RATES OF ADVERTISING.
four lines or leas constitute half a square. Ten lines,
or more than four, eonstitnte a square.
Half sq., one day—.— $1 BO One eq., one day...« $0 60
tc one week.... 120 .. one week.... 2OD
" one mouth" 300 " one month.. 600
" three months sOa " three months 10 00
" six mmths.. 800 " Six months., 15 00
" one year,......12 00 " one year...... 20 OJ
E:r Business notices inserted in the LOCAL COLUMN,
OT before marriages and deaths, TEE CENTS PEN LINE for
each insertion. To merchants and others advertising
by the year, liberal terms will be offered.
ID' The number of insertions must be designated on
the advertisement.
4D Marriages and Deaths will be inserted at the same
rates as regular advertisements.
Alistellanctrus.
_ .
pENsioNs, BOUNTIES, BACK PAY,
[ J.
War Claims and Claims for Indemnity.
STEWA.RT, STEVENS, CLARK & CO.,
Attorneys and Counsellors-at-Lam, and Solicitors
fer all kinds of Military Claims,
450 PENNbYLVANIA AVENUE,
WASHINGTON, D. C.
This firm, having a thorough knowledge of the Pen
sion Business, and being familiar with the practice in
all the Departments of Government, believe that they
can afford greater - facilities to Pension, Bounty, and
other Claimants, for the prompt and successful accom
plishment of business entrusted to them, than any other
firm in Washington. They desire to secure such an
amount of this business as will enable them to execute
the business for each claimant very cheap/y, and on the
basis of their pay contingent upon their sues ens in each
ease_ ?or this purpose they will secure thle services of
, Law Firms in each prominent locality throughout the
- 'States whore such business may be had, furnish such
, with ell the necessary blank forms of application and
1
evidence requisite printed pamphlet instructions, and
*circulars ' for distribution in their vicinity, with asso
ciates names inserted, and upon the due execution. of
the papers and transmission of the same to them by
their local associates, they will,promptly perform the
bII4IIIMII here.
Ezr Their charges will be ten dollars for officers and
five dollars for privates, for each Pension or Bounty and
Back Pay obtained, and ten per Cent, on amount of
Claims for Military Supplies or Claims for Indemnity.
117' Soldiers enlisted since the Ist of March, 1861, in
any kind of service, Military or Naval, who are disabled
by disease or wounds, are entitled to Pensions. All
soldiers who serve for two years, or during the war,
should it sooner close, will be entitled to $lOO Bounty.
Widows of soldiers who die or are killed, are entitled to
Pensions, and the $lOO Bounty. If there be no widow,
then the minor children. And if no minor children,
then the father, mother, sisters or brothers are enti
_led as above to the sloo . Bounty and Back Pay.
JOSEPH B. STEWART,
RESTOS b, STEVENS,
EDW LED CLARE,
OSCAR A. PTEVENS,
WILLIS B. GAYLORD.
WASHINGTON, D- C., 1862.
VW' Apply at our once or to our Associate at
HARRISBURG, PA.—LOAN A. BIGLER, Attorney and
Counsellor.
PITTSBURG, PA.—ARTHURB et, RIDDELL, Attor
neys-at-Law.
Porrurna.s, PA.—WM. R. SMITH, Attorney and
Counsellor.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.—J. 4. MINNICIIILD, 46 Alwood
street, WU.. M. SMITH, Attorney and Couneollor.
AVARG/NGTON, EA.—BOYD CRII3IRINCE, Attorney
and 4:knolsollor
jy3l-clly •
JACKSON & CO.'S
SHOE STORE,
NO. 90X ILANKNT OTBNAIT,
HARRISBURG, PA.,
Where they ntend to deiote their entire time to the
inarinfacture of
BOOTS AND SHOES
all kinds and Twisters, in the. scatoot and most fish_
_enable styles, and at satisfactory price!".
Their stock will consiat, in part, of Gentlemen's Rae
CaVend Patent Leather Boots and Shoes, latest styles;
Ladies' and Misses , Gaiters, and otherphoes invest
variety; and in fact everything connected with the
Shoe
CUSTOMER WORK - Will be particularly attended to,
and in all cases will satisfaction be warranted. Lasts
/Wed up by one of the best stokers in the country.
The long practical experience of the undersigned, and
their thorough knowledge of the business will, they
trues be sufficient guarantee to the public that they
will do them justice, and furnish them an article the
will recommend itself for utility„cheapness and dun.
Nifty. pang] JACKSON & 00.
IaIIBINGER'S PATENT BEEF TEA,
iv I a solid, 651ietatrated extract of
BEEF AND VEGETABLES,
Convertible immediately into a nourishing and deli
rious soup. Highly approved by a number of eminent
Physicians_.This admrable article condensed into a compact form,
all the substantial and nutritive properties of a large
bulk of meat and vegetables ; The readiness with which
it dissolves into a rich and palatable Soup, which would
require hears of preparation according to the usual
method, is an advantage in many situations of life, too
obviousto need urging. Its highly nourishing qualities
combined with iiadelicacy, renders it invaluable for the
nick; while for those in health, the a perfectaubatitote
for fresh meat and vegetables. It will keep good Many
climate.
It is peculiarly well adapted FOR TRAVELERS, by
Sand or sea, who can thus avoid those accidentaldepriva
lions of a comfortable meal, to which they are so liable.
FOR INVALIDS, whose capricious appetite can thus
be satisfied in a moment.
FOR SPORTSMAN and NICOURSIONISTS. to whom,
both its compactness and easy preparation will recom
mend it. For sale by
sep'24-tf
VAILTER OAK
. IE
FAMILY FLOUR!
UNEXCELLED BY ANY IN THE U. STATES!
AND SUPERIOR TO ART
.45 6 ma , mar 23, JEW_ _A_ 11T.11:1 AB
OFFERED IN .PENNSYLVANIA!
IT IS MADE OP
CHOICE MISSOURI WHITE WHEAT.
wr—b a uyarea any place is the any free of charge.
Terms cash on delivery.
.130) WM. DOOR, 75., & CO.
QOLDIER'S CAMP COMPANION.-
eJ A very convenient Writing Desk; also, Portfolios,
Memorandum BKlkthr9lll3 1 0 1 maies, are-, at
tiowarrual BOONSTORS
CHEESE ! !-100 Boxes Prime Cheese
, y .izn consignment) for sale lo r r VeleAr market rate.
MOTIONS.—Quite a variety of tumfal'
VI
and entertaining articles—cheap—at
SCELF,SE.HIPS BOOKSTOMI.
WANTED.—A GOOD COOK at the
BODIttAISDNBII WM,. Apply Immeditt
(ILARET WINE !!!—We are closing out
%.1 a TRW/ SUPXRIOR LOT at less than cost!
be:4 WM. DOCK TB CO.
"PRIME POTATOES !--A LARGE LOT
just received and for sale low.
oved-dtt WM. DOOR, Ja., & CO.
1/11, CE MEAT! —Very superior, just
I .l4. eceived and for vale by WEL DOCK, jr.. & 00.
CONDENSAD MEM. I—just - received
and for sole by ' WEL DOCK jr., k. 00.
BERMETICALLY SEALED
Peaebes, Tomatoes, Wester, Salmon, Orters,
gpleed Oysters, for sale by FPM. DOOR, jr., & CO,
SMOKED HALIBUT ! —A very choice
5„) „ewe, just received and for sale by
WM. DOCK, jr., & CO.
- LIRENCH NUBTARD, ENGLISH and
ju Domestic Pickles, (by the dozen or hundred,) Su
perior Salad Oil, Ketchup, Sauces and condiments of
every description, for ode by
ny2s W3l. DOCK, 3R., & gto
AI TROUT ! !-A small invoice of
laral MOUT, (Mackinaw,) trimmed, and the
quality "A 110.1," just received and for gale very low
bur WM. DOOF., Js ., s, CO
No. 62
WAR! WAR ! -BRADY,
Market street, below Third, has received a large
iteeoremoot of Sweeps, Bessie; and Baum, which h
will sell very low. ilirrp.tuf
SELF SEALING FRUIT JARS 1-
t 3 Beat and Cheapest in the markets! Can man
examine them_
Val
F" RENT —Two desirable OFFICE
Rooms, second story front of Wyetles Building
isomer of - Market square and Market street. Atmlyst
Ids ales sep2344f
M A C K E R E L!!!
- MACKEREL, llos.l, 2 and 2, in all sized packages
uew, and each package warranted. Just received. atid
or sae low by Wirt. DOCK.. JL & 60.
WM. DOCK. 7E.; do Oo
1 WM_ DOCK., Js., & CO.
.
••----____-
-._
• '. I '
I * -:,------ 7,-,-s,-_-7,-__z_,:,-.4::',---:,':F-,---;--,i,T,'.,-;,.-4:7---4-.---.•
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---;-
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. . 1 , ,?•-: -; ' '..','-•. il T.,1;...:.1... '
.. .• , .- L! _.•:.•,,,i,i i - !•'. l:-.; ,• '• -- Union
• . :: ' --- - it.. -if ,• ',HT. r,
. - -
. *
------'--------.
VOL. 5.-NO. 159.
El:mimeo Cartto.
DR. WM. R. DE WITT, J . R.
°MOB: •
SECOND STREET, ABOVE LOCUST.
june-ctlm.
RELIGIOUS BOOK STORE,
TRACT AND SUNDAY SCHOOL DEPOSITORY,
E. S. GERMAN.
wr SOUTH DROOND OTBEST, ABOVI OHIISNITT,
HARSISECCING, PA.
Depot forthe sale of Stereoscopee,StersosooploViews,
iftisio Sad Musical Instruments. Alen ; subscrlptiow
ton for religions publications. ne3o-dy
W.M. H. MILLER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
oppicni IN
SHOEMAKER'S BUILDINGS,
SECOND STREET,
BETWEEN WALNUT AND MARKET SQUAW! )
_no2Bl Nearly opposite the Buehler Hon e. rd&irly
JOHN G. IV. M.ARTIN,
FASHIONABLE
CARD WRITER,
HERWS HOTEL, 'HARRISBURG, PA.
All manner of VISITING, WEDDING AND B usr-
NESS CARDS executed in the most artistic styles and
most reasonable terms. decl4-dtf
FRANKLIN HOUSE,
BALTIMORM, MD.
This pleasant and oommodious Hotel has been tho
roughly re-fitted and re-furnished. It is pleasantly
situated on North-West corner of Howard and Franklin
streets, e few 4,901 . 9 west of the Northern Central Rail
way Depot. livery attention paid to the eon:Jett of hit
guests. LBIBSNItING, Proprietor,
jel2-tf (Late of Selina Grove. Pa.)
T . HEO. F. SCHEFFER,
ROM CARD AND JOB PRINTER
NO. 18 MARKET STREET, HARRISBURG.
irr Particular attention paid to printing, ruling and
binding of Railroad Blanks, Manifests, Insurance Poli
cies, Oheeke, Bill-Heads, &c.
Wedding, Visiting and Business Cards printed at very
low priced and in the best style. jan2l
DirOTTVILLE GLASS WORKS,
PHILADELPHIA,
DIA3I7FACTIIRE
CARBOYS, DEMIJOHNS,
WIN lA, PORTER, TIMBAL WATER, PICIELB AND
PRESERVE BOTTLES
OP START 1)&803IPTION.
H. B. dr. G. W. BENNEBB,
aell)-dly 27 South Front ateret, Philadelphia.
RUBIO STORE!
NO. 93 MARKET STREET, HARRISBURG, PA.
SHEET MUSIC, PIANOS,
MELODEONS, GUITARS,
VIOLINS, BANJO STRINGS,
Of every deseription.
DRUMS, SIRES, BUMS, ABOORDMONS, eto. at
the lowest CITY PRICES, at
W. N.NOCHWS MUSIC STORE!,
No. 93 MARIEST STUIT.
GOAL NOTICE.—VV.E HAVE THIS
day completed an arrangement with Henry Thomas,
ter The Bale= of the entire amount of _LYICENS
VALLEY and SHORT MOUNTAIN COAL, mined
by him to be delivered st blillersburg, have this day
appointed E. BYERS Bole-Agent for the Z 1 Labe of Penn
sylvania, except Philadelphi,a.
SLITYOrII PENNING-TON & 00.
Iferrfahnrg, Feb. 19, 1863.-.febla.d4w
TTAMSI I I —Just received, a large
a supply of COVERED SUGAR-CITRED RAMS, of
.he best brand ix the market. Every one O old is gnat
antes& 3nne27l WM. DOOR, Jit., & CO.
BANK NOTICE —Notice is hereby
given that the undersigned have formed an associa
tion and prepared a certificate for the purpose of estab
lishing a Bank of Issue, Discount and Deposit, under
the provisions of the act entitled "A supplement to an
act to establish a system of Free Banking in Pennsyl
vania, and to secure the public against loss from Insol
vent Banks approvedthe first day of May, Anno Domini
eighteen hundred and sixty-one. The said Bank to be
called THE FARMERS' BANK OF MOUNT JOY, to
be located in the borough of Mount Joy, to consist of a
capital stock of One Hundred Thousand Dollars, in
shares of Fifty Dollars each, with the privilege of in
creasing the same to any amount not exceeding Three
Hundred Thousand Dollars in all.
J. Hoffman Hershey, John H. Harsher,
Martin B. Peifer, Jacob M. Btauffer,
Reuben Gerber, John M. Bear.
jan2Bolfirsoal
FANCY FURSII FANCY FURS !1 !
•
JOHN FAREIRA,
No. 718 ARCH STREET,
below Eighth, eolith side,
P rI L.LIJELP 111.#
IMPORT= AND MANIIFACTIJ
RIM OF, AND DEALER IN ALL
KINDS OF
FANCY FURS
For Ladies' and Children's wear.
I desire to say to my friends of Dauphin and the sur
rounding counties, that I have now in store, one of the
largest and most beautiful assortments of all kinds and
qualities of FANCY FURS, for Ladies' and Children's
wear, that will be worn during this Fall and Winter.
My Furs were purchased in Europe, previous to the
rise in Sterling Rxdinge, and the New Duty Imposed
on all Furs, imported since the first of August.
I would also state, that as long to my stock lasts, I
will offer it at prices proportionate to what the goods
cost me; but, it will be impossible for me to import and
manufacture any more Furs, and sell them at teh same
prises, owing to the unsettled state of the affairs of the
Country.
117'ilemember the name, number and street—
JOHN /PARAIBA,
sepl2.-dsm 718 Arch street, Philadelphia.
A BOOZ, ,FOR THE TIMES I
American Annual Cyclopedia and Register of
Important Events for the Year 1861. In 1 vol.
8 vo. over 750 pages. Cloth
_„,,3, Leather $3.50.
Published by D. :dppletou 4 Co., New York.
The design of this work ie to furnish a record of all
the important knowledge of the year. The events of
the war, owing to their prominence, will, of course, oc
cupy a conspicuous part, but all other branches—Sci
ence, Art, Literature , the Mechanic Arts, &a . 1 will re
ceive due attention. The work will be published ex
clusively by subscription, and ready for delivery in June
next.
Also, now complete
Benton's Debates of Congress ,16 volumes, ;3 and $3.50
per volume.
Benton's Thirty Years in U. S. Senate, 2 vohnnes, PRO
and 23 per vol.
Cyclopedia cf. Amma. Eloquent, containing the
speeches of the most eminent Orators of America, 14
steel portraits, 2 vols. $2.50 each.
Parton's Life and Times of Andrea , „Tackson,B ochrous,
$2.60 each.
Address I. B. STRABBAUGH, Harrisburg, Pa.
a-eneralAgent for D. APPLETON & 00.
Poi Manisa descriptive of Annual Cyclopedia,
april3-d&wtf.
JWEET CIDER !—A very superior lot
just received and for sale by WM. DOCK,jr., &Co.
POTATOES,- 300 BUSHELS OF A
.11. superior quality just received and forDOCK salo &
0 low, by
WM. , JR., 0.
TIMED PEACHES-PARED AND
lINPARED—itcst received by
WM. DOCK, Jx., & 00.
SOL AR MATCHES!
-7 NO SULPHUR!
NO SMELL!
FIFTY GROSS of the above Superior Mechem Just
mired, and for sale by WM. DOOK, Ja., & CO.
MINCE PIES I —Raisins, Currants,
• Citron spices, Lemenst, Cider, Wine,Brandy and
Bum, for sale by WM. DOC K, jr., & Co.
IIICKWHEAT MEAL 1-15,000 lbs
Super Extra jtuat received and for eby
deal Wlll. DOC sal K. JR. & CO.
HARRISBURG, PA., FRIDAY, MARCH 6, 1863.
Ett4 atriot calition
FRIDAY MORNING - , MARCH G. 1863
SPEECH
ON
EX-GOV. THOMAS H• SEYMOUR,
AT THE
CITY HALL, HARTFORD, CONN., TUESDAY
EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1503.
Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens :
I thank you for this kind reception, and
cheerfully respond to your call for some re
marks from me. The time has come when we
should, all of us, speak out plainly, and dis
cuss the questions which these unhappy days
have given birth to. Neglect to do this may
be a source of future regret. I do not mean
to incur the penalty of any such regret if I
can help it, and therefore' purpose speaking
atyour ineetifts whenever it may be proper for
me to do so. I believe we have reached a cri
sis in public affairs when the boldest language
will prove to be the best for the occasion, and
best for our country. We have got to deal
with principalitiee and powers which need to
be rebuked, and we have got to deal with men
in power who should be told that there is a
point beyond which forbearance ceases to be
a virtue. For the last eighteen months the
people of the free States, so called, have suf
fered great abuse at the hands of their rulers.
It has now come the turn of the people to be
heard. It has come their turn, not to render
evil for evil, but to vindicate their rights un
der the Constitution, and by so doing over
whelm the men in authority who would abro
gate those rights. That is their mission, and
it is a mission which I expect to see success
fully accomplished.
You have come together, gentlemen, under
somewhat better auspices than we have had
to boast of in a long while. You have to-day
the restoration of that freedom of speech which
was denied to you a year ago. This is due, in
a great measure, to the late elections., And
this privilege is not only restored to you, but
it can't be taken away again. I would make
oath to that. Henceforth, my countrymen,
never let orders from headquarters, come in
what shape they may, never let such orders
prevent you from asserting your right to dis
cuss fully and freely, as you please, the affairs
' of Government. Never! And another thing.
I had hoped the day of illegal arrests was over ;
but the recent exhibition of the mailed hand
at the city of Philadelphia proves that the 'will
is not wanted to restore the reign of terror.—
That exhibition of despotic power should be
the last. Or, if the day of illegal arrests
should come again, with its bolts, and bars, and
shackles for freemen, let freemen solemnly
proteit against such high-handed measures,
and take their protests to the bollobboxes.—
And if the ballot should fail to correct such
enormities and preserve their libeities, they
may be driven to look for some other remedy.
Gentlemen, the bitter experiences of the past
year have solved a new problem in our institu
tions. They have proved that the moat 'den.
gerous of all experiments, under a form of
governzueut like ours, in that which elms to
stifle the voice of a free people. Such an ex
periment may be successful for a while, but it
can not last. Forbidden to speak their free
thoughts, they are driven to reflect more deep
ly than before on the value of their liberties.
Their rights under the Constitution are studied
over and over again ; the audacious insolence
of the bad men in power, who Would deprive
them of those rights, is sternly set before their
eyes ; the heroic example of their Revolution
ary Fathers comes up before them,admonishing
them that the price of liberty is eternal vigil
ance—and all at once the storm bursts forth,
the soul asserts its independence,Ana the
wronged, abused, insulted citizen, ifree again,
and powerful to assert, maintain and defend
his rights against the powers that be, though
backed by a million of bayonets. Such is the
problem which has just now been solved in our
midst, and such the lesson which it furnishes
to present and future generations. Reflection
on the iniquitous proceedings of the govern
ment which suppressed free speech and a fres
press, and sought to punish men for suggest
ing peaceful measures as a means of saving the
Union which we all had so much at heart; the
result of their meditation on these things, is a
clear, convincing, unanswerable, powerful and
perfectly crushing argument agaitelld the pre
sent administration.
There are many things that might be dis
cussed on this occasion if time would permit.
As you have called me out, gentlemen, let me
notice some few of them which go to strengthen
the argument to which I have just referred.
You all know how often it is remarked--this
war might have been prevented, and the rea
sons usually given for such a remark. Let us
look into this very briefly, if I maydo so with
out tiring you, and see how the case stands.
I begin with the secession of South Carolina,
and the States which immediately followed
her.
When this occurred, it became a serious
matter for the entire country. You had the
army and navy in your hands, which some
supposed should In launched at once against
the South. More considerate men insisted on
taking a different course. They chose to treat
the act of disunion as a political rather than as
a military one, and deal with it accordingly.
Of this number was Mr. Crittenden, of Ken
tucky, whose resolutions for saving the Union
and preventing bloodshed are familiar to you
all. These resolutions were acceptable to our
conservative citizens generally, and if they had
been accepted, as they should have been, there
would have been no war; the States would
have been united, and we should have gone on
again in a career of peace, prosperity and
happiness. The assertion of Northern oppo
nents of these resolutions that the South woul4
not accept of them, is disproved by governor
Bigler, of Pennsylvania, in his able letter on
this subject,. He has shown us that the lead
ing Southern men in Congress at that time,
whose names are most obnoxious to the North
were willing to accept of the compromise bill
as a finality_ They did indeed claim that they
were entitled to the benefits of the decision of
the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case,
giving them an equal share in the Territories.
Nevertheless, for the sake of peace, they would
accept of the Crittenden bill, with the under
stanaing that it should be a final adjuetmet
of the difficulties between the slave and frie
States. Such was the state of the ease when
the bill came to a vote in Congress. Its
scarcely necessary to ask who defeated t s
bill.
.The Republicans went against it i a
solid phalanx, and it was killed. They ha - it
in their power to pass the bill, but would ma ;
they defeated it, and by so doing took on the tn.-
selves the consequences which follow sue ll a
defeat. Some of them may have hesitated in
the course they were taking on that- occasion
—but pressed on by the ultras who required
" blood letting," the " peace measures ' were
thrown overboard, and our country swept along
toward the brink of ruin. .
But there was yet another chance Co save
the Union. Let us see how that was thrown
away also. The next chance far saving the
Union and preventing bloodshed, was at the
Peace Conference of March, 1861. That body
came together some time early in. March; it
was composed of representatives from the Bor
der States. and from the Middle, Western and
Northern States. The proceedings of the Con
feience were highly honorable to the ability
and patriotism of the Border State delegates.
They did what they could to save the Union.
The part that Virginia took in those proceed
ings was purely a national one, as everybody
could see. Though suffering from-the effects
of the John Brown raid, she nevektheless
showed herself anxious to keep the .peace,
whatever might be said of others. But iikva,in.
The Conference broke up without having ac
complished anything; it was a failure.
And who, let me ask, is responsible for that
failure? Who prevented the conference from
adopting the measures which were needed to
prevent's fratricidal war? The same class of
men who defeated the Crittenden bill! They
defeated the peace proposition of the confer
ence. Unfortunately for our countly; the
delegates from the free States appear to have
been selected by Republican Governors, on
account of the known hatred of these men to
compromiees of all kinds. Those who were
sent from this State voted, with one exception,
against the peace measures of the conference.
That assembly, which for a brief period had
given us some hopes of preserving the Union,
broke up in despair, and the brink of destruc
tion seemed reached at last. Another failure
to restore harmony, and the ruin would be
complete. It seemed to be pre-determined
that there should be another failure anyway,
and the gulf of perdition reached at last.
But before I come to speak of the last and
worst phase of this question, a single word as
to certain conservative opinions which began
to prevail after the administration went into
power.
Shortly after Mr. LinColn was sworn into
office, the question began to be seriously de
bated as to whether a sovereign State could
rightfully be coerced by force of arms. lam
not going into the discussion of it at the pre
sent time. I only wish to remind you that
anch a question was raised, and that the nega
tive of it was ably sustained by men Of great
worth and ability, and by no one more ably
than our worthy fellow-citizen, Mr. Eaton.
It was proved beyond controversy, that the
founders of the Constitution never provided,
or intended to provide, for any such military
schemes as are now on foot for the conquest of
the southern States. Never ! On the contra
ry, it was shown that the founders of that
instrument voted down every proposition of
the sort, All this was proVed, and more than
I need trouble you with at this time. Now,
what I mean to say is this—before I come to
another matter—that these undeniable proofs
of the true intent and meaning of thepConsti
talon on the subject of coercion, or force,
ought to have impressed the men in power at
Washington with the absolute necessity for
using great forbearance in their dealings with
the seceding States. For a while these con
siderations may have had some weight with
them, but they, were soon to give way for
others.
Thislrings me to speak of one chance more,
which, if it had been rightfully improved,
might have averted the horrors of Civil war.
We shall see how that was thrown away also,
and the Union dashed on the rocks. It so
happened that the whole question of peace or
war was destined to turn on a single poipt—
and that a fort in Charleston harbor. By a
concurrence in circumstances, Fort Sumpter
became the point upon which the very exis
tence of the Union hinged. But, in oompari.
son with the worth of the Union, and the dire
ful evils which might follow a serious collision
in that quarter, the fort was of little conse
quence to anybody. A collision between the
State and Federal troops should, if possible,
be avoided. All that was wanted was to gain
time for reason to have its turn. The Gov
ernment might go on with its blockade, but
should do nothing to provoke the shedding of
blood. Now it was seen, and plainly seen,
that any attempt to reinforce Sumpter inlaid
provoke the very crisis which some of the best
men in our country wished to avoid. And this
was not only seen, but the Federal authorities
at the capital gave their pledge to Justice
Campbell, of the Supreme Court of the - United
States, that no such attempt should be made
to reinforce Fort Sumpter! In proof of this, I
refer you to the Judge's letter on the subject—
s letter which was published in the Journal of
COMOUNTE, and other papers, some two months
after the war broke out. "Put not your faith
in Princes." The pledge I have. just referred
to had scarcely been made when measures were
actually taken by the Federal authorities for
doing what seemed to be the very thing which
the Government had solemnly agreed not to do.
A Government flotilla was sent to Charleston
harbor, somewhere between the 10th and 15th
of April, 1861; and sent there for what? It
was sent there to accomplish a certain pur
pose—and that purpose was to draw the fire of
Fort Moultrie, in occupation of southern
troops, in order that the Federal authorities,
and the men who were urging them to " blood
letting," might have the overt cot they required
to justify a declaration of war against the
South. Their plan succeeded, and we were
pushed over the brink of
,ruin and plunged
into the very vortex of horribly destructive,
awful and ruinous civil war, the end of which
no man can tell.
Having done with occurrences which prece
ded the war, let me briefly Alyea to what has
since taken place. The war having been in
augurated, we were told that it was to be a
war for the Constitution and the Union. I deny
that it has been a war for either. This denial
you will find sustained by almost every leading
act of the administration since the first blow
was struck. From the moment troops were
first ordered to Washington, in April, 1861, the
Constitution has scarcely been regarded at all
by the men in power. Some of their most
zealous supporters more than half admit this.
But, say,they, the South having broken the
Constitution, we are no longer bound by it.
This confession, if it amounts to anything at
ali, is a virtual impeachment of their Presi
dent, who has taken an oath to support, main
tain Kw defend the Constitution of the United
States. Nothing has occurred, that I know of,
since he took that oath, to release him from its
solemn obligations.
I repeat it, this has not been a war for the Con
stitution and the Union, but one fearfully de
structive of both. Look for a moment at the
numerous violations of the Constitution, to
which we have all been witnesses, in the past
year, and tell me how much is there left of
that instrument, or how much nearer are we
to restoring the Union than the day the battle
cry first went forth ? le it strange that the
people of the South should hesitate about re
turning to a government which is continually
striking down the dearest rights of the citizen?
The moment the "war power" began to make
itself felt, State rights were set at naught.
We had a daring illustration of this early in
the contest, when the Federal authorities di
rected the seizure of telegraphic dispatches—
an order which ought to have been resisted by
an appear to the bones. But this is nothing
to what followed. Next we had arbitrary ar
PRICE TWO CENTS.
hitrary arrests, the searcL of houses, and sei
zure of private papers, without authority of
the law ; then came the suspension of the ha
beas corpus, and, lastly, martial law—which is
no law at all, but the will of some despot—was
extended over a people remote from the theatre
of war. And, as if these things were not
enough to break down a free people, a bill is
introduced into Congress which threatens to
take from them what little is left of their li
berties. I refer to the Senate's Military Bill,
for the organization of the militia—a bill
which,- if it should ilaeome a law, would anni
hilate State sovereignty, and place our citizens
at the feet of Executive power. If, fellow-citi
zens, the spirit of your -patriot fathers yet
burns in your bosoms, your indignant remon
strance against these things should be . loudly
proclaimed.
I should be glad to say something of arbi
trary arrests, of the imprisonment of unoffen
ding citizens in our American Baal, a dark
chapter in the history of this afflicted ountry;
but what Iwould say of theSe ontrateas must
be reserved for a future occasion. They were
borne in silence for a long while, and the won
der is that they were borne so long as they
were. It seemed for a while as if the people
were dead, almost, to a sense of their rights
and liberties, and incapable of asserting either.
But they were aroused at last.
But, sir, we might have gone on in this way,
regardless of the true condition of things, but
for another act of supreme folly, or something
worse. The people lay prostrate in the dust,
hugging the chains that bound them, cheated
into the belief that this chastisement was for
their good, and beguiled by the falsehood that
the war was not waged for the purpose of in
terfering with the domestic institutions of the
South, or the rights of the States, but for some
other purpose ; they might, I say, have gone.
on in this way, making any and every sacrifice
for the cause, as explained to them, if it had
not been for the Abolition Proclamation of the
22d of September. That opened their eyes ;
that aroused their indignation, and that it is
which has' done something—nay, it has done
much—toward correcting public opinion as to
the character and real purpose of the war. .
But, gentlemen, the proclamation has not
been exposed as it ought to have been. It has
only been occasionally denounced, when it
should have been everywhere, often, and loudly
rebuked. I purpose saying a few words about
it before I take my seat. There are two fea
tures of it which ate open to the severest con
demnation. In the first place, it encourages
the' blacks to rise and murder their masters.
There is no getting away from this. Now, I
do not apprehend there is any great danger of
such a rising of the blacks, except perhaps
where the Federal arms may have penetrated
on some day next week, or next month—but
there is the damned license to initiate a series
of atrocities at the South which, if once begun,
and it were possible they could become gene
ral, 'would convert that portion of our country
into another St. Domingo.
But, sir, there is another feature of it
scarcely less revolting to my mind than the
one just' named. That feature is this : Your
soldiers, many of them from New England,
worthy young men, brought up under the drop
pings of the sanctuary, and taught, I suppose,
to love, mercy and hate iniquity ; these men
formed into battalions and regiments, and sent
South to follow their leaders wherever ordered,
are forbidden by the proclamation to interfere
in case of servile insurrection. In other words,
they are to stand with folded arms while the
black population seek the destruction of the
whites. Ido not believe the troops could re
frain from interfering in such an emergency;
but the barbarous decree to them is "hands
off." Well, now let me ask. what is the his
tory of our relations with the people of the
South ? In the better days of the republic
they come often to reside among us; their eons
and daughters came with them to be educated.
They "brought hither their genius, to be kin
dled at our fires." Here their young men
married, and with their Northern wives re
turned to the plantations to spend the rest of
their days. And young men of the North
went South also, and married there, and grew
to love the good people of that country, who
took them by the hand, and helped put them
forward in the world. And let me tell you,
sir, .that to-day there is probably a million
south of the "invidious line," whose ancestors
are buried in your graveyards, or whose grand
parents or parents, and brothers and sisters,
are residing at the North. And your troops,
the kindred blood still trickling in their veins,
are to be made the unwilling instrument in
this game, of carrying into effect a proclama
tion of the most uncalled for and barbarous
character. Sir, I have no language to charac
terize it as it deserves. Thank God New York
has rebuked it; Ohio has rebuked it; New Jer
sey and Pennsylvania have rebuked it; Illinois
and Indiana have rebuked it; lowa and Wis
consin have rebuked it, and in less than two
months Connecticut will rebuke it in such tones
of thunder as shall be heard from. Maine to
New Orleans.
But there is one other topic I would notice
before quittingthis subject These despotic
acts of whichl have spoken, and especially
the last one, are justified on the ground of
"State necessity." This doctrine of State ne
cessity was admirably exposed and torn to pie
ces years ago by the eloquent Senator from
New Hampshire, and true patriot, the Hon.
Franklin Pierce, since President of the United
States. I regret that I have not his speech by
me, that I might give you an extract from it,
which would be more to the purpose than any
thing I can say.
The plea of State necessity, which is some
times ealled the tyrant's plea, hae no business
in the affairs of freemen. Certainly, it is a plea
which should never be torerated under a con
stitutional form of government. Where there
is a written Constitution we must abide by that,
or go straight to a despotism. The man, there"
fore, in government affairs, who sets up any
such plea as the one just named, as an excuse
for acts not sanctioned by law, violates his
oath of office • and though he may have been
misled by bad advisers, he can't escape the
consequences of such an act.
I pass over the numerous infractions of the
Constitution, some of which I referred to only
a few moments since, and take what in some
respects is the worst of all, the proclamation
of emantipation, and ask you to look at that as
it is. It presents us the military necessity of
the case. Sir, it was precisely this kind of
military necessity which dictated the employ
ment of "merciless savages" to butcher your
rebel forefathers. 'figs was justified by Lord
Suffolk, in the Britlbh Parliament, on the
ground that the Government should employ all
the means that " God and nature" had put in
his hands for suppressing the wicked rebellion.
The indignant reply of Lord Chatham is fami.
Bar to every schoolboy. "What ideas," said
the great commoner, "the noble Lord may have
of God and nature, I know not, but this I do
know, that such sentiments as he has avowed
are equally abhotrent to religion and human
ity." It was some plea of this sort that laid
Wyoming in ashes, and at a later day; and
within the memory of moat of us, prompted
the massacre of Texan prisoners at the Alamo.
And coming down to the case before us, it is
the plea of the haters of the South, who will
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be satisfied with nothing less than its destruc
tion.
It is from doctrines like these the people,
without distinction of party, turn away with
undissembled horror and disgust, and seek, in
the ranks of your political organization, the
means of putting an end to such ultraism, and
of inaugurating a new and better policy, which
shall have some kind of foundation in Gospel
precepts. In no other way, fellow citizens,
can I account for the recent dietaries in New
York and other States. The mistakes, the er—
rors, the follies, and the worse than blunders
of the Lincoln administration, are by these - •
victories signally rebuked, or the ballot is a:—
mere sham, and the march of great events of .
no more consequence than the shifting elands—
of the desert.
But, fellow citizens, I lave something more
to say of this before I quit this stand. If ever
there was a time to speak out, and speak
plainly, now is that time—to-morrow may be'
too late. I ask no one to be responeible for thing I have said, or for what else I may
have to say. I stand here to give free utter
ance to my thoughts on the present crisis in
our national affairs, without fear or favor of
any man, and as God is my judge, and not any -
Worm of the dust, I mean to be true to my, cou
victions of what I believe to be right in this'
matter, let the consequences be what they may,
Now my conviction is, that these elections, of
which I have spoken, mean something more
than appears on the face of election returns,
or in the platforms of the triumphant party.--
They have a deeper meaning still—and if not,. ..
if I am mistaken in this, then I have no busi
ness here, and should take my leave of you'
forthwith. Nay, if they have not a deeper and.
better meaning than is to be found in any. spe
cial indorsement of the war policy, you may
close the map of the Union at once, for hence- ••
forth it will only be wanted to find the grave e•
of the Republic.
, But they do mean something more—some
thing which should arouse us to a sense of pre
fent duties, and turn our thoughts in a new di
rection. I see in them the mission of the hour.
These popular uprisings are not merely special
in their character, but broad and general as
the universal air, and sweep, as with the wings
of an archangel, the vast horizon ofmal-admin
istration and of horrible battle-fields. The
true meaning of this is that the people are
sick of this horrible fratricidal' war, and de- -
mand that it should be speedily. terminated.—
I avow myself opposed to it, and ask for a
cessation of hostilities. In vain protest against
illegal arrests and wicked proclamations, if
you have. got a war policy that justifies both.
I can't for the life of me see how great wrongs
are to be redressed, and the Union re-estab
lished, while measures are on foot which ren
der it impossible to accomplish either on the
war plan. Now I am for redressing these
wrongs, and doing what can be done for the
Union cause. lam for getting back the Southern •
Stales by fair and honorable means, Vouch a thing
be possible ; and I will hope for the pest. And
I want to get them back as they were, I don't - .
want conquered, blood-drenched States, with
their ruined homes and a weeping population,
to make a Union for me ! Such kind of a
Union would be a mockery of the name. The
Union 1 desire is a Union of hearts and of hands,
such as our fathers gave us. When the great -
Irish orator, Fdmund Burke, took the part of;
America, in 1775, he denounced the British
policy which would destroy "the plantations."
"My opinion," said he, "is much more in fa
vor of prudent management than of force ; the
use . of force is but temporary. It may subdue
for a moment, but it does not remov,e the ne, •
cessity of subduing again. A further objec
tion to force is, that you impair the object by
your very endeavors to preserve it. The thing
you fought for is not the thing you recover--
but depreciated, sunk, wasted and consumed
in the contest." And then raising his voice,
"till the old arches of Irish oak resounded"'
to his trumpet tones, he exclaimed, in never
to-be
forgotten words : "Nothing less will sat.
isfy me than WHOLE America!" Apply these
noble sentiments to the case before us,. and we.
shall be at no loss what course to pursue.
the spirit of that great apostle of constitu
tional liberty and of an enlightenethhumanity
—if I may dare take his language on m) lips—. .
I now say, nothing less will satisfy me then .
the whole Southern Slates.
But I do not expect to get them back ee they;
were, by sacrificing heeatomba to the demon. of
Northern fanaticism, or in any such way. The.
voice of the people, speaking through• their
public servants and through such meetings as
this, and through their journals, and °Midi=
pulpits—of - which there are some few left—
that voice demands something better than. the
extermination of a kindred race. This is the
true vox populti vox Dei of the hour—the only
interpretation we have had of it since the war
began, and for one I give ear to its voice—for
it is the voice of peace and good will to men.
Its demand is for peace, fraternity, brother
hood; for a Union based on the rights guaran
teed to us by our Fathers, such a Union, as the
sword can never purchase, establish or main
tain.
Fellow-citizens, I will detain you no longer
There are a thousand things which. the crisis
demands should be said—and they may be said
as we get further in the campaign. You have
suffered much for opinion's sake since the
clash of arms was first heard, and have had
some experience in the dark days which civil,
war brings on one's country. Some of you
have been often reviled, persecuted and abused
in yo . ur business, and in your neighborhoods
—and even threatened with violence. Ant.
possessing your souls in patience, you have
risen above all this, and are now rewarded by
a change of public opinion, which brings with.
it the hope of better days. True, it is winter
yet—but the spring is not far of
Oar birds of son; are silent now,
Them are no flowers blooming;
Yet life beats in the frozen bough,
And Preedom , ft pig is 66thin!
And Freedom's tide comes up &Ivey,
Though we may stand in sorrort,
And our good bark, aground to-day,.
kihall float again to-morrow!
IT seems that even in some parte OX l Re*
England the people have begun to be weary of
83 much political preaching. .k notable cafe
is that of the "Old Congregational . Sbelety"
of New 'Boston, Litchfield co g Conn., where
Dr. Lyman Beecher so long preached. This
Society, at s recent meeting, passed the fol
lowing sensible resolutions:
"Voted, that the pulpit committee of this. so
ciety are hereby instructed that wheneverthey
employ a minister of the. Gospel to preach in
their meeting-house on the Sabbath they shall
first inform said minister. that he is employed
to preach the Gospel truth according to the
Bible doctrine, Christ and him crucified, and
that only. That he is strictly prohibited, by a
vote of this society,, from delivering any dis
course of any description upon the present
war, and that lie shall not allude to the mat
ter either in prayer or sermon."
One of many of the important measures
signed by the President lust before the adjourn
ment, was a bill for the issuance of letters of
marque and refiriatd during the present, reNlit
liou,