
of the methods pursued by the government in
the prosecution of the war. For myself, Ido
not profess to have a definite opinion, as yet,
concerning several of the modes in which a
peace might safely be sought. But I know not
what right I have, legally or morally, to say
that my neigbor shall not discuss such a ques
tion, or shall not act upon it at the polls, or
shall be denounced es " disloyal 7, because his
opinions on these subjects differ from mine.
It is to me very plain that this whole effort of
a dominant party to control opinion by such
means can,
under such institutions as ours,
lead to but one of two results—the establish
ment of a despotism of a very bad kind, or the
overthrow of the political power of those who
resort to such methods. Either the institu
tions of the country will perish, or the party
which undertakes to repress all freedom of
discussion will perish. (Cheers.) I hope we
shall make up our minds to destroy the party
and save the institutions. (Great applause.
" We will do it.") But of this hereafter.
Let me return to this new doctrine of "loy
alty," which requires us to acquiesce in silence
in the judgment of public servants as to what
the public necessities require, even to the ex
tent of overlooking great infractions of the
Constitution. The doctrine entirely ignores
the purpose for which the Constitution imposed
certain stringent limitations on the powers of
the national , government. In order to explain
this it will be necessary to descend from gen
eral reasoning to particular illustrations.
The Constitution; after conferring certain
well defined political powers upon the Federal
government, declares that all other political
powers are reserved to the States or the people ;
and it further secures to every citizen certain
PRICE TWO CENTS.
inalienable rights of person and property,
which it recognizes as inherent in the citizen
forever, beyond all possible control of that
government. Now does any one suppose that
this was done without a serious purpose ? Does
any man imagine that it was done for what is
vulgarly called buncombe, Do you believe that
it was done witp• mental reservation of the
doctrine of public' necessity standing behind
the Constitution and ready to strike it down
from its supreme control over us and our af
fairs ? Let me suggest to you, my fellow citi
zens, that you cannot study the Constitution
and the purposes of the great generation who
made it, without seeing that the very object of
all this careful provision for rights that were
placed beyond the reach of the central govern
ment was to exclude forever this doctrine of
public necessity as a measure of the powers that
were conferred upon that government.—
(Cheers.) I use this language deliberately.
I affirm that when the Constitution repeated
the words of Magna Charts, not as a statute,
but as a fixed provision of fundamental law, and
declared that "no person shall be deprived of
life, liberty or property without due process of
law"—it meant to make a rule for all time and
all circumstances, shutting the door forever
against any supposed public necessity for vie
latieg the rights of the citizen. * In like man
ner I affirm that when the Constitution re
served to the States or the people all political
powers not granted to the Federal government
it meant to preclude every ground of necessity
for the assumption by that government of the
powers thus withheld. (Applause.)
In fact the idea of a written Constitution—a
fixed and supreme law—is utterly irreconcila
ble with the theory that the administrators of
Bush a government can resort to their own
judgment of public necessity, and act contrary
to that supreme law, and that good citizenship
requires the people to acquiesoe.in that judg
ment. They who set up such a claim for our
rulers claim for them an entirely' irresponsible
power. We are required, for example, to be
lieve that what are called "arbitrary arrests"
are necessary, but no one explains to us the
grounds•of that necessity. No account is ren
dered. We are to assume the existence of cau
ses of juatiftelition, but no one tells us what
those causes are. They may remain forever
locked in the bosoms of those who do the acts
of which we complain. , Why should American
citizens filling high places of public trust, act
upon such a principle as this ? Can anything
be more degrading, more injurious to the pub
lic conscience of a people, than to form a habit
of implicit belief in the existence of necessities
which nobody explains, and of which nobody
is required to &too an account? Ton may hear
a hundred men in a day, speaking of some par
ticular. ease of tbis kind, profess its necessity;
and net one man in the whole hundred can
tell you what the necessity was. (Laughter
and applauSe.)
My friends, these false theories of loyalty
—for false I must deem them—are infusing
into our national character a fatal poison.—
They are leading those who cherish them to
impute factious and interested motives to all
pure and manly efforts in defence of the prin
ciples of civil liberty. They who indulge in
this dangerous work of deriding the defenders
otinnuctfitintionst-riettrolfrailitlliffrr. very
inadequate conception of the convulsions that
must precede the final loss of those 'rights.
They take but a very superficial view of the
depth of those feelings which lead men in all
free countries to resist every form of mere
arbitrary power. They make no account of
the principles implanted in our breasts, and
cherished into dictates of nature by genera
tions of training in the practice of liberty;
those principles on which depends the primary
office of an opposition in a free government,
and by means of which.all constitutional rulers
are restrained from abuses of power. Impa
tient of those restraints such persons rush to
methods which cannot be employed without
undermining the foundations of liberty; and
for a supposed temporary advantage barter
away the strength and the supports, the vigor
and the health of the body politic. This has
been in all ages the downward course of na
tions, who have substituted for free institutions
and systems of fundamental law a blind and
unquestioning faith in public necessities, and
have then welcomed some despotic power.—
Thus did the Roman empire succeed the re
public. and thus we may be preparing ourselves
for a like destiny. Let us be warned in time.
(Cheers.)
I have endeavored to state with due precis
ion and fairness one very important part of the
conditions of a true loyalty. But I should
leave this subject in an imperfect state if I
omitted, on the other hand, to give equal
prominence to certain principles of our politi•
cal system which limit the mode in which
States and individuals are to exercise their
constitutional rights of opposition to the mea
sures of the Federal government. I have
briefly adverted to this already ; but a more
extended statement of the principle is neces
sary.
I will assume then that a measure, having
all the forms of law, is believed upon good
grounds to be a violation of the constitutional
rights of States and individuals. What id the
rule of action under such circumstances ?
There is no difficulty whatever in finding the
answer. IS7 the establishment of a judicial
system within the Federal Constitution, having
ultimate cognizance of all eases arising under.
that Constitution, one mode is provided by"
which both States and individuals can ascer
tain whether their reserved rights are invaded
by the Federal authorities. This remedy is at
all times open; and there is no valid reason
why a State should forcibly assert its consti
tutional rights any more than that an indivi
dual should do the same thing. While a State
remains a member of the Union, it is bound to
vindicate its constitutional rights and powers
in that mode which is consistent with the pre
servation of that Union; and it can at any
time, under any supposed violation of its rights
or the rights of its people, make a case forju
dicial determination. Forcible resistance is
open revolution ; and nothing but an intolera
ble oppression, cutting off all judicial remedy,
can make revolution a necessity and a duty.
(Applause.)
Again : there is another equally good reason,
which shows that no pbpular tumults and no
* It is, in my opinion, a monstrous fallacy to sup
pose that the implied authority for suspending the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus warrants indefi
nitely the arrest and detention of citizens without ju
dicial process. This implied authority was given in the
original Constitution But after the adoption of that
instrument the people came forward and annexed to it
the prohibition of Magna Charts, making that provi
sion part of the supreme law. The two clauses of the
Constitut' 011 must therefore be so construed and applied
as not to rend r nugatory the one last adopted. and so
as to give effect to its stringent d.elarations These
clauses can be reconciled only by such a course of legis
lative and executive action as will preserve the opera
tion of both. If under peculiar circumstances of immi
nent danger the sated seizure is made without judicial
process, the prisoner should immediately be charged
with an offense by warrant and then the suggienaion of
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus may intervene
to prevent his dlscha ge from theimprisoment for cau
ses which would operate to discharge him if the writ
were n t suspended. This is the only course of legis
lation, i n my opinion, that can be consistent with all
the provisions of the Constitution. Ido not see bow it
is possible to contend that a continual imprisonment,
founded on mere executive seizure, can be authorized
by taking swarth.) privilege of the habeas corpus. If
ssagna Charts had not been interposed there might have
been more ground for this pretension, for then thete
would have been no necessity for process at any time.
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forcible resistance are either legally or morally
justifiable while the ballot-box remains un-.
touched. If the people of a state have reason
to believe that measures of the Federal go
vernment are subversive of the Constitution,
it is their right and their duty to correct the
evil by a change of their rulers. (Cheers.) In
oases of supposed extensive violations of the
Constitution, to which the attention of the
whole country is called; the remedy of elections
is ordinarily suffieient to reverse, and is in our
system held to reverse, erroneous constructions
of that instrument, as well as errors of policy.
The popular tribunal may not be quite so pre
cise is its action as the judicial, but there can
can be no mistaking the judgment of the peo
ple when it is pronounced upon an issue clearly
made with an administration which is charged
with infringing the Constitution. (Great ap
plause.)
These principles no one, I presume, will be '
inclined to dispute. But there is thrust in, to
intercept their application to the present crisis
in our affairs, a doctrine which I for one dis
tinctly repudiate. That doctrine is, in sub
stance, that all questioning of the measures of
the administration should be postponed while
we are in a civil war ; that there should be but
one party, and that all should rally in an "un
conditional support of the constituted authori
ties." This dogma needs examination. If by
an unconditional support of the constituted
authorities it is intended to claim that we must
all recognize the fact that we are engaged'in a
civil war, and that we must conduct it, while
it lasts, through those authorities, and must
hold no irregular intercourse with the public
enemy, I readily accede to the proposition.
But if it is meant that we are not to question
the methods which the administration pursue
in the prosecution of the war; that we have
no rightful control over their measures; or that
we are to refrain from demanding a change of
their policy—l reject the doctrine without the
slightest hesitation. The very issue which you
make with the administration of itself refutes
that doctrine. That issue is, that their course
of action subverts the Constitution'; makes the
war an attack upon the social system of the
South, and renders it impossible to succeed in.
that war, without destroying, for the South
and for the North, the whole principle of state
sovereignty on which the 'Union was necessa
rily founded as one of its corner-stones. It is
in vain to say that the acts of the administra
tion of which you complain are military mea
sures. In every civil war there are political
considerations which must qualify the military
action, or that action can result only in disas
ter. A government that undertakes to suppress
a great revolt of powerful and organized com
munities, at the same time furnishing the
strongest of moral motives for resistance, is in
the same situation as he who fights his enemy
with one hand and supplies hint through the
other with the munitions of war. In the pre
sent case we have made the conquest one of
infinite difficulty, by first declaring that we
waged the war solely for the supremacy of the
Constitution, and then turning round and ma
king the overthrow of the Constitution a too
probable result of our success. ("That's so."
Applause.)
Tho relult will not be confined to the condi
ton 'orthe revelled States, 11 the - war contin
ues to 1 )0 preEmeuted as it. Lisa been for the last
six months. You cannot acquiesce in the
measures of the administration, involving, as
they do, the exercise of many powers that lie
wholly outside of the OenStitution, without
leaving this country hereafter to be.ruled by
powers that will rest upon nothing but what the
judgment of a party, or a faction, or a clique,
shall deem to be public necessities. In this
aspect of our affairs I cannot avoid a - word of
earnest appeal to all reflecting men, to consider
what fate must attend the securities of prop
erty, as well as the rights of person, if we per
mit the Constitution to be lost.
There are five great securities of property,
the continuance of which in this country is
dependent on the preservation of the Consti
tution of the United States. Let me enumerate
them. They are
1. A uniform metallic currency, as the basis.
and standard of all values.
2. The power to establish a uniform system
of bankruptcies, whenever the interests of
commerce require it.
3. The inviolability of contracts by States
Legislatures.
4. The provision which places property un
der the protection of the Constitution, as
against federal power, so that no Man can be
deprived of it without legal process.
5. The prohibition which restrains the fede
ral power of eminent domain, so that private
property cannot be taken for public use with
out just compensation.
Now no rational being can suppose that these
guarantees can be extorted anew from.that cen
tralized despotism which is but too likely to be
the only successor that the Constitution of the
United States can ever have. I care NM what
ideas men may form of that "stronger govern.
meat" which some allow themselves to wish
for in the place of our present system. My
reason and my instincts both teach me that
that government will be an unchecked and un
controlled despotism; and we need not look far
for the signs.of its approach. (Applause.) Con
sciously or unconsciously, there. are many
agencies at work to promote its advent; one of
the most potent of them is the false doctrine of
"loyalty," against which I contend, and ano
ther is the perilous idea that you can safely
trifle with a fixed Constitution.. We have made
such vast strides towards a system entirely
unknown to the Federal Constitution, that we
can now see the nature of the only power that
will ever replace it. When that power has
fully come the present securities of property
will have been swept away with the securities
of person. Both will disappear with the Fed
eral Constitution ; and we shall never extort
them as concessions from the new power, or
place them beyond reach if we can extort
them. There are no barons on this our Amer
ican earth to make a new Magna Charge,: our
race will never see another Runnymede; and
we shall never see another Washington, another
Madison, another Hamilton, another Jay, ano
ther Patrick Henry, another Samuel Adams.—
Ev6n the States, with their separate constitu
tions, their bills of rights, and their present
capacity to protect their people, will fall be
neath the new and unchecked power to which
the nation will surrender itself when it outs
aloof from the Federal Constitution; and if they
should not, every intelligent man who has had
much to do with aoeumulation knows, or should
know, that property, deprived of the supports
which it derives from the Federal constitu
tional system, can maintain but a feeble and
precarious existence. We must remember that
long, long centuries ago—in a state of society
in one sense rude, but when the manly virtues
of our ancestors gave them a historic splendor
that we can only reflect—it providentially hap
pened that the rights of property and the
rights of person were indissolubly blended
in one immortal maxim, that was laid, for all
time, at the basis of the civilization of our race.
Whatever may happen in other civilizations, or
tryishandproperty for ns
together. (Great
m in us o t th t er ou e r l i i s m h es o ,
r lib p er e
cheering.)
My friends, it is time that the warfare upon
opinion, and thought, and sieech, should