RATES OF ADVERTISING.
pear Mies Or ionli bodttltata half a ;: i4 a re. Ten tines
or nioie than War, constitute a square.
1
maisq.• oll ad a3 -4 --Ate-25 One sq., one da1«......110.3t
. • one meet.— 1.00 c , one week.._._ IA
. t one month—. 2.00 11% one month... 3.00
~ three months. 3.00 c , three months. 6.00
~ f ix months— . 4.00 ~ sia months.— B.or
~ one year.... • COO ig 0118 year...... .141 10.00
Er summon, notices inserted in the LOCAL 00L010 or
be f ors marriages and deaths, PITS °SSTS Pi sa LING for e ach
poorhon re werchantsand others advertiSing by the Year
mod te. is will be Oared.
a r mo anmberof insertions mnst bedesignatedon the
drertisersent.
ia .. g ara ges and Deaths will be inserted at the Sams
otos as regular advertisements.
Oohs, eitationerv,
O.CIIOOI, BOOKS.—School Directors,
ij Teachers Parents, ficholars , . and others in want of
s c hool Hoots: ptheoll Statione l 77 &a., will flats complete
aortmenc g, POLLOCK SON% BOOK EMU,
sorbet Soma*, Harrisburg, comprising in part the folloW-
RLsuggs.—HeGulley's, Parker's, Cobb's, Angell's
SPIRALING SO Com b
Cobb's, Webster's,
ears. Combrrs_
111)11 1 &LIMAN; BUM 8 VA' Wood
MOLL II G on 11,
bridg's, Dart's, Wells'.
KIS e TOBISS.--Gnmshaw's, Davenport's, Prod's, Wil
woe, willard's, Goodrich's, Pinnacles, Goldsmith's and
Wart's-
ABITHINITIOIS.--Greenisars Stoddard's, lbnerson's,
like's 2 . l insets, Cabana s Stank and Duke s Davie'o-
AbegaltAK.---GreenlAcirs, Davie's, Airs, Nay's,
BOADOL
DICTIONARYB.—WaIker's School, Cobb's, Walker,
Worcester's Comprehensive, Worcester's
Primary
Web
ster's Primary, Webster's lltgh School, Weq
Aside T mic.
NAIHM PITILOROPIIIRR.—Ctonstoek I a, Parker's
Burin's. The above wi th a great variety of others clan at
any tone be found at my store. Also, a complete assort
scent of School Stationery, embracing in the while a com
plete outfit for school purposes. Any book not in the store.
procured d one days notice.
Country Id en t m ets supplied at wholesale rats'.
ALMANACS.—John Baer and Son's Almanac tor Mile ai
AL POLLOCK & BON'S BOOK STORY., Harrisburg.
gor Wholesale and Retail. myl
JUST REOE_T.VED
SCHEFFBR'S BOOKSTORE,
ADAMANTINE SL./ITES
OR VARIOUS SIZES AND ERICA
Which, fog beauty and nee, cannot be excelled.
BEMEMBEE THE PLACE,
scHS7FER , S BOOKsToRE,
NO. 18 MARKET STREET
BOOS AUCTION.
BEN F. FRENCH
Will supply his old friends and customers with the
- following Books at Auction prices :
PllASifte Railroad, 10 vols., complete, 4 illustrations
$ Japan Expedition, 3 vols., complete, illustrated and
illuminated, $l2.
Emery's Expedition, 2 vole., complete, illustrated
illuminated, $lO.
Congressional Globe, $1.50 per volume.
Waverly Novels, complete, 12 vole., cloth, $lO.
" 27 vols., half calf, $34; &c.,
ke.„&o_
All of the above Books I will deliver in Harrisburg
free of charge. BEN P. FRENCH,
278 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D. O.
febfAtf
NEW BOOKS!
JUST RBOBITBD
“BNAL AND SAY,” by the author of " Wide,,Wide
World," Dollars sad Cents," &e.
HLSTORY OP KRTHODISM," by A. Stevens, .D.
Per sale at SCHAFFBRS' BOOKSTOBB,
bpi ' No. IS Marks at.
JUST RECEIVED ,
A LARGE AND SPLENDID ASSORTMENT OP
RICHLY GILT AND ORNAMENTAL
WINDOW CURTAINS,
PAPER BLINDS;• -
orTarione Designs and Colors, for 8 centsi
TISSUE PAPER AND CUT FLY PAPER,
As tmiddi SCHBPPER'S BOOKSTORE.
WALL PAPER! WALL PAPER !!
Ind received, our Spring Stock of WALL PAPER,
BORDERS, FIRE SCREENS % &c., &c. lUD the larges s
~ an d beet selected assortment in the city, ranging in price
ham ais. (6) cents up to one dollar and &quarter ($1,2.4.,)
As we purchase very low for cash, we are prepared to
sell at as low rates, if not lower, than can be had else
.where. If purchasers will call and examine, we feel
confident that we can please them in respec t price
and quality. E. bi POLLOCK & SON,
apa Below Tones House, Market Square.
LETTER,. CAP, NOTE PAPERS,
Pens, Holders, Pencils,. Envelopes, Sealing Wax, of
bk.. beet quality, at low prices, direct from the manor
factories, at
mar3o
EICIREPPER 2 S OREAP BOOKSTORE
LAW BOOKS I LAW BOOKS !!-A
11 general assortment of LAW BOOKS, all the State
- Reports and Standard Elementary Works, with many of
the old English Reports, scarce and rare, together with
a large assortment of second-hand Law Books, at very
law prawn, at dm ows price Bookstore Of
E. M. POLLOCIi & SON,
Market Square, liarriabarg.
QM
Aisceltanecrno.
AN ARRIVAL OF
NEW GOODS
APPROPRIATE TO THE SEASON!
Sibs LINEN PAPER
FANS! PANS!!-'- PANS!!!
ANOTHER AND SPLENDID LOT OP
SPLICED FISHING RODS!
Trout Flies, Gut and Hair Snoods, Grass Lines, Silk
and Hair Plaited Linea, and a general aosortment of
if 1 8 TACKLE!
A GREAT VARIETY OP
WALKING CANES!
Which we will sell as cheap as the cheapest!
Sara: Head Loaded Sword Hickory Fancy
Canes! Canes! Canes! Canes! Canes!
KELLER'S DRITG AND FANCY STORE,
NO. 91 MARKET STREET,
South side, one door east of Fourth street je9.
J. HARRIS/
WORKER IN TIN,
SHEET IRON, AND
" METALLIC ROOFING,
Second Sweet, below Chestnut,
le prepare& to fill order,' for any article hi isis branch of
brusinesa; and if not on hand, he will' make to order on
abort notice.
METALLIC HOOFING, of Tin or Galvanised Iron,
constantly on band.
Also, Tin and sheet-Iron Wart, ifponting; &e.
He hopes, by strict attention to the wants of his custo
mers, to merit and receive a generous shin of public pat
ronage.
•
Er Every promise strictly fulfilled.
B. d. HAUB,
Second Street, below Chestnut
Isa 7-41,1
F S
MACKEREL, (Nos. I, 2 and 3.)
SALMON, (very superior.)
Kw?, Men sad 'mit 404
COD FLOIL HERRING, (extra large.)
SMOKED HERRING, (extra Digby.)
SCOTCH HERRING.
SARDINES AND ANCHOVIES.
• Of tke Above we am mackerel in whole, half, quarter
and eighth bble. Herring in whole and half bbli.
The entire lot lIOW—DIBIECT FROM THS szerumme, and
will sell them at the lowest market rates.
sepl4 WM. DOCK, JR., dr. CO.
FAMILY BIBLES, from t o no,
etre% and handsomely bound, printed en geed paper,
with elegant cdear new type, sold at
mahffi 8011111111111603 Cheap Been,tlre.
CRANBERRIES I !!—A SPLYADID LOT
.iller received by
octlo WM. BOOS, & CO.
DOR M a
O superior and cheap TABLE or
.a. all IL go to
1iR1712. !MOBIL
Tara Fruit Growers . ' Handbook—by
WARENO—wholessi e and retail at
main
80/11121/LBV Bookstore.
SPERM CANDLES.--' A large Ini PPY
jun reciehred by
replA
WM. DOCK. IJi • & 00 •
ELLER te 'S DRUG STORE ig the glace
. ta Ind li best assortment aft*/ Meanie/.
!El
mart
F I S II 1 1 1
, .
A---- - - N 6 • , 77A .-._ ' _--2- . --
- - • -_,.. I ...- -- - - -. , -.---- ,-- _
- - i ,
r , , ----
. _
4110.
, t -
.__,„,....::, .-... 1 18- 1 7; - ••• _ _ ; , Ri It.- -_, . .
'" ....."' m =,-- "-- • •
' .V.
It tll
i•
=
-..
VOL. 3.
4goal.
TO THE PUBLIC!
JOHN TILL'S
cOAL YARD,
SOUTH SECOND STREET,
BELOW PRATT'S ROLLING- MILL,
HARRISBURG-, PA.,
Where he has constantly on hand
LIKENS VALLEY BROKEN EGG STOVE AND
NIIT COAL
• ALLOO,
W/LEBSEARRE STEAMBOAT, BROKEN, STOVE
AND NIIT COAL,
ALL OF THE BEST Q UALITY
It will he delivered to consumers clean, and full
weight warranted.
la- CONSUMERS GIVE ME A CALL FOR YOUR
WINTER SUPPLY.
il:P• Orders left at my house, in Walnut street, neat
Fifth; or at Brubaker's, North street; J. L. Sped's,
Market Square; Wm. Bostick's, corner of Second and
South streets, and John Lingle's, Second and Mulberry
Streets, will melee prompt attention.
jylB4l6m
COAL! COtAI4 . I!
ONLY YARD IN TOWN THAT DELIVERS
COAL BY THE
P A TENT WEIGH CARTS!
NO W IS THE TIME
Tor every family to got in their supply of Coal for the
winter—weighed at their door by the Patent Weigh
Carts. The accuracy of these Carts no one disputes, and
they never get out of order, as is frequently the case of
the Platform Scales besides, the consumer has the
satisfaction of proving the weight of his Coal at his
own house.
I have a large supply of Coal on hand, co•nlet , ug of
S. M. CO.'S LTRENE VALLEY COAL all sizes'
LYKENS VALLEY do_ " "
WILKEBBARRE do. •
BITUMINOUS BROAD TOP do,
All Coal of the best quality mined, and delivered free
from all impurities, at the loireet eaten, by the boat or
ear load, single, half or third of tons, and by the bushel.
JAMES M. WHEELER.
Harrisburg, September 24. 1860.—5ep25
TJP TOWN!
PATENT WEIGH CARTS
For the convenience of my numerous up town eastern
ers, I have established, in connection enth my old yard,
s Bumf& Coal Yard opposite North street, in a line with
the Pennsylvania canel, having the office formerly eeeu
pied by Mr. It. Harris, where consumer.; of Coal in that
vicinity and Verbeketawn can receive their Coal by the
PATENT WEIGH CARTS,
WITHOUT EXTRA CHARGE FOR HAULING,
And in any quantity they may desire, as low as can be
purchased anyce4oo,
FIVE THOUSAND TONS COAL ON HAND,
Of LYRENS VALLEY and WILIEBSBABBB, all sizes.
117'Willing to maintain fair prices, but unwilling
to be undersold by any pcirtses.
1:17"All Ooal forked .up and delivered clean and free
from ail impurities, and the best "article mined,
enters - rewired at' althea-TM-4 Alf be proMptIVl4llM,
nd all Coal delivered by the Patent. Weigh Carts.
Coal sold by Boat, Car load, single, half or third of
tons, and by the bushel.
JAMES M. WHEELER.
Harrisburg, October 13, 1860.—octlb
T • YIIENS VALLEY NUT COAL
-La POT Sale AT TWO DOLLARS PIER TON.
irr All Coat dolivered by PATENTWBIGH CARTS
JAMES H. WHEELER
It 7 Cooldolivered from both yards', nol7
lalebtral.
HELMOOLD 2 S lIIELM.ROLD'S
H ISLAM< OL IPS MEI.MISOLD I S
11ELMBOLDIS • HELMBOLD'S
HELMBOLLPS HELM BUMPS
KELM Elf LLD'S H ELM BOLD'S
11E.LMBOLDIS .111ELS180.11,1PS
.114ELBILHO_LIVS HELMBOLIPS
Extract Bnc.ht, Ettriet BUM,
Extralt Raclin, Extract Raclin,
Extract Ructm, Extract /Whit,
Extract Bodin, Extract "Mahn, .
Extract Enchit, Extract Bodin,
Egtraet Moran, Extract Brian,
Extract Dueling Extract Eddie,
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS.
FOR SECRET A vD DELICATE - DISORDERS.
FO SECRET AND DELICATE DISORDERS_
A Poaitive and Specific Remedy.
A PeSitive and Specific Remedy.
A Positive and-Specific Moody.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
A Positive and Sprcitic Remedy.
A restive and ISOM lid Remedy.
A Positive and Specific Remedy.
FOR DISEASES OP. THE
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
BLADDER, GRA VEL, KIDNRYS i DROP t.
BLADDER ' GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY&
BLADDER, GRAVEL, KIDNEYS, DROPSY,
OROANI.I WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WE AMENS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
ORGANIC WEAKNESS,
And all Diseases of Sexual Organ'',
And all Diseases of Sexual t.Prgans,
And all Diseases of Sexual Organs,
Avid an Diseases of Sexual O
And all Diseases of Sexual Organs,
And all Diseases of S6.tua/ Organs )
ARISING FROM
Excesses, Ems:mires, and Impradencles in Life.
Excesses, Exposures, and Impruderones in Life.
Excesses, Exposure-, and Imprudenclea in Life.
Excesses, Exposures, and Imprudencies in Life.
Pleftftaftpa, and Imprudenaiss in Lilo.
Excesses, Exposures, and linprucenciea in Life.
From whatever ca. se originating, and whether axis' ling in
MALE OR Pint ALE.
Females, take no more PAN! They are of no avail for
Compliant& ilacidtv to the nes. Use
IXFRAOT BUORII
Ilelmbold% Extract Dacha is a Medicine which is per
fectly pleasant in its
TASTE AND ODOR,
Bat immediate in its action, giving Health and Vigor to
the Btatile, ;1001 to the Mlid cheek, and restoring the
patient to a perfect State of
RDALTH AND PURITY.
tlelmbold'e Extract Bean ie prepared according to
Pharmacy and Chemistry, and is pr. pri bed and need by
THE MOST EMYvENTPHY.UCIANS.
Delay no longer. Procure the remedy at once
Pries gl per tattle, or air far /115_
Dopot 104 South Tenth 'street, Philadelphia.
BEWARE OF lINPRINUIPLED DEALERS
Trying to palm off their own or ether articles of BMW
on the reputation attained by
ISELIABOLVS ERTRASTr DINJEfI;
The Original and only Osintine.
We desire to ran on the
MERIT OP OUR ARTICLE!
Their'sis wa,rthlesc —is sold at mach !eve rates and coin
'Wardens, consequently paying a much better profit.
WA DEFY 0011 PETITION
Ask for
111ELMBOLDIS EXTRACT BUORU. • •
Take no other.
Bold by JOHN WYST/1, Druggint, corner of Market and
Elooond streets, ifiusniourg,
AND 4r.i. ; DRUGGISTS NVIERYWREER.
nol4 deoram:
EXTRACTS! EXTRACTS!!
WOTH ic
SUPRROIORODB F L AV ORING EXTRACTS
BITTER ALMOND, Of
NNOTARMIN,
FINN APPLE,
v .- ':STRAWBERRY,
Rout, . •
LEMON AND •
VANILLA,
Joit received snd for isle by_
fen WM. DOOM, hr., 4 CO.
HARRISBURG, PA., MONDAY, JANUARY 14, 1861.
Ett Vatriot 'dnion
MONDAY MORNING, JAN. 14, 1861
THE NATIONAL CRISIS.
SPEECH OF SENATOR SE WARD
DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE
SATURDAY, JANUARY 12, 1860.
Mr. President, Congress adjourned last sum
mer amid auspices of national abundance, con
tentment, tranquility and happiness. It was
re-assembled this winter in the presence . of
derangement of. business and disturbance of
public as well as private credit, and in the fare
of seditious combinations to overthrow the
Union. The alarm le appalling; for Union is
not more the body than Liberty iS . t3OUT of the
nation. The American citizen has been ac
customed to believe. the Republic 'immortal.—
He shrinks from the sight of convulsions in
dicative of its sudden death. The report of
our condition has gone over the seas, and we
who have so long and with so much compla
cency studied the endless agitations of society
in the Old World, believing ourselves exempt
from such disturbances, now, in our turn,
seem to be falling into a momentous and disas
trous revolution.
I know how difficult it is to decide, amid so
many and so various counsels, what ought to
be and even what can be done. Certainly,
however, it is time for every Senator to declare
himself. I, therefore, following the example
of the noble Senator front Tennessee, [Mr.
Johueou,] Avow my adherence to the Union in
its integrity and with all its parts, with my
friends, with my party, with my State, with my
country, or without either, as they may deter
mine, in every event, wheth er of peace or of
war, with every, consequence of honor or dis
honor, of life or death. Althoughl lament the
occasion, I hail with cheetfulnesa the duty of
lifting
. up my voice among distracted debates,
for my whole country and its inestimable Union'.
Hitherto the-exhibitions of spirit and reso
lution here, as elsewhere, have been chiefly
made on the side of disunion. Ido not regret
this. Disunion is so unexpected and unnatu
ral that it must plainly reveal itself before its
presence can be realized. I like best, also, the
courage that rises slowly under the pressure
of severe provocation; If it be a Christian
duty to forgive to the stranger even seventy
times seven offences, it is the highest patriotism
to endure without complaint the pactionate
waywardness of political brethren so long as
there is hope that they may come to a better
mind.
JOHN TILT,
I think it is easy to pronounce what measures
or conduct will not save the Union. I agree
with the honorable Senator from North Caro
lina [Mr. Clingham] that mere eulogiums will
not save it. Yet I think that as prayer brings
us nearer to God, though it cannot move Him to
wards us, so there is healing and saving virtue
in every word of devotion to the Union that is
spoken, and in every sigh that its danger draws
forth. I knoli, at least, that, like virtue, it
derives strength from,everjr, irreverent act t 1 .40
is committed and' 0411' blaSpliiniotur phrase
that is uttered.against it. '
The Union cannot be saved by mutual crimi
nations concerning our respective share of re
sponsibility for the present evils. He whose
conscience acquits him will naturally be slow
to accuse others whose co-operation he needs.
History only can adjust the great account.
A continuance of the debate on the constitu
tional power of Congress over the subject of
slavery in the Territories will not save the
Union. The opinions of parties and sections
on that question have become dogmatical, and
it is this circumstance that has produced the
existing alienation. A truce, at least during
the debate on the Union, is essential to recon
ciliation.
The Union cannot be saved by proving that
secession is illegal or unconstitutional. Persons
bent en that Matt/ step will not stand long
enough on forms of law to be dislodged ; and
loyal men do not need such narrow ground to
stand upon.
I fear that little more will be gained from
discussing the rights of the Federal Government
to coerce seceding States into obedience. If
disunion is to go on, this question will give
place to the more practical one, whether many
seceding States have a right to coerce the re
maining members to acquiesce in a dissolution.
T dread, as in my innermost soul I abhor,
civil war. Ido not know what the Union would
be worth if saved by the use of the sword.—
Yet, for all this; I do not agree with those who,
with a desire to avert that great calamity, ad
vise a conventional or unopposed separation,
with a view to what they call a re-construction.
It is enough for me, first, that in this plan, de
struction goes before re-construction ; and sec
ondly, that the strength of the vase in which the
hopes of the nation are held, consists chiefly
in its remaining unbroken.
Congressiontd compromises are not likely to
Dave the Union. I know, indeed, that tradition
favors this form of remedy. But it is essential
to its success, in any case, that there be found
a preponderating mass of citizens, so far neu
tral on the issue which separates parties, that
they can intervene, strike down clashing wea
pons, and compel an accommodation. Mode
rate concessions are not customarily asked by
a force with its guns in battery, nor are libe
ral concessions apt to be given by an opposing
force not less confident of its own right aud
its own strength. I think, also, that there is
a prevailing conviction that legislative compro
mises which sacrifice honestly cherished prin
ciples, while they anticipate future exigencies,
even if they do not assume extra-constitutional
powers, are less sure to avert imminent evils
than they are certain to produce ultimately
even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr. President, I think it will be wise
to discard two prevalent ideas or prejudices,
namely, first, that the Union is to be saved by
somebody in particular ; and secondly, that it
is to be saved by some cunning and insincere
compact of pacification. If I remember rightly,
I said something like this here so long ago tull
1850, and afterwards in 1854.
The present danger discloses itself in - this
form. Discontented citizens have obtained
political power in certain States, and :they are
using this authority to overthrow the Federal.
Government,. They delude themselves with a
belief that the State power they have acquired
enables them to discharge themselves of alle
giance to the whole Republic_ The honorable
Senator from Illinois LiVlr. Douglas] says we
have a right to coerce a State, but we cannot.
The President says that no State has a right
to secede, but we have no constitutional power
to make war against a State. The dilemma re
sults from an assumption that those who, in
such a case,' act against the Federal Govern
ment, act lawfully as a State; although mani
festly they have perverted the power .of the
State to an unconstitutional purpose. A class
of politicians in New England get up this the
ory and attempted to practice upon it in our
war with Great Britain. Mr. Jefferson did not
hesitate to say that States must be kept within
their constitutional sphere by impulsion, if
theyeould not be held there by attraction.—
Seceseion Was 'then held. to be inwilinissible in
.
the face of a public enemy. But if it is unten
able in one ease, it is necessarily so in all others.
I fully admit the originality. the sovereignty;
and the independence of the several States
within their sphere. But I hold the Federal
Government to be equally original, sovereign
and independent within its sphere. And the
government of the State can no more absolve
the people residing within its limits from alle
giance to the Union, than the Government of
the Union can absolve them from allegiance to
the State. The Constitution of the United
States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof,
are the supreme law of the land, paramount
to all legislation of the States, whether made
under the Constitution, or by even their or
ganic conventions. The Union can be dis
solved, not by secession, with or without armed
force, but only by the voluntary consent of the
people of the United States, collected in the
manner prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States.
'Congress, in- the present ease, ought not to
be imtnpossive: It ought, if it can, to redress
any real greivances of the offended States, and
then it ought to supply the President with all
the means necessary to maintain the Union in
the full exhibition and discreet exercise of its
authority. Beyond this, with the proper ac
tivity on the part of the Executive, the respon
sibility or saving the UUIOII belongs to the peo
ple, and they are abundantly competent to dis
charge it.
I propose, therefore, with great deference, to
address myself to the country upon the momen
tous subject, Salting a hearing, not less from
the people within what are called the seceding,
than from those who reside within the adhering
States.
Union is art old, fixed, settled habit of the
American people, mulling from convictions of
its necessity, and therefore not likely to be
hastily discarded. The early States, while ex
isting as colonies, were combined, though im
perfectly, through a common allegiance to the
British Crown. When that allegiance ceased,
no one Was so presumptuous as to suppose
political' existence compatible with disunion ;
and, therefore; on the same day' that they de
dared. themselves independent, they proclaimed
themselves also confederated States. Experi
ence in war and in peace, from 1776 until 1787,
only convinced them of the nesessity of con
verting that loosi Cenfederacy into a more
perfect and a perpetual Union. They acted
with coolness 'very different from the intemper
ate conduct of those who now, on one side
threaten, - and those who on the other rashly
defy disunion. They consider the continuande
of the Union as a subject comprehending no
thing lees than the Beaty and welfare of all
the parts Of which the country was composed,
and the fate of an empire in many respects the
most interesting , in the world. I enter upon
the Oubject of continuing the Union now,
deeply impressed with the same generous and
loyal conviction. How could it be otherwise,
when, instead of only thirteen, the country is
now composed of thirty-three .parts, and the
empire embraces, instead of only four millions,
no lees then. thirty teilhens of inhabitants.
'The fonnders of the Constitution moreover
regarded the Union as "no Mere national or
American interest. On the contrary; -they
vekoastodcw4h.,deep,sensibility that it seemed
to them to have been rederved for the people
of this country to decide whether societies of
men are really capable of establishing good
government upon reflection and choice, or
whether they are forever destined to depend
for their political constitutions on accident and
force. They feared, therefore, that their fail
ure to continue and perfect the Union would
be a misfortune to the nations. How much
more, sir, would its overthrow now be a calamity
to mankind ?
Some form of government is indispensable
here as elsewhere. Whatever form we have,
every individual citizen and every State must
cede to it Seine natural rights, to invest the
Gevernment with the requisite . power. The
simple question, therefore, for us now to decide,
while laying asiee all pique, passion and pre
judice is; whether it conduces more to the in
terests of the people of thin country to remain
for the general purposes of, peace and war,
commerce inland and foreign, postal communi
cations at home and abroad, the care and dis
position of the public domain, colonization,
the organization and admission of new States,
and, generally, the enlargement of empire, one
nation under our present Constitution, than it
would be to divide themselves into separate
Confederacies or States.
Our country running now as it was in 17/37
—composed not of detached and distant Terri
tories, but of one whole well-connected and
fertile region lying within the temperate zone,
with climates and soils hardly more various
than those of fiance or of Italy, This alight
diversity quickens and amplifies manufacture
and 'Commerce. Our rivers and valleys, as
improved by art, furnish us a system of high-
ways unequalled in the world. The different
forms of labor, if slavery were not porvorted
to purposes f political ambition, need not
constitute an elemont of strife in the Confede
racy.
Notwithstanding recent vehement expressions
and manifestations of intolerance in some
quarters, produced by intense parlizan excite
ment, we are, in fact, a homogeneous people,
chiefly of one stock, with accessions well as
similated. We have, practically, only one
language, one religion, one system of Govern
ment, and manners and customs common to all.
Why, then, shall we nevremain hencifolth as
hitherto, one people?
The first ObjeCt Of.every human society is
safety or security, for which, if need be, they
will, and they must, sacrifice every other. This
security is of two kinds : one, exemption from
foreign aggression and influence' ; the other,
exemption from domestic tyranny and sedition.
Foreign wars come from either violations of
treaties or domestic violence. The Union has,
thus far, proved itself an almost perfect shield
against such wars. The United States, contin
ually enlarging their diplomatic acquaintance,
have now treaties with France, the Nether
lands, Great Britian, Sweden, Prussia, Spain,
Russia, Denmark, Mexico, Brazil, Austria,
Turkey, Chili, Siam, Muscat, Venezuela, Peril,
Greece, Sardinia, Equador, Hanover, Portugal,
New Granada, Hesse Cassel, Wurtemburg,
China, Bavaria, Saxony, Nassau, Switzerland,
Mecklenburg Schwerin, Guatemala, the Hawa
aian Islands, San Salvador, Borneo, Costaßica,
Peru, Bremen, the Argentine Confederation,
Loo Choo, Japan, Brunswick, Persia, linden,
Belgium and Paraguay. Nevertheless ,
the
United States, within their entire exis tence
under the Federal Conetitution, have had fla
grant wars with only four States, two of which
were insignificant Powers, on the coast of
Barbary ; and have had direct hostilities,
amounting to reprisals, against only two or
three more; and they are now at peace with
the whole world. If the Union should be di
vided into only two Confederacies, each of them
Would need to make as many treaties as we
have now ; and, of course, would be liable to
give as many causes of war as we now do. But
we know, from the sad' experience of other na
tions, that disintegration, once begun, inevita
bly continues until even the greatest empire
crumbles into many parts. Each confederatien
that shall ultimately arise out of the ruin' of
the Union will have necessity for as many
treaties as we now have, and will incur liabili
ties for war as often as we now do, by breaking
them. It is the multiplication of treaties, and
the want of confederation, that makes wait the
normal condition of society in Western Europe
and Spanish America. It is union that, not
withstanding our world-wide intercourse, makes
peace the habit of the American people.
1 will not descend so low as to aek whether
new Confederacies would be able or willing to
bear the grievous expense of maintaining the
diplomatic relations which cannot be dispensed
with except by withdrawing from foreign Mirk
merce.
Our Federal Government is better able to
avoid giving just causes of war than several
Confederacies, because it can eOtifirm the action
of all the States to compacts. it can have only
one construction, and only one tribunal to pro
nounce that construction, of every treaty. Lo
cal and temporary interests and passions, of
personal cupidity and ambition, can drive small
Confederacies or States more easily than a
great Republic into indiscreet violations' of
treaties.
The United States being a great and formid
able power, can alwaya secure favorable and
satisfactory treaties. Indeed, every treaty we
have was voluntarily made. Small Confedera-
Cies or States must take such treaties as they
can set, and give whatever treaties are exacted.
A humiliating, or even an unsatisfactory treaty,
is a chronic cause of foreign war.
The chapter of wars resulting from unjusti
fiable causes would, in case of division, amplify
itself in proportion to the Mambo` of new Con
federacies and their irritability. Our desputes
with Great Britain about Oregon, the boundary
of Maine, the patriot insurrection in Canada,
and the Island of San Juan ; the border strifes
between Texas and Movie° and Central Arne.
rica ; all these were bases in which war was
prevented only by the imperturbability of the
Federal Government.
This Government not only gives fewer causes
of war, whether just or unjust, than smaller
Confederacies would, but it always has a greater
ability to accommodate them by the exercise of
more coolness and courage, the use of more
various and more liberal means, and the dis
play, if need .be, of greater force. Every one
knows how placable we ourselves are in con
troversies with Great Britain, France and Spain;
and yet how exacting we have been in our in
tercourse with New Granada, Paraguay% and
San Juan de Nicaragua.
• Mr. President, no one will dispute our fore.
fathers' maxim, that the common safety of all
is the safety of each of the States. While they
remain united, the Federal Government com
bines all the materials and all the farces of the
several States ; organizes their defences on one
general principle; harmonizes and assimilates
them with one system; watches for them with
a single eye, which it turns in all directions,
and moves all agents under the control of one
executive head. A nation so constituted is
safe against assault or even insult.
War produces always a speedy exhaustion of
money and a severe strain upon credit. The
treasuries and credits of small ConfederaCies
would Often prove inadequate: Those of the
Union are always" , ample • • -
have thus . far `kept out'of 'Vie** the rela
tions 'which must betweeo the confedera
cies themselves. They would be small and in- ,
considerable nations bordering on each other,
and therefore, according to all political philo
sophy, natural enemies. In addition to the
many treaties which each must make with for
eign powers, and the causes of war which they
would give by violating them, each of the con
federacies must also maintain treaties with all
the others, and so be liable to give them fre
quent offence. They would necessarily have
different interests resulting from their estab
lishment of different policies of revenue, of
mining, manufactures and navigation, of immi
gration, and perhaps the slave trade. Each
would stipulate with foreign nations for ad
vantages peculiar to itself and injurious to its
rivals.
If, indeed, it were necessary that the Union
should be broken up, it would be in the last
degree important that the new Confederacies to
be formed should be as nearly as possible equal
in strength and power, that mutual fear and
mutual respect might inspire them with caution
against mutual offence. But such equality
could not long be maintained ; one Confederacy
would rise in the scale of political importance,
and the others would view it thenceforward
with envy and apprehension. Jealousies would
bring on frequent and retaliatory wars, and all
these wars, from the pccullat eircumstances of
the Confederacies, would have the nature and
character of civil war. Dissolution, therefore,
is, for the people of this country, perpetual
Civil war. To mitigate it, and obtain occa
sional rest, what else could they accept but the
system of adjusting the balance of power which
has obtained in Europe, in which the few strong
nations dictate the very terms on which all the
others shall be content to live. When this
hateful system Should fail at last., foreign na
tions would intervene, now in favor of one and
then in aid of another; and thus our country,
having expelled all European powers from the
continent, would relapse into an aggregate form
of its colonial experience, and, like Italy,
Turkey, India and China, become the theatre
of transatlantic intervention and rapacity.
If, however, we grant to the new confedera
cies an exemption from complications among
each other and with foreign dint es, still there
is too much reason to believe that not one of
them could long maintain a Republican form
of government. Universal suffrage and the
absence of a standing army are essential to a
Republican system. The world has yet to ace
a single self sustaining State of that kind, or
even any confederation of such States, except
our own. Canada leans on Great Britain not
unwillingly, and Switzerland is guarantied by
interested monarchial States. Our own expe
riment has thus far been successful, because,
by the continual addition of new States, the in
fluence of each of the members of the Union is
Constantly restrained and reduced. No one,
of course, can foretell the way and manner of
travel ; but history indicates with unerring
certainty the end which the several confedera
cies would reach. Lie
entiousness would ren
der life intolerable ; and they would sooner or
later purchase tranquility and domestic safety
by the surrender of liberty, and yield them
selves up to the protection of military despot
ism, Indulge me, air, in one or two details
under this head. First, i t is only sixty days
since this disunion movement began ; already
those who are engaged in it have canvassed
with portentous freedom the possible re-combi
nations of t he States when dissevered, and the
feasible alliances of those re-combinations with
European nations; affianced as unnatural, and
w . hich.would prove ultimately as pestilential to
society here ad that of the Tiasealaue. with the
Spaniards, who promised them revenge upon
their ancient enemies, the Aztecs.
Secondly, The disunion movement arises
partly out of a dispute over the common do.
main of the United States. Hitherto the Union
has confined this controversy within the bounds
of political debate, by referring it, with all
other national ones, to the arbitrament of the
ballot-box. Does any one suppose that disu-
UlOn •would transfer the whole domain to tither
party, or that any. Other umpire than war
would, •after dissolution, be invoked ?
PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, -
SUNDAYS EIXOEPTBD,
BY 0. BARRETT & CO.
Ten DAILY PATRIOT AND UNION will be served to lab
Beriberi; residing in the Borough for SIX mem PLR WM
payable to the Carrier. Mail rubooribera, FOUR MR
LARS PIIR ANNOY.
THE WIIIKLY will be published as heretofore, semi
weekly during the session of the Legislature, and once a
week the remainder of the year, for two donors in *g
lance, or three dollars at the expiration of the year.
Connected with this establishment is an extensive
108 OFFICE, containing a variety of plain and tenor
type, unequalled by any establishment in the interior of
the State, for which the patronage of the public is N•
['cited.
NO. 113.
Thirdly, This movement arises, in another
view, out of the relation of African slavee to
the domestic population of the country. Free
dom is to them, as to all mankind, the chief
object of desire. Hitherto, under the opera
tion of the Union, they have practically re
mained ignorant of the controversy, especially
of its bearing on themselves. Can we hope
that flagrant civil war' shall rage among our!
selves in their very presence, and yet that they
will remain stupid and idle spectators ? Does
history furnish us any satisfactory instruction
upon the horrors of civil war among a people
so brave, so skilled in arms, so earnest in con
viction, and so intent in purpose, as we are?
Is it a mere chimera which suggests an aggra
vation of those horrors beyond endurance when,
on either side, there shall occur the interven
tion of an uprising, ferocious, African slave
population of four or six, perhaps twenty mil
lions ?
The opinions of mankind change, and with
them the politics of nations. One hundred
years ago all the commercial European States
were engaged in transferring negro.slaves front'
Africa to this hemisphere. To-day all those
States are firmly set in hostility to the exten
sion and even to the practice of slavery. Op
position to it takes two forms—one European,
which is simple, direct abolition, effected, if
need be, by compulsion; the other American,
which seeks to arrest the African slave trade,
and resist the entrance of domestic slavery
into territories where it is yet unknown, while
it leaves the disposition of existing slavery to
the considerate action of the States by whioh
it is retained. It is the 'Union that restricts
the opposition t o slavery in this country within
these limits. If dissolution prevail, what guar
antee shall there be against the full develop
ment here of the fearful and uncompromising
hostility to slavery which. elsewhere pervades
the world, and of which the recent invasion of
Virginia was an illustration?
Mr. President, I have designedly dwelt so
long on the probable effects of disunion upon
the safety of the American people as to leave
me little time to consider the other evils which
must follow in its train. But, practically, the
loss of safety involves every other form of pub
lic calamity. When once the guardian angel
has taken flight, everything is lost.
Dissolution would not only arrest, but extin
guish the greatness of our country. Even if
separate confederacies could exist and endure,
they could severally preserve no share of the
common prestige of the Union. If the constel
lation is to be broken up, the stars, whethei
scattered widely apart, or grouped in smaller
clusters, will thenceforth shed forth feeble,
glimmering and lurid' lights. Nor will great
achievements be possible for the new confede
racies. Dissolution would 'signalise its triumph
by acts of wantonness which would shock and
astound the world. It would provincialhe
Mount Vernon and give this Capitol over to
desolation at the very moment whet the dente
is rising over our heads that was to be crowned
with the statue of Liberty. After this theft"'
would remain for disunion no act of sttipendeuk
infamy to be committed. No petty confederacY
that shall follbwthe United States Can prolong;
or even' renew,l the drama of national
progress. Perhapsit is to be arrested bectuite
itirsublimity is'incatilible of ecattinninee. Let
it be coif itnirelnileed.beeinne leteiterati:
After Washington and the inflexible Adams,
Henry and the peerless Hamilton, Jefferson
and the majestic Clay, Webster and the setae
Calhoun, Jackson, the modest Taylor and Scott,
who rises in greatness under the burden of
years, and Franklin, and Fulton, and 'Whitney,
and Morse, have all performed their parts, let
the curtain fall!
While listening to these debates, I have
sometimes forgotten myself in marking their
contrasted effects upon the page who customa
rily stands on the dais before me, and the ven
erable Secretary who sits behind him. The
youth exhibits intense but pleased emotion in
the excitement, while at every irreverent word
that is uttered against the Union the eyes of the
aged man are suffused with tears. Let him
weep no more. Rather rejoice, for yours has
been a lot of rare felicity. You have seen and
been a part of all the 'greatness of your coun
try, the towering national greatness of all the
world. Weep only you, and weep with all the
bitterness of anguish, who are just stepping
on the threshold of life; for that greatness
perishes prematurely and exists not for yeti,
nor for me, nor for any that shall come after us.
The publio prosperity! how could it survive
the storm.? Its elements are industry in the
culture of every fruit ; mining of all the
metals; commerce at home and on every sea;
material improvement that knows no obstacle
and has no end; invention that ranges through
out the domain of nature; increase of know
ledge as broad as the human mind can explore ;
perftelioa of art as high as human genius can
reach; and social refinement working for the
renovation of the world. How could our suc
cessors prosecute these noble objects in the
midst of brutalizing civil
.conflict ? What
guarantees will capital invested for such pur
poses have, that will outweigh the premium
offered by political and military ambition ?
What leisure will the citizen find for study, or
invention, or art, under the reign of conscrip
tion ; nay, what interest in them will society
feel when fear and hate shall have taken pos
session of the national mind ? Let the miner
in California take heed; for its golden wealth
will become the prize of the nation that can
command the most iron_ Let the borderer
take care ; for the Indian will again lurk
around his dwelling. Let the pioneer come
back into our denser settlements ; for the rail
road, the post road, and the telegraph, advance
not one furlong farther into the wilderness...
With standing armies consuming the substance
of our people on the land, and our Navy and
our postal steamers withdrawn from the ocean,
whit will protect or respect, or who will even
know by name our petty confederacies? The
American man-of-war is a noble spectacle. I
have seen it enter an ancient port in the Med
iterranean. All the world wondered at it, and
talked of it. Salvos of artillery, from feria
and shipping in the harbor, saluted its flag.—
Princes and princesses and merchants paid it
homage, and all the people blessed it as a har
binger of hope for their own ultimate freedom.
I imagine now the same noble vessel again
entering the same haven. The flag of thirty
three stars and thirteen stripes has been
hauled down, and in its place a signal is run
up, which flaunts the device of a lone star .or
a palmetto tree. Men ask, "Who LS the-Wen
ger that thus steals into our waters r' The
answer contemptuously given is, "She comes
from one of the obscure Republics of North
America. Let her pass on."
Lastly, public liberty, our own pectiliar lib
erty, must languish for a time, and then cease
to live. And such a liberty ! free movement
everywhere through our own land and through
out the world; free speech, free press, free
suffrage; the freedom of every subject to vote
on every law, and for or against every , agent
who expounds, administers, or executes. Un
stable and jealous confederacies, constantly
apprehending assaults without and Mason
within, formidable only to each other anitoon
temptible to all besides; how long will it be
before, on the plea of public safety, they will
surrender all this inestimable and unequalled
liberty, and accept the hateful and intolerable
espionage of military despotism?