Daily patriot and union. (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1858-1868, February 19, 1861, Image 1

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    ATES OF ADVERTISING
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E 7 Business notices Inserted in th Tsoo ll . ootannts or
before marriages and deaths, FITS aswesti binli fer eath
insertion, To merchantsand others advertisingbytheyesig
liberal tel. is will be offered.
117" The rellriberOttneertione mimt be designated on the
itrertisement.
cr hlarriageS and Deaths will be inserted at the smut
es as regular Advertisement&
•
Bookry, Otationerp,
CHOOL BOOKS.--Sehool Directors ;
Teachers, Parents, echoUM, and others, in want of
School Bootle, School Stationery, dco., will find a complete
sm ortment at N. M. POLLOCK & SON'S BOOK STORM,
market Square, Harrisburg, comprising in part the follow
_
t mAjsrall_.—MeGuffey's, Parker's, Cobb'', Angell's
SPELLING BOOKS.—lilefinffers, Cobb's, Websterlii,
Town's, Byerly'a. Combry's.
INGLISH GRAMMARS.—Bullion's, Smith's, Wood
bridge's, Monteith e, TuthilDs, Hart's, Wells'.
liISTOKTES.--Grimehaw'a, Dereitpert'a, Frost's,
Willard's, Goodrich's, Pinnock's, Goldsmith's and
aw
C 1 a.
ABITIEILISIO'S.--Hreeulearc, Stoddard's, Itmerson"s3
rite's, Roses, Colburnia, Smith and Duke's,
ALGIBRAS.---GreenleaPa, Dania's, Dare, Bay's,
Bridge's.
DICTIONABYS.—WaIkerIe School, Cobb's, Walker,
Worcester's Comprehensive, Worcester's Primary, Web
ster'a Primary,,
A N
High School, Webster's Quarto,
Acadermc.
NATURAL PHILOSOPHIES.—ComstocI's, Parker's,
Swift's. The above with a great variety of others can at
any time be found at my store. Also, a complete assort
ment of Scheel Stationery, embracing in the win le a com
plete outfit for school pilea. Any book not in the dine,
procured one days notice. urpo
Ej- Country Merchants supplied at wholesale rates.
ALMANAcS.—John Baer and SW! Almanac for sale al
2. W. POlll+ooll it. SON'S BOOK STOILIt, Harrisburg.
it? Wh/
SUST RECEIVED
T
EQH.EFFER'S BOOKSTORE,
ADAMANTINE SLATES
OP VARIOUS SIZES AND PRICES,
Which, for beauty and nee, cannot be excelled.
REMEMBER THE PLACE,
SCHEFFER'S BOOKSTORE,
NO. 18 MARKET STREIT. rate,
N E W B 0 0 x B !
„TVST BNCEIYBD
"SIAL AND SAT, O by the author of 6 i Wide) Wide
Dollars end Oents, ,, &a.
"HISTORY OF METHODISPI,"by A. Stevens, LL.D.
Per sale at SOREFFERS' BOOKSTORE,
N 0.1.8 Marke at.
JUST RECEIVED,
A LABOR AND SPLENDID ASSORTMENT OF
RICITLY GILT AND ORNAMENTAL
WINDOW CURTAINS,
PAPER BLINDS,
Of various Designs and Colors, for S sent',
TISSUE PAPER AND CUT FLY PAPER,
At [my2.4] BRREFFER'S BOOKSTORE.
WALL PAPER I WALL PAPER ! 1
ink received, our Spring Stock of WALL Pan,
BORDERS, FIRE SCREENS % &c., &c. Itis the largest
and best selected assortment in the city, ranging in price
from six (6) cents up to one dollar and squatter (a. 25.)
As we purchase very low for cash, we are prepared to
sell at as low rates, If not lower, than can be lied else
where. If purchasers will call and examine, we feel
confident that we can please them in respect to price
and quality. E. hf. POLLOCK & SON,
ap3 Below !ones' House, Market Square.
LETTER, CAP, NOTE PAPERS,
Pens, Holders, Pencils, Envelopes, Sealing Wax, of
the best quality, at low prices, direct from the mann
footomon, at
mar3o SCHEITIErvs uttlILP BOOSITORN
LAW BOOKS ! LAW BOOKS !I-A
general assortment of LAW BOOKS, all the State
'Reports and Standard Elementary Works. with many of
the old English Reports, scarce and rare, together with
a large assortment of second-hand Law Books, at very
low prices, at the one price Bookstore of
Z. M. POLLOCK & SON,
rayS Market Square. Harrisburg
-
Aisallatteoug.
AN ARRIVAL OF
NEW GOODS
APPROPRIATE TO THE SEASON!
BILK LINEN PAPER
PANS! FANS!! FANS!!!
ANOTHER AND SPLENDID LOT OF
SPLICED FISHING RODS!
Trout Flies, Gut and Hair Snoods, areas Linea, Silk
sud Hair Plaited Lines, and a general assortment of
PISHIN4 TACKLE!
A GREAT PAIIIKTY OP
WALKING CANES!
Which we will sell as cheap as the cheapest!
Silver Head Loaded Sword Hickory Fancy
Canes! Canes! Canes! Canes! Canes!
SELLER'S DDT % AND TANGY STORE,
NO. 91 MARKET STREET,
South side, one door east of Fourth street je9.
, B. ,T, HARRIS,
WORKER IN TIN,
SHEET IRON, AND
METALLIC ROOFING,
Second Street, bekto Chestnu
S t,
HA RRIBURG, PA.
ls prepared to MI orders for any article in his branch of
business 3 . and if not on hand, he will make to order on
Shoot notice_
METALLIC RO 0 FINO, of Tin or SfelfailiSed hen,
constantly on hand.
Also, Tin and Sheet-Iron Ware, Spouting, &s.
He hopes, by strict attention to the wants of his ctuito
law, to merit and receive a generous fanwe of public pat.
renege.
Er Every premise strictly faltilied.
B. J. HAWES,
puly-itiy] Beton& Street, below Chestnut.
mu._ A
F i S llii
ILLOBEREL, (Nos. 1, 2 and 3.)
SALMON, (very superior.)
SHAD, (Mews and larT fine-)
HERRING, (extra large.)
COD FISH.
SMOKED HERRING, (extra Digby.)
SCOTCH HERRING.
SARDINES AND ANCHOVIES.
Of the above we have Mackerel in whole, half, quarter
and eighth bble. Herring in whole and half bbls.
The entire lOt new—DIRROT FROM TER TIBMBRIER, and
will sell them at the lowest market rates.
aegi - 14 WM. DOCK, 1114 , 1 fr CO.
CH. A. IipA.GNE WINESI
%arc DR MONTEBELLO,
HEIDSIECK & CO.
CHARLES
GIESLER & CO.,
excuoll—stimay motrasaux,
SPARKLING MUSCATEL,
1.1311 m & CO.'S
Trazyzily,
CABINET.
In Moro and for sale by
JOHN H. Zr
ZS Bforkot etrea.
de2o
- 11 i 0 KORY WOOD I-A SUPERIOR LOT
just received, and for sale in quantities to snit pur-
AMAMI, by JANES M. WHEELER.
Also, OASt AND PINE constantly on hand at, tho
lowest prices. dce6
1 1 APILLY BIBLES, from le to $lO,
' wag and handeomely bound ; printed en g9S4 Merl
with elegant clear new type. Isola at
sonieFewe Cheap Book.tme.
CIANBERRIES 1 I 1-A SPLENDID LOT
iturt regale& by
octlO
von a superior and cheap TABLE or
SALAD Orb go 'to
RULER'S wroRB.
THE Fruit Growers' Handbook—by
waitlNG—wholeasile mid retail at'
metal SCHRFIPER 3 13 Bookstore.
SPERM CANDLES. -:-A large supply
KJ just received by WM . wog. CO-
VELIER'S DIWG:STORg is *the e
to Bad the bad aisortmed . Of Rate
F 151111,1
WM. DOM, 3g., 8 00
.. .
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VOL. 3.
goal.
T O THE PUBLIC!
JOHN TILL'S
COAL YARD,
SOUTH. SECOND STREET, .
B.NLOW PRATT'S ROLLING MILL,
HARRISBURG, PA.,
Where he has constantly on hand
LYKENS VALLEY BROKEN, EGG, STOVE AND
NUT COAL.
• AL3O,
WILNESBARRE STEAMBOAT, BROKEN, STOVE
AND NUT COAL,
. •
ALL OF THE BEST Q UALITF.
It will be delivered to consumere clean, and faik
weight warranted.
lIJ CONSUMERS GIVE ME A CALL FOR YOUR
WINTER SUPPLY.
fu- Orders left at my house, in Walnut street, near
Fifth; or at Brubaker's, North street; J. L. Speel's,
Market Square; Wm. Destiek'a, earner of Second and
South streets, and John Lingle's, Second and Mulberry
streets, will receive prompt attention.
5718-dBre, WORN TILL,
COAL! CIOALII
ONldi YARD .IN TOWN _THAT DELIVERS
00Als BY TEE .
PATENT WEIGH CARTS!
NOW IS TILE TIITE
For every family to get in their supply of Coal for the
winter—weighed at their door by the Patent Weigh
earth ne accuracy of these Carts no on disputes, and
they never get oat of order, as is frequently the ease of
the Platform Scales; besides, the consumer has the
satisfaction of proving the weight of his Coal at hig
own hotwo
I have a large supply of Coal on hand;oo^—tst'og of
S. M. CO.'S LYKENS VALLEY COAL all eieee,
LYKENS VALLEY
WILKESBARRE
BITUMINOUS BROAD TOP do.
All Coal of the beat quallty.Koiood, and delivered free
from all impirities, at the lowest rates, by the boat or
car load, single, half or third of tons, and by the bushel.
JAMES M. WHEELER.
Harrisburg, September 24, 1860._5ep26
P TOWN!
PATENT WEI6'II CARTS.
For the convenience of my numerous up town custom
ers, I have established, in connection with my old yard,
a Branch Coal Yard opposite North street, in a line with
the Pennsylvania canal, having the office formerly occu
pied by Mt. R. Barris, where consumers of Coal in that
vicinity and Verbeketown can receive their Coal by the
PATENT WEIGH CARTS,
WITHOUT EXTRA. CHARGE FOR HAULING,
And in any quantity they may desire, as low as can be
purchased anywkere.
FIVE THOUSAND TONS COAL ON HAND,
Of LYICENS VALLEY and WILRESBARRE, all sizes.
Hy- Willing to maintain fair prices, but unwilling
to bs undersuief by oey parties. •
1;7'All Coal forked up and delivered clean and free
from all impurities, and the best article mined.
Orders received at either Yard will be promptly filled,
Coal sOld by Boat, Car load, single, half or third of
tons, and by the bushel.
JAMES M. WHEELER,.
Harrisburg, October 13, 1860.—0et15
EYIiENS VALLEY NUT COAL-
For Sale AT TWO DOLLARS PIM TON.
tErA/ 1 Coca dutivered by PATEN
ES T WEIGH CARTS
JAM M. WHEELER
Coradelivered from both yards. nol7
linebtral.
HELMBOLD'S HELMBOLD'S
HELMBOLD'S ;HELMBOLD' S
HELMBOLD'S ELMBOLD'S
HELMBOLD'S HELMBOLD'S
HELMBOLD'S HELMBOLD'S
HELMBOLD'S M HOLD'S
HELMBOLD'S HELMBOLD's
Extract Buda% Extract Bach%
Extract Raclin, Extract Bach%
Extract Mel% Extract Buehn,
Extract Raclin., Extract Back%
Extract Machu, Extract Ruch%
Extract Raclin, Extract &Am,
Extract Machu Extract Dacha ,
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
A rotative-and Specific Remedy.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
A Positive and Swift Remedy.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
FOR DISEASES OF THE
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, .DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY'
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS, '
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
And all Diseases of Sexual Organs,
And all Diseases of Sexual Organs,
And ail Diseases of Sexual O r gans,
And al/ Diseases of Sexual Organ.%
And all Diseases of Sexual Organs,
And all Diseases of Scans/ Organs,
ARISING PEON
Excesses, Exposures, and Imprndencies in Life.
Etesames, Exposures, and Imprndencies in LW,
Excesses, Exposures, and Imprndencies in Life.
Excesses, Exposures, and Imprndencies in Life.
Excesses, Exposures, and Imprndencies in Life.
Excesses, Exposures , . and Imprndencies in Life.
Preen whatever rettatonginating l and whether existing in
MALE bit. yiimar.,
Females, take no more Pills !, They are of no avail for
Complaints incident to the sex. Me
EXTRACT BROW.
Helmlieldts llitrant Bacilli is s illediaino which IN per
featly pleasant in its
TASTE AND ODOR,
But immediate in its action. giving Health and Vigor to
the Frame, Bloom to the 1 , 4111.1 cheek, and tutoring the
patient to a perfect state or
HEALTH AND PURITY.
Helmboldls Bxtract Machu is prapared according to
Pharmacy and Chemistry., and is prescribed and used by
THE MOST EMIYEIyr PHYSICIANS.
Delay u 9 longer. Procure the remedy at 01106
Price $1 per bottle, or six for $5.
Despot 104. South Tenth street, Philadelphia.
BEWARE Qv lINPRINDIPLED DEALERS
Trying to palm off their own or ether artieDei of BUCHII
on the reputation attained by
11XLM.BOLD'il EXTRACT MEW,
The Original. and only Genuine.
We desire to ran on the
MBILIT OF OUR ARTICLE
Mohan is wurthless —is sold at much less rates and com
missions, consequently paying a much better profit.
Wit DEFY 001IPICTITION 2
Ask for
HELMROLDYR EXTRACT WORM.
Take so other.
Sold by JOHN WYETH, Druggist, corner of Market and
Second etreeta,_ Harrisburg,
AND ALL DRI/GO/STel Ersaywirsit R.
n 01.4 Oe.wets.
EXTRACTS! EXTRACTS!
WOODEIWORTH & BIINNR))8
SUPERIOR FLAVORING' 'EXTRACTS
BITTER ALMOND,
MEOTARINN, • •
PINE APPLE,
• • . STRAWBERRY], ,
ROSH,
• ' LEMON Awn
- . 7 NAN/1014A,
TiOreoeived.and for oak br •
Vie . , WM. 1)00E,4/:4
. .
CIF Vatriot
SPEECH OF
GEN. WILLIAM A. STOKES,
Delivered at a ill - ass Meeting in Greensburg, held
for the pUrpose of appointing Delegates, to the
Democratic State Convention.
Gen. Stokes was received with great applause.
He spoke with solemnity and earnestness, and
was listened to with profound attention. He
said that we had now met not, as in past times,
to consider of the policy of the government,
but to aid in preserving, if possilile, the gov
ernment itself. It was an unparalleled crisis,
in which each citizen was bound by the most
awful obligations to forget party prejudice and
passion—to sacrifice personal predilections,
heal past animosities, add engage in the holy
cause of the salvation of the country—all the
country—irrespective of discordant interest,
of locality, or of domestic" institutions. It
was no time for hypocrisy, for irresolution, for
denunciation or aggression ; it was a time—
s single moment yet vouchsafed us on the very
verge of eternal ruin—to determine whether
the bonds which had once bound the political
family together as a band of brothers should
be renewed and strengthened, or whether we
should imbrue our hands in fretriciclal blood;
It was impossible not to revert to the past,
for the experience of the past was the sole
safe guide for the action of the future. And
of the past, speaking on pOliticitt questions, it
would be impossible to avoid speaking of party
politics. But he would do so charitably and
tenderly, for while he thought that the leaders
of the Republican party had much to answer
for, he well knew that the vast body of those
Pennsylvanians who voted for Mr. Lincoln were
honest in their action. He (Gen. Stokes) saw
hundtcds of them in the audience, and he
begged to address them especially, and with all
candor and respect. ' Discussien would develop
truth, and he knew they, had the courage to
face the truth, and the patriotism to_ act upon
it. Now (said Gen. Stokes) I submit to you
whether all our troubles have not been caused
by your interference with slavery'; but slavery
does not exist in Pennsylvania. • Why then
should you meddle with it? We abolished
slavery here in 1780—no man in the South
said nay. We have exhausted our powers on
the pubject, because, being a purely domestic)
question, our powers are circumscribed by our
territorial boundaries; As we were not inter
fered with, why should we interfere with oth
ers ? It is idle for you to say that you do not
assert a right to interfere with it in other
States, if at the same moment you do so in
fact, by denunciation or by indirect means, or
by - countenance of others, or by money or
symyathy, or even by giving impunity to as
sault, whether abstract or practical, encoura
ging societies or persons who avow their ag
gressive and active hostility to slavery, in such
manner as to impair the security of any portion
of the people of any of the States. Nay, you
are not guiltless if you enontrage, heedlessly
and wantonly, the utterance of sentiments,
to engender sectional hostility. Ido not 'app.--
elate - the difference in crime between him who
gives a dagger to a desperado for murderous
purposes, and him who uses it, except that the
latter shows the more courage. Ask your
selves, my Republican friends, with your hands
upon your hearts, and in the presence of Al
mighty God, whether you may not, uncon
sciously, and therefore innocently, have aided,
by language, or by silence, by assertion or
acquiescence, by union or by individual action,
in doing this very evil? If you doubt, you
condemn yourselves, fir rely on it, our self
love always makes us most merciful to our own
failings.
Speaking with a frankness which may offend
those who are my political friends, I do not heel
tate to say that technically, under the forms of
the Constitution, Mr. Lincoln has been duly
elected President of the United States—that no
State has a right to secede from the Union, and
that all armed resistance to the Government is
treason, under the terms of the Constitution.
But the technical lawyer and the abstract phi
losopher are equally. incompetent to solve the
vast questions presented by the facts which are
before us. We must forget all else in order to
elevate ourselves to the summit from which we
can survey with clear eye and firm heart the
tempest which rages around us, and resolve on
the measures necessary to prevent the ship
wreck of all our hopes. Are you able to do
this ? Let me put you to the test.
The Republican party was born in the Phila
delphia Convention of 1856. When the bantling
was baptized, its sponsors proclaimed, as the
cardinal dogma of political faith "hostility to
slavery andpoloamy, as twin of relics of barbar
ism." That is, in effect, a proclamation of the
Divine law, as forbidding slavery, and of course
of the duty'of every man everywhere 16 extir
pate it. Ido not say whether this morality is
sound or unsound, but I do say that when a
man reaches the point in which he deliberately
determines that either he must obey his Creator
or violate the Constitution, he has no fair claim
to exercise the power of a citizen under the
Constitution, because he assorts that, in obedi.
mace to the Divine law, he must disregard the
human law, and, virtually, rescinds the al
legiance which, under the law, he owes to the
Government which proclaims the last.
You intended none of these fatal consequen
ces of introducing morals into politics—all
politics, in one sense, are founded on morals—
but doubtful and abstruse dogmas, inconsistent
with fidelity to the government, are of eminent
danger, because they lead to fanaticism, forbid
discussion, and banish charity, It is of just
this—now carried into Administrative power
by Mr. Lincoln's election—that the South com
plains, and it is on this, and her own judgment
of her own danger, that she asserts her right
of secession. I deny this right, but I admit,
in all peoples, the inherent, inalienable and ab
solute reserved right of revolution, proclaimed
by the Declaration of Independence as justifi
cation for an impending war, always elan
judged of by the community which asserts
it, and never yet conquered by mere superior
force. While, therefore, I cannot appreciate
the alleged necessity of the South to rupture
the bonds which united them to us, I receive
their opinions—those of vast communities, and
of many honest and wise men—with the respect
to which their superior opportunities of know
ledge, and their deeper interest in the matter,
are justly entitled. At all events, they:present
themselves for the conflict consequent on any
attempt at coercion, and you must choose war
Or peace, For one, lam bold enough to incur
the imputation of cowardice, in asserting that
no result will warrant the invasion of the South
• and the slaughter of her citizens. No liVing
man knows the horrors of civil ivar ; no tongue
can tell; no imagination can conceive the Con
sequenses of arraying millions against millions
in a strife • for life and honor. Men of the
MUM race and blood—combatiire, . constant,
intrepid ; Inflamed by a •relentletis fury known
only in hell, or in intestine War.
; Why should Pennsylvania"rush ants:. this
Pandemeninni of ittasiotthis Imtehery of
do " "
do. • 6"
HARRISBURG,, PA:, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861.
TUESDAY MORNING, FEB. 19, 1861.
brethren? What has the South done to you?
• Have they impaired the security of your pro
perty—have they attempted to touch your per
sons ? Are . you not as safe and free as if there
were no Southern States in existence? Yon
oannot ' complain of any hostile action, unless,
indeed, you please to degrade' yourself to a.
level with the Abolition emissaries, who have
so often stirred up the brutal negro population
to deeds of atrocity too revolting to be detailed,
and against which every sentiment of decency,
every feeling'of humanity, instinctively revolts.
Doubtless mistakes have been made—inno
cent, imprudent men may have paid the penalty
of the wrongs of others. • This is to be regret
ted—so is all errorbut are we never to strike
in eelf-defence because, being mere mortals,
we may erroneously direct the blow ? Those
are the real criminals who, safe at home, send
the apostles of discord and destruction to des
olate the fair plains of the South—who put, by
indirect action; the dagger into one hand of the
slave and the torch into the other, and let him
loose for revenge, rapine, rape and ruin. If
you, my Republican friends, have uncon
sciously aided in this dreadful work, do you not
owe it to yourselves, to your country, at once,
and to the full extent of your power, to repair
these *tongs—to preach peace—to restore
concord—to lay all prejudices, all party ties,
all pride of. past. opinion, on the altar of the
Republic, in the temple of Liberty—a holy sac
rifice for the redemption of your country from
the perils which threaten her existence ?
Let not mistaken sympathy mislead you. Be
not moved by the falsehoods of the Abolition
ists, who tell you dreadful stories of I,ynchings
and atrocities. Rely on it that it is impossible
for vast communities to unitein universal con
spirley .of cruelty. Man is humane, for he is
human. No inoffensive traveler against whom
there is not some real ground of suspicion and
dread, is likely to be endangered. If John
Brown and lie fellows, before they had devel
oped their intentions of robbery and murder,
had been lynched and banished from Virginia,
all New England would have howled.with holy
hoiror at `the outrage.: How many John Brown
raids may have been prevented by the use of
the strong means, which some complain of ?
Where is the line by which you would your
selves limit your right to protect your helpless
wives, your innocent children, from destruc
tion.?
Glen. Stokes appealed to the candor of those
heretofore political opponents—he relied on
their own judgment - of themselves; he asked
them to judge him also. He would willingly
be condemned if wrong, and he expected of
them that their patriotism would rise above
party, and burst the shackles which had bound
them, if they were once convinced that they
had been made the passive instruments of New
England infidels and abolitionists, who by
adroit proclamation of an abstraction had se
duced them into arraying themselves against
the country and the Constitution. This ab
straction—the absolute Unlawfulness in the
sight of God of slavery—had been injected
into the body of Republicanism by these who
volunteered to guide and govern that party, so
effectually that the malignant virus tainted
every member. You do not think (said Mr.
Stokes) that this is a fit basis for political
action. lam sure you do not now think so,
when, the beat of confiicebeing over, you sound
Oka depths of your-410am*. ie 401
pon~ieat.”*. ana - to - do political justice.—
Then say so, like honest men; be your own
masters; assert 'your 'right, and proclaim, at
least for yourselves, freedom from the vassal
age of party—a party which, hideous and eel
fish, was born of yesterday, and is to-night in
the throes of dissolution a party which
receives its death blow in the very moment of
success—which is known only for the evil
which lives after it, and can only hope for an
immortal memory of infamy. Speaking:thus,
with the sincerity of an honest indignation, of
the organization, and the organizers, I acquit
you, Westmorelanders; Pennsylvanians, of art
for part in this mystery of iniquity. Do you
not yourselves see, do you not at least suspect.,
that you have been deluded by a specious fal
lacy ? You know that the nation trembles on
the brink of a fatal precipice. Ask yourselves
why this is. Are you sure that your generous,
inconsiderate ardor in supporting a view foreign
to any personal and domestic question, and
abhorrent to all the people of fifteen sover
eign gtates, may not helpedhav r e otenuto to open
threatens;
this yawning' gulf whichreceive
and forever bury the Federal Union?
Let us then resolve to settle this question, so
far as Pennsylvania is concerned, in the honest,
plain, old fashioned Pennsylvania manner—not
dragged at the tail of others, but vindicating
our own sense of right and the independence
of our own action according to our own con
victions. It deeply concerns us to do so, for
we have an interest beyond any others. Mas
sachusetts, far from the line of slave States,
has but small stake in the impending conflict.,
compared with ours. Our Southern boundary
is the Northern boundary of Virginia and
Maryland, and en this border ground bloody
battles will be fought—desolation will mark it
for its own. Eye hath not seen, ear bath not
heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man
to conceive the anguish of the struggle which
must come, if we tamely submit to have our
territory made the fighting ground of armies
impelled by the unimagined fury of domestic
combat.
Determined then to attempt, et least, to
end the present strife and re-inaugurate the
reign of concord, what should we do—what
can be done?
Let us begin at home—with ourselves—where
all true repentance for wrong—all real resolu
tion of reparation—always begins. It is easier
to. denounce others than to condemn ourselves.
The former is often uncharitable, the latter
always wholesome. Look at the denunciations
of the South now daily uttered, and say whether
they are not bitter and more indiseriminatejust
in proportion as those who utter them are the
greater sinners against the safety of the South.
Your raving, foaming and flaming Abolitionist,
who seeks his true social level by equality with
negroes, teems with threats and prayers for
death and damnation to all who differ with him,
and impiously assumes that he is the vicege
rent of Heaven, to execute summary vengeance
on those guilty wretches who have violated the
Divine law—interpreted by him, in the pre
sumption of ignorance, in the ,blasphemy of
self-assumed inspiration, to be the social, po
litical, intellectual and universal equality of
the white and black races. This is the pure
I specimen of a perfect eoercionist, and unfor
tunately this is the sentiment—modified and
softened in various degrees and extent—but
still the substantial sentiment by which the
Republican party was feebly and temporarily
held together. All unconscious to yourselves,
your cohesion in the late contest was of such
base cement as this. Was it not 0o ? I appeal
to you, Republicans—of what did your orators
-speak?—of what did.your editors write? Was
it net the never-ending, still beginning, negro
—slave negio—ftee.negro—wronge of negro
States whichlhold negroes as slaves? The ka
leidoscope, ever varying in shape , and arrange
-meat, was still of one color only- 7 -b/a4. Now
can you deny that your views were aonleWiAt
obscured by this dark, cloud which came from
the East? . Why, the better portion ofthe late
leaders of your late party have substantially
=MUM
deserted it. Even Mr. Seward abandons the
irrepressible conflict—Mr. Cameron reverts to
his former Democracy—Gov. Curtin, Mr. Sher
man, Mr. Kellogg, are for concession. Your
officers appointed to fight beg for peace. They
are frightened by the demon which they have
conjured up, and flee. from the wrath which
they have invoked. Are you, the rank and
file, to be left in the hopeless conflict from which
those who marshalled you to the dark and
bloody ground have fled ? And for what ?
what do you seek ?—what have you to gain ?
Tell me the single specific and substantial stake
which Pennsylvania Betio to secure. If no
one speaks, then no one is offended.
I assume, then, that you will do what is just;
that you will begin at home; that you will
cleanse your own consciences, so as to be void
of offence, before you demand anything from
others; and, my friends, you can do much. On
our statute book we find a law which is calcu
lated to obstruct the execution of the law and
Constitution of the United States for the recap
ture of fugitive slaves, by subjecting to indict
ment the man who, in the persuit of his pro
party, by the resistance of others to the effect
ive assertion of his undoubted right, innocently
causes a breach of the peace. Any negro can,
by our law, nullify the Constitution and subject
those who demand their rights under it to pun
ishment as criminals. He has only to stand
with strong hand between the master and his
property, and violence will follow, for which
violence the stranger who comes among us,
under the faith of our constitutional contract.,
to do what we have agreed that he may do, is
to be punished by fine and imprisonment.
Who can approve of such legislation? I con
demn it not the less that it is Domooratic legisla
tion? for I view all these questions irrespective
of party prejudice. It was enacted in the lump
with many foolish laws, on the recommendotion
of Democratic revisers of the Criminal Code,
and adds another to the many instances of the
danger of wholesale legislation. Doubtless it
was not a deliberate wrong—only a blunder
consequent on unreflecting adoption of previous
and passionate legislation. But come whence
it did, I denounce it as a. violation of supreme
law and absolute right. Let us begin the good
work, then, by repealing these hostile clauses
of the Act of 1860.
Revoking this law, let us enact another by
which we will forbid the prostitution of our
territory to any purpose or in any manner
dangerous to the security of the persons or
property of the citizens of any State of the
Union. Why should we allow conspiracies to
be organized here for the invasion of other
States, or money,to be given or language to be
used tending to such ends? Malignant words
may be arms for the desperate—denunciations
may be the incitement for attack. If you con
demn armed attaela are you not bound to con
demn that which occasions them?
The only objection to the performance of
these homely and practical duties is that re
bellion is rampant, and that the North can
whip the South and should do so first. The
manhood of the lovers of justice and the
Union is impeached, and they are taunted with
timidity because they talk of concession. I
for one accept the reproach. It is a small
price to pay for an honest effort to vindicate
the equality of the people and the Slates, But
if you of the North are strong you can afford
s.....tesa_ese s " tn. ltaanennua—m program
to your strength. lS & great timing se
a giant's strength, but base to nee it like a
giant. Power cannot affect the immutable de
cree of justice. Scorn,
my friends, the appeals
which are sustained by flattery—they insult
your intelligence. We Can join in asserting
the supremacy of law, but let it be a general
and indiscriminate assertion. Let. the public
property be protected—let resistance be over
come—but first, let us cleanse our hands, and
become fit vindicators of right ourselves.
I would go a step further in this wholesome
legislation. Considering the peculiarity of
this species of property—slaves--and the readi
ness, too often proven, with which the attempt
to enforce it, in the case of fugitives, may he
defeated, let us agree to pay the price of all
slaves whom their masters are unable to re
claim, in consequence of the interference of
our citizens, and then hold such men accoun
table
to the Commonwealth for all the costs
and expenses. For the enforcement of this
money claim, and for the punishment also of
such persons by indictment, make it the duty
of the District Attorneys .promptly to proceed
by both civil and criminal actions against the.
offenders. Virginia citizens in pursuit of their
property have been often mobbed and some
times kilted in Pennsylvania. Do we not owe
it to ourselves to prevent, if possible, such out
rages ? It is said the South does not ask it.
So moral obligations are only binding—politi
cal contracts are only to be observed, on a spe
cific demand of those who are wronged. Thele
despicable and degrading arguments are un
worthy of refutation.
Above all law is public sentiment. Let us
resolve that we will not yield our sound sense
to the false philanthropy of fanaticism. Let
us put away the monstrous doctrine of the
equality of the negro with the white man, which
is the basis of all error on this subject. Man
impiously, but vainly, attempts to reverse the
Eternal decree of the subjection of the inferior
to the superior race. Servant and slave are
convertible terms—the negro is always in a
servile state. Call him free—you do not make.
him so. You only deprive him of an ascer
tained master to compel him to work when he
is able to support him in sickness and old age.
The highest ambition of your falsely called
free negro is to be head waiter of a hotel or to
keep a fashionable barber shop—still a servant
—ever a slave—a servant and slave by blood,
by destiny, by a wisdom which man cannot
fathom. If the negro is free he is like you, for
you are free. Is he? lie cannot vote, there
fore, he has not political freedom; he cannot
sit at your table, therefore he has not social
freedom. What equality has he with you, free
men of Pennsylvania? None. Then be is still
in the state of subjection inseparable from his
nature. Useful 's' his way, his way is nut yew
way. 'teepest him in his unchangable sphere
as the stolid instrument of a superior intelli
gence. But do not rebel at once against God
and man, and defy sense and safety, to attempt
an absolute impossibility.
Law and opinion being thus rectified, but
One question remains—the state of slavery in
the territories. I adhere to the opinions which
I have often expressed, that this should have
been left exclusively to the inhabitants of the
territories, and that Congress has no Constitu
tional warrant for meddling in the subject.—
But, as Mr. Webster well said, slavery or free
dom depends on climate and soil, not upon
human legislatioP, but on natural causes.—
Slavery cannot exist where slave labor is un
profitable, and it is never profitable where it
is subjected to the competition of the enlight
ono and superior labor of the white men- --
Besides, whatever doubt there may have been
about the power of territorial legislation, there
is no dispute that by State legislation slavery
may 'be eithei - abolished or instituted.
many States no new enactments would be re
quired to re-establish this institution. In Penn
sylvania, for instance, if the Legislature should
to-morrow,, by a' law, a singleline in lengtl4
repeal the emancipation act of 1780, slavery
'would exist-here as ii . ditibefore the passage
PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING,
SUNDAYS ZEOZPTED,
BY 0. BARRETT & 00
Irma DAILY PATRIOT Am) trisiox will be served to Bub
aribere residing in the Borough for SIX °gals psa wzrX
payable to the Carrier. Mail eabseribeta, POUR DOL
&ARO PIER ANNOY.
THIS WZBILLY will be published all 'heretofore, etc&
weekly during the ression of the 'Legislature, end ono a
week the remainder of the year, for two dollars in sa
mara, or three dollars at the expirationof the year:
fhpuocted with this establishment is an extrude.
JOB OFFIcB, containing a variety of plan and !Mai
type, unequalled by any establishment in the interior of
the State, for which the patronage of the public is no.
lotted.
NO. 144.
of that act, for it was our normal condition
without express enactment of institution.
Nor is there any dispute that the Crittenden
line of 86° WV may be established by a con
stitutional amendment. The power is plenary
for constitutional change, limited as it is for
Congressional action. Why should we object
to any line, or to no line? In any event,' the
State, once organized, is supreme on the sub.
ject. In any event, the laws of nature are 'Buie
to overrule all human enactments. Restrict Or -
enlarge the area of slavery as you may, the
number of slaves is neither increased nor • di
minished.
But it is said that by allowing slavery'in, the
Territories you banish the white settler: Re
who says this insults the white man, by virtu
ally declaring that he cannot Compete) with the
black man. I vindicate the former by assert
ing his supremacy, both physical and intellec
tual. He needs no protection against negro
rivalry—to offer it is insolence—to accept it is
degradation.
Those who prate of "free homes for free
men" advocate the perpetual exclusion of sla
very even where climate forbids the white man
to labor—the banishment ofsnearly half the
States of the Union from the land won by their
blood and treasure as well as ours. Is this
right ? Is It not the violent exclusion of a man
from hie property by his co-tenant ? Is it not
in fact spoliation and robbery ? It is said that
the election of Mr. Lincoln decided this. I.
admit that this is Mr. Lincoln's doctrine, and
I am sorry that the telegraph has told us, within
an hour, that in his speech: to-day in Indian
apolis, he distinctly denied the sovereignty of
the State, by alleging that there was no die- •
tinction between a State and a county. Mise
rable fallacy, which confounds the States which
formed the Federgl erovernment, with counties •
formed by the States—the States creators, the
counties creatures—and yet alike in the view
of this sectional President elect, originator of
the strife necessarily involved in the irrepres
sible conflict, which, however, he will now
hardly venture to inaugurate as part of the
policy of his administration. But he has dared
to deny the independence of the States, their
inherent power, their sovereignty on all sub
jects not expressly put under the control Of the
Federal Government, for these are the neces- -
eary logical consequences of degrading them
to the condition which counties occupy•towarils
the States. In doing this he has assailed and
insulted Pennsylvania. We are her children,
and• we will defend our mother—all Of us, rem we
all love her—Democrats and Republicans alike.
This pretended champion of loyalty first opens
his lips in public, after his election, to utter
traitorous language against this sovereign come
monwealth, which existed before he was born,
and will live long after he is forgotten
His election did not decide these questions,
for he is not the choice of a majority, inasmuch
as the united vote of both the Democratic can
didates). Mis Douglas and Mr. Breckinridge,
exceeds his: If he had not simply a plurality,
but a majority, and if every man of that ma
jority intended the result, now unfairly as
sumed, it would not settle the matter, for this
government is not controlled by the mere force
of numbers. If it were—if we were at the
mercy of an accidental temporary or mistaken
majority, the minority would be the veriest
slaves—victims of a hydra-headed tyrant, more
dangerous than a despotic emperor, backed by
1171, r*cf ed b y wi l larritk i e G oti IL hts pf all. are
carefully ..
nyetato of cheeks and balances operating en
. the people, the State and the Federal govern- •
ment, and every branch of the Administration.
In the Senate equality of representation by
States—the two separate chambers—the Exe
cutive veto—the Constitution, its reservations
and limitations—the independent judiciary—
these and other parts of the structure of the
government forbid the mere force of numbers
to trample on the rights of the minority. The
most mournful presage of future danger is to
be found in the Republican doctrine of the
omnipotence of a mere majority. -It was this
which gave birth to the atrocities of the French
revolution of the eighteenth century. It was
this which established the French despotism of
the nineteenth century. It is the rock on which
republics have split. Let their wrecks be our
warning.
Well, lot us return. It is said that the North
can conquer the South. Let us assume this,
and forget, for the moment, the awful conflict
which must precede this consummation. The ,
track of your armies—marching to the music of
the prayers of helpless women and the cries of
innocent children—marked by fire and slaugh
ter, what have you conquered ? A desert
drenched with human gore—your brothers'
blood ! Fit following of the. first murderer,
legitimate descendants of Cain! Like the
blood of Abel, this blood would call aloud from
Earth to Heaven for vengeance.
But this can never be. It eannot even, be at
tempted. There is, indeed, a project to raise
in Pennsylvania fifty thousand men for this
wild and wicked purpose. It will be defeated.
If it were possible to array such a body in arms
for such an object, twice fifty thousand men,
loyal to human nature, just in the recognition
of their fellows' rights, would, sword in hand,
forbid this slaughter. Pennsylvania troops
have often marched against a foreign foe ; their
arms are pure from the stain of brethren's
blood ; and they will remain so.
I equally oppose coercion and secession,and
still thinks that the Union may be preserved.
HoW ? As it was made.—by concession, Ceacilift
lion and compromise. By the inspiration d
the wise men and pure patriots who met in
Philadelphia in 1797. Then, as now, there
were discordant interests and opinions, but"
each member of the convention—VirgWa's .
Washington, Pennsylvania's Franklin, and all
the others—carried into their deliberatione the
spirit of concord. and were thus enabled, out
of all this discord, to evolve a general unity.—
Let us follow their example, and tlse. cod of
Peace will bless our labors as he blessed theirs.
What they gave to us—the priceless %gamy of
freedom—we hold not for ourselves alone, but
for those who are to come after us. Let us be
true to our truet, that our ohilArea may enjoy
the heritage of freedom ; that the.Oations may
rejoice in the light and life of Deraocratia
truth.
Conciliation; compromise and concession...
Take care not to go too far, says one—how
much must we give, says %pother. I boldly
declare that we should give all and everything
necessary for perfect concord, which does not
involve moral turpitude. That is not expected.
But all recognition of rights of property, all
means of assert i ng th o se rights, perfect redress
for all wrongs, full security for safety, ribs*.
lute equality in the States and Territories, en
tire equality before the law, and power of
invoking force to support the i inv —i n 000,
everything which the South considers:ooM,
I would agree to, gladly and instantly., I would
drive no hard bargain. I would not keep them
in the Wen by halfway remediesmrby mere
palliatives—but cure the canker bze4rpation
.-.remove all cause for complaint—let the Irnion
be absolute concord. Far better than temporary
remedies it is to meet the WI catastrophe. at
Some people say let them go•-rit; to
... be without the Bondi.. I say # 0 : ?ON*. Seti . k•
.xation hy any mimes, is war, SO !at' pseg.
nant•with 044 1 4 Irf / 1 494 v:l4 aver w 44 the
_, .. .