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WEDNESDAY MORNING, JAN. 9, 1861
SPEECH OF JUDGE DOUGLAS.
DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE,
THURSDAY, JANUARY 3, 1661.
Mr. Douglas asked that the report of the
committee of thirteen be taken up. Mr. D.
proceeded to address the Senate.
.11e said 1/0
act of his public life ever gave lam so much
pain as to vote for the resolution. The com
mittee could not agree. In order to see the real
cause of the trouble, we must go back to the
late election. We should assume that whenever
Congress undertook to act on the question of
slavery, discord and agitation were sere to fel
low. When Congress let the question alone
there was peace. lie referred to the excitement
at the time the Missouri Compromise was en
acted. The fearful agitation of 1820 was set
tled by the establishment of the compromise
line. So long as that adjustment was carried
out, there was peace and quiet. Texas was
adjusted quietly under this rule, though there
was a great contrariety of opinion. But no one
objected because it. extended that line. Again,
California and New Mexico were acquired, and
the extension of the line to the Pacific Ocean
was demanded. The records show that he re
ported, as Chairman of the Cothmittee of Terri
tories, a resolution to extend the line to the
Pacifie. This was adopted in the Senate, but
when it was sent to the House it was rejected
by Northern votes. That opened the flood gates
of the agitation of 1848, which only was set
tled by the compromises of 1850. When we
settle this quertion in the Territories, then we
shall settle it entirely. The Abolitionists could
never have brought the Union to - the verge of
dissolution, but for the question in the Terri
•titoties. It was a rejection of the extension of
that line in 1848 that re-opened the agitation.
The arguments of 1819 and 1820 were repeated.
The positions of the North and the South were
the same. The purest patriots in the land were
alarmed,- and Mr. Clay came back to the Senate
to see if he could not bring back peace. He
found no trouble with the Southern members,
but -he could find no support of this line from
the North. The Missouri line was abandoned
because its friends said they could not carry it
out in good faith. Then they turned to see
What next was best. There was a desire to
take the question out of Congress and secure
the peace of the country. At last it was deci
ded to leave the question to- the people of the
Territories themselves.
The records show that he supported both
compromises, and for the same reasons_ Peace
followed allover the country. But in 1863-'54
it became necessary to organize the Territories
of Kansas and Nebraska. The Committee, in
forming the bill, determined to carry out the
-compromise measures of 1850, though they had
all been in favor of the Missouri Compromise
as long as it could be carried out. A hue and
cry was immediately raised that the Committee
Were violating it sacred compremise. But the
bill did not mentionthe Missouri Compromise,
but did give the people the
the question for_thotaselves. The history of
the -Gove-rmtent might be divided itito three
parts_ Before 1820, the Government admitted
many Territories, but all was peaee. After the
agitation of 1820 was settled, all was peace
again till 1850. We come now to the consider
ation of that party which has plunged the
country into this state of discord. It is folly
for any man not to see facts which .do exist.
The result of the recent election, in connection
with all the circumstances with which it. is
surrounded, have led the people of the South
to form the conviction that it is a fixed policy
of 'the dominant party of the North to invade
and destroy their constitutional rights, and
they are ready to rush, rashly I think, into all
the horrors of revolution and disunion, rather
than to submit to what they think the impend
ing blow which hangs over them. The Senator
from- Ohio (Mr. Wade) acknowledged the ex
istence of this conviction in the minds of
Southern people, and said he did not so much
blame them as he did the Northern Democracy,
who had misrepresented and falsified the pur
poses and policy of the Republican party ; yet
he advocates It polioy which will not relieve
these apprehensions, but -threatens them with
war and coercion, rather than to give them
security. It matters not whether these dangers
were real or imaginary, if the Southern people
are prepared to take a position which will
plunge us into disunion and discord forever. I
regret that any one on this floor should have
introduced party polities, and endeavored to
make party capital out of any question affecting
the peace and safety of this country. But,
since the Senator has attempted to make the
Nertliern Democracy responsible for the revo
lution, I am forced to inquire whether the
charge be true. There is no man living who
would be better pleased to learn that he bad
misrepresented or misunderstood the policy of
that party. I would like to know whether that
Senator will now say it is not the policy of that
party to confine slavery within its present lim
its by the action of the Federal Government?
Whether it is not the policy of that party to
exclude slavery from the Territories we now
possess, or any we may hereafter acquire?—
Whether or not that party are in favor.of re
turning fugitives to their masters from whom
they escape? In short, I will give him the
oportunity of saying hOir, whether it is not
the policy of that party to exert all the powers
of the Federal Government, under the Consti
tution, according to their interpretation of that
instrument, to restrain and cripple the institu
tion of slavery, with a Tim to its ultimate ex
tinction in the States, old as well as new. North
as well as South?
Mr. Wade (Rep., Ohio)—All those questions
are moat pertinently answered in the speech
to which he is now professing to make answer.
I have nothing to add to it.
Mr. Douglas—l did nut expect an unequivo
cal answer. I know too well. that Senator will
not deny that each Of these interrogatories does
express his individual policy, and the policy
of the Republican party, as he understands it .
The harshest thing I have said of the Republi
can party was that they intended to use the
power of the Government with a view 'to the
ultimate extinction of slavery, not only in the
Territories but in the States of the Union. I
have said, and have believed it, and I would
rejoice now to be corrected, that it is the policy
of this party tel)rohibit slavery in a'l the Ter
ritories of the. United States now owned or
hereafter acquired, with& view to surrounding
the slave -States with a cordon of Abolition
States, and thin keep slavery confined till the
number increases beyond the capacity of the
soil to feed them, and thus force them to die of
starvation, as a means of getting rid of the evil
of slavery in. the name of humanity and Chris
tianity. I hive said that in Illinois, in the Abo
lition portions of the State,but never said it
in a slave State. have Vs WO° 674 " 4-
ingly mild in speaking of that party in the
slaveholding States. But inasmuch as I did
not get a direct answer froni the Senator who
ni*egthe eherge iigainat the NortheniDP l6oo *
rtioy, I will refer to the sentiments of the ,Prea
ident eleckand see what he says on Quit subject
•
' -
•
• . t
coo ,
, •
•
•
VOL. 3.
The Republicans have taken pains to pub ish
reports of the debate between Mr. Lincoln and
myself, and I may say they are unftir to me,
Lincoln had an opportunity to correct
his speeches. and the printer struck out many
portions of my replies. [kir. Douglas then
read from Mr. Lincoln's suet oh where be speaks
of the house being divided ste dust itself, nod
that the crisis must come, and the States must
all become one thing or the oth-r, etc , and
proceeded.] When the Republican Committee
publish an edition of Mr. Lincoln's speeches
containing sentiments like these, is it surpri
sing that the pe. pie of the South think he was
in earnest, and intended to carry out the policy
which he thus announced? Ishould not revive
such revolutionary sentiments, but for the at
tempt to cast the responsibility upon the North
ern Democracy, clearly intimating that Mr.
Pugh and myself were the chief authors of
these misrepresentations. I would like to find
nay one man, on that side of the Chamber, in
the confidence of the President elect, who would
deny that, it is the policy to carry out the very
things to which I have referred.
I feel bound, however, and take , pleasure in
saying that I don't believe the Southern States
are it, any danger, or ought to have any appre
hension, that stir. Lincoln or his party can do
any harm, or render insecure 'their rights to
persons or property anywhere in this country.
I have some faith, too, that Mr. Lincoln, after
having 'emerged from the surroundings of a
small country village, and assumed the high
responsibilities of administering the law and
protecting the rights of a great nation, will sink
the partisan in the patriot, and abandon the
extreme doctrines, and step forward and avow
his willingness to save the country by repudia
ting the extreme doctrines of a party. But be
that as it may, neither he nor his party will
have power to invade the rights Of any State in
this Union. I had hoped, therefore, that the
Southern people would have been content to
remain in the Union, and vindicate their right
in the UAW", under - the Constitution, instead
of rushing into revolution, and preparing them
selves to meet whatever consequences may
follow. This apprehension has become wide
spread, and taken possession of the Southern I
mind. and sunk deep into the Southern heart,
and filled them with the conviction that their
firesides, their altars, their domestic institu
tions, are to be rudely assailed through: the
machinery of the Federal Government. •The
Senator from Ohio tells us he don't blame :you
Southern Senators for believing those things,
and yet instead of doing those acts which will
relieve your apprehensions, and render it im
possible taut these outrages should be perpe
crated, talks about force, war, armies and
navies. In the name of the Union, who are the
disuuionists ? Those who pursue aline of policy
calculated to destroy the Union, anti refuse to
arrest that policy or disavow that purpose,
when they see that revolution has taken place.
If such be not your policy, why not say so ?
If you never intend to do what the South think
is your purpose, and which you do not blame
them for thinking, what harm is there in
making such atneudments to the Constitution
as will render it impossible for you to do so ?
But we are told that. the Union most be pre
served, and the low must be enforced. I agree
in a— et.r?c - 9L untie tua.g.,;^ -
acciiiding to the 6tusiiititain and the - laws. No
man will go further than I to maintain the
Union and enforce the laws, to put down re
beliion and insurrection, and to use all the
power conferred by the Constitution for that
purpose.
But we must look thefaws in the face. We
Must take 'notice of, those things whose exis
tence cannot be denied. History teaches us
that rebellion often bectimes successful revolu
tion; and the greitest republics and proudest
monarchies have found it necessary to recognize
the existence of a Government de facto in the
rebellion or Suites and provinces. Such was
the condition of the American colonies for seven
years after the Declaration or Independence.
At first, it was rebellion, and rebellion was
treason. A few months afterward, it was revo
lution and a government de facto at Philadel
phia, Mr. Hancock President, and WaShington
Commander of the armies: Rebellion has
ceased and revolution taken: its place. The
American colonies were in revolt, had Govern
ments de facto, and Great Britain, proud as she
was, was compelled to recognize. the existing
state of facts. The laws 'of nations, and all
the laws of civilization demanded that the Gov
ernment de facto be acknowledged. But, the
laws must be enforced. In our system of gov
ernment the laws are to he enforced by civil
authority, assited by the militia and posse mod
tatus, when the Marshal is resisted. If the
colonies or a State revolt, the revolution is
complete when the Federal authorities are ex
pelled, and no one man is left to acknowledge .
allegiance to the United States. How are you
going to enforce the laws then? How are you
going to do it in South Carolina? She has
passed an ordinance of secession, / deny her
right to secede, but she has dune it. The retro
lution is complete. She has no hunian being
in her borr'ers to acknowledge our authority.
This ie. all wrong, but how are you going to
help it ? You tell us we must enforce the laws.
lam in favor of that. Laws must be enforced
according to the Constitution and the laws.—
Under our Constitution, laws can only be en
forced against criminals, and those of us who
are in favor of the Constitution and the Union
must be careful that we do not perpetrate the
very things which we denounce as criminal in
these seceding States. And South Carolina
d ues not stand alone_ We are told that seven
other States will follow her, and we have reason
to apprehend that seven more Statett may fol
low thens. The answer is, we must enforce the
laws. My reply is, you cannot enforce the
laws in cou-tries not in your possession. I
deny that we have the right to make War in
order to regain posse-sion, in order to enforce
the laws. Are we prepared for war? Ido not
mean prepared in the sense of having soldiers,
arms and munitions ; but are we prepared in
our hearts for war with our brethren?
While I affirm that the Constitution was in
tended to form a perpetual Union--while I
affirm the right to use all lawful means to en
force the laws—yet I will not me ditate war, nor
tolerate the idea, until after every effort at ad
justment has been tried anti failed, and all
hope of the Union is gone. Then, and not till
then, will I eteliberete and determine what
course my duty will require of me. lam for
peace, to save the Union. War is disunion,
certain, inevitable, final, and irreversible. Our
own very existence forbids war. He referred
to the purchase of Louisiana, and said it was
purchased for the benefit of the whole Union,
and for the safety of the Upper Mississippi in
particular. The possession of that river is
more necessary now than it was then. We can
not expecethe people of the interior to admit
the right of a foreign State taking possession
of that river. He also referred to the purchase
of Florida and the amounts paid, and asked if
she could go out now. The . President, in his
message, first said we could not coerce a State
to remain in the Union, but in a few senteneee
he advised the acquisition of Cuba. As if we
should pay $800,000,000 for Cuba, rind then
the next., day she might tweedy anCreannei
herself to Spain, andSpaiwaell her agaiL }l4
bad admitted that Texas cost ;net tt, war with
Mexico, and 10,000 liven In the little 011ie
HARRISBURG, PA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9, 1861.
7,000 gallant men from Illinois, who fought
those battles against the right of that State to
secede—
Mr. Hemphill asked if the protection of
Texas was the only reason of the war, and if
the United States paid anything to Texas for
the land, and if we did not acquire California
from that war ?
Mr. Douglas said the only cause of complaint
of Mexico was the annexation of Texas, and
we had paid Texas $10,000,000 for some barren
land she did not own. [Laughter.] He said
the Constitution was intended to he perpetual,
and he denied the right of secession under the
Conmitution, as against the Constitution, and
asainst ju-tice and good faith. He said there
could be no government. without coercion, but
coercion must be used in the mode prescribed
by law. This is not a question of coercion in
a State. Where no authority of Federal Gov
ernment remains we are bound to recognize a
Government de facto, when the State maintains
individual sway. The man who lovesthe Union,
who loves to see the laws enforced, will love
to see rebellion Put doWn. Ilowtioes he intend
to entorce the law in a seceding State, except
by making war.? In his opinion we had reached
the point when disunion was inevitable unless
a compromise, founded ou concession, can be
made. lie preferred compromise to war. and
concession to disunion. No compromise would
be available which does not carry the question
of slavery beyond Congress., He said he had
voted for the proposition of the Senator from
Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) and was ready to
vote for it again. Why cannotthe Republicans
unite on the Missouri Compromise line? They
had heaped curses enough on his head for re
pealing it, to be glad now to re-establish it.
He had helped to support that measure until
he was compelled to abandon it. He was wil
ling to meet on terms of mutual concession. He
had offered another proposition, to leave the
Territories in state quo till they have 50,000
inhabitants, and then settle the question them
selves ; and also provided for the removal of
the negroes, if the Territory chose, to certain
provinces.
If the Republicans do not intend to interfere
with slavery in the States, why not put in an
amendment to the Constitution, so that they
cannot do it. There must be a settlement of
some sort now. It cannot be postponed. We
are in a state of revolution. It is conipromise
or w , r. He preferred compromise. He said it
seemed as though the Senators on the other
side determined to act as a party. tet the
people decide the question. No doubt he peo
ple of Massachusetts are opposed to slavery
extension, but he thought if the question were
submitted to day of the resolutions of the
Senator from Kentucky, they would ratify them.
There is no other way or recourse left, to en
force the law in a seceding State, except to
make warUnd bring the State within your pos
• sesgion first, and then enforce the law after
wards. A war between eighteen States on the
one side and fifteen seceding States on the
other, is to me a revolting thing. For what
purpose is this war to he waged? Certainly
not for the purpose of preserving the Union. I
have too much respect for gentlemen on the
other side of the chamber, collectively and in
,2l,biteoliwevienatterraelisitt.onulauimittioz_l_eumu.
eantiot etpeot to exterminate ten tuillions
people, whose pinions are-excited, with the be
lief that you mean to invade their homes and
light the flames of insurrection in their midst.
You must expect to exterminate them, or sub
jugate them, or else, when you have got tired
of war, to make a treaty with them.
No matter whether the war lasts one year,
or seven years, or thirty years, it must. have an
end at some time. Sooner or later. both parties
will become tired and exhausted, and when
rendered incapable of fighting any longer, they
will make a treaty of peace, and that treaty
will be one of separation. The history of this
world does not furnish an example of a war of
sections, or between States of the same nation,
where the war ended in reconciliation. Such
a war always ends in a treaty of peace, and a
final, eternal separation. I don't understand,
then, bow a man can claim to be a friend of the
Union, and yet be in favor of war upon ten
millions of people in the Union. You cannot
cover it up much longer .under the pretext of
love 'for the Union; Now, the question must
be met, and whatever Concessions I am called
upon to make I choose to make voluntarily,
before blood is shed, and not afterward. No
man has more pride of country than I. It
bumbles my pride to see the authority of the
Government questioned, but we are not the first
nation whose pride has thus been humbled
Republics empires, and kingdoms alike, in all
ages, hive been subject to the same humiliating
fact. But where there is a deep seated discon
tent pervading ten millions of people, penetra
ting every man, woman, and child, and invol
ving everything dear to them, it is time for
inquiring whether there is not some cause for
This feeling. If there be just cause for it, in
God's name let us remove it. Are we not crim
inal. in the sight of Heaven and posterity, if
we do not remove the just cause ? If there is
no cause, and yet they believe there is, so much
the greater the necessity for removing the mis
conception. Are you so elated with the pride
of your recent triumph, or pride of opinion,
that ynu cannot remove an unfounded appre
hension, when it is rushing ten millions of
people into disunion and breaking up the Gov
ernment of our fathers, and leaving us, hitherto
a proud Republic on earth, to become a by-word
among the nations?
I still entertain the hope that this question
may be adjusted, although the indications are
that blood will be shed and war will rage before
gentlemen fully appreciate the crisis through
which we are passing. I don't think my nerves
are any weaker than ordinary, nor do I think
there is much courage in shutting the eyes in
the face of danger, and the saying you do not
see it. Every man must see it, and hear it,
and breathe it. The atmosphere is full of it. I
have determined that I will do all that is in my
power to rescue the country from such a dread
nil fate. But I will not consider this question
of war till all hope of peaceable adjustment
fails Better, a thousand times better, that all
political armies be disbanded and dissolved.—
Better that every public man now in existence
he consigned to retirement and political mar
tyrdom than this Government should be dis•
solved, and this country plunged in civil war.
I trust we are to hare no war for a platform.
I can fight for my country, but there never was
a political platform that I would go to war for.
I fear if this country is to be wrecked, it is to
be done by those who prefer party to their
country. Party platforms, and pride of opin
ion, and personal consistency, are the only
causes in the way of a satisfactory adjustment
of this difficulty. I repeat that, notwithstand
ing the gloom and the dark clouds which over
hang everything. I do not despair of the
Republic, and I will not despair till every effort
shall be found to he of no avail.
Mr. David Chauwick, on perceiving that no
carpet had been laid to protect the French
Empress' feet on her arrival at one of the
northern stations, laid down his overcoat for
her Majesty to walk upon,
and was rewarded
for 'this act of gallantry by' one of , the fair
Emmen' most gracious dm ilea.
The deaths is NO York during the year 186(),
were tienty-three thou Sand: • , .
THE NATIONAL CRISIS.
CRUDITIES ON THE CONSTITUTION-TRH DIFFI
CULTIES TII&T SURROUND US.
The subjoined article, from the Boston Post,
is interesting for the historical facts it recalls,
and the forcible manner in which it sets forth
the duties and powers of the President, under
the constitution, as applicable to the present
threatening condition of the country;
Certain people at the North will insist that
the United ; , tates government is a military des
potism, and that President Buchanan has all
tee powers of the Shah of Persia to seize and
imprison. and hang men at his pleasure. Thus
the Republican presses are demanding of the
President that be shall seize the commissioners
front South Carolina, and try them for treason.
If you ask them what is treason, they can't
tell, but they insist that the President ought to
hang somebody, because Patton, in what he
calls his "Life of Andrew Jackson," (compiled
too much from street talk and newspaper slan
der,) sets it down that Gen. Jaskeon proposed
to bang Mr. Calhoun for nullification, which is
false. No citizen can be punished or deprived
'of life or liberty in this country without due
process of law.
Massachusetts contrived the Hartford con
vention in the war of 1814 to set up a northern
confederation, and South Carolina has got up
a secession convention to precipitate the slave
holding States into a southern confederation.
Massachusetts, in 1814, sent two ambassa
dors of the Hartford convention to Washington
to demand of President Madison the separation
of New England from the Union, in carrying
on the war. William Sullivan and Harrison
Gray Otis were the commissioners. Mr. Mad
ison did not propose to hang them. But, as
Mr. John Quincy Adams says, of the peace
of Ghent, the news of which came while the
commissioners were at Washington, "the in
terposition of a kind Providence averted the
most deplorable of catastrophes"—the estab
lishment of a Northern confederacy,
South Carolina now follows the example of
Massachusetts by sending her commissioners to
President Buchanan, and President Buchanan
is abused by Massachusetts in particular be
cause he won't hang them for treason without
judge or jury I
Now let us inquire what treason is, and what
the Constitution says about seizing and hanging
people in this country. The Constitution of
the United Statee says: "Treason against the
United States shall consist only in levying war
against them, or in adhering to their enemies,
giving them aid and comfort."
This last applies only to aiding a foreign
enemy and giving them comfort, as the Hartford
convention did in Ibl4.
The United States not being at war, treason
now can consist only in levying war upon the
United States, and the Constitution says there
must be some overt act, proved by two wit
nesses. And what is levying.war is thus de
fined by the Supreme Court in the United
States vs. Aaron Burr "To levy war is to
raise, create, make or carry on war. War can
be levied only by the employment of actual
force—troops must be embodied, men must he
e f eeet e raised," &o. And the purpose must be
to make war on the United States. Theo "to
nis,r e e --a
rayed, committing acts of violence and devas
tation, in order to compel the resignation of a
public officer, or to render ineffective an act of
Congress, is high treason," says Chief Justice
Marshall.
That was the nature of the offence which
Theodore Packer, Wendell Phillips, and their
associates were charged with when they incited
the mob in Faneuil Hall to go to the court house
and rescue Burns, the fugitive slave, in which
unlawful enterprise Batchelder, one of the
marshal's deputies, was murdered. And here
again South Carolina is only following this
example of Massachusetts in the attack upon
the forts, if she has really used military force
to take them. That is treason in the men who
committed and incited the act, unless South
Carolina has a right to secede from the Union.
But. it is not treason in the State, for a State
cannot commit treason. It is only treason in
the individuals who commit the overt act.—
And if Iti be treason or misdemeanor, where is
the authority of the President to seize or hang
anybody, as the Republicans are insisting he
ought to do, and charge him with being I trai
tor for not doing it? The constitution is very
plain on this point. It reads thus
" The trial of all crimes shall be by jury,
and such trial shall he held in the .57ate where
the said crime shall have been committed."
"No person shall be held to answer for a
crime unless on a preSeottnent or indietthent
of a grand jury. tom be deprived of life, liberty
or property without due pr, , OOsS of km."
And "the accu.ed shall enjoy the right to a
public trial.by an impartial jury of the State
where the crime has been committed." These
are the limitations of that despAism which
certain people so inconsiderately claim nowa
days for the President.
If any citizen or body of men in South Caro
lina have levied war against the United States
they cannot be arraigned or tried for it any
where but in South Carolina. There must first
be an indictment found by a grand jury in
South Carolina. There must be a district
attorney to prepare and attest the indictment.
There must. be a court to receive it and arraign.
the prisoner, and a jury to try him.
This last was the protection which Parker
and Philips and their a-sociates found when
they were indicted for what they called "free
speech," in connection with the murder , of
Bachelder, and the obstruction of the laws of
the United States for the rendition of fugitive
slaves. The President, could not seize them,
nor could they be tried anywhere but in Mas
sachusetts ; and though there were 01l the offi
cers of law here and a grand jury indicted
them, they escaped a trial and got off upon a
very small technicality. which was, that the
commissioner who issued his warrant. of arrest
had signed it only commissioner, without say
ing what commissioner; and the court held
that the indictment., however drawn, could not
supply this deficiency. because it could not go
beyond the description in the warrant.
Just so Pt esideot Buchanan has no power to
seize or arraign or try anybody in Washington
or anywhere else. If there have been acts of
treason, they have been committed only in
South Carolina. The parties charged most be
tried in that. State by a jury of the State. There
is no United States marshal to arrest them, no
district attorney to indict them. no grand jury
to find a bill, no court to arraign and no jury
to try them. How then ar.l the steps to be
taken which the constitution demtnils in every
case of alleged crime? And if there were all
the officers of the court and juries, everybody
knows that a court in South Carolina would
hold that the right of . secession absolved the
party accused from his liability to the laws of
the United States, and no jury would convict.
It would be the same in Massachusetts, if,
under the personal liberty bill, a fugitive from
labor should be taken before a juo to be tried.
Nq Measachusetts jury could be found to agree
,0114 .he ,was a : fugitive slave. Thus it da obvi
ous that Xassachusetis and. South .Carolina
stand in : the same category of disunion and se
-
outdo, So long is these lava remain-on her
otatuto.book, ant so long as her
. peoislo rein
and refuse to execute the laws of the United
Staten within her borders.
But it is said, suppose the Judge and all the
United States officers have resigned in South
Carolina, why don't President Buchanan sup
ply the vacancies? But what then? He could
find no men in South Carolina to accept the
offices, and the law requires that they shall be
appointed in the district. Even if he sent
Northern men there they would not be allowed
to act, and if they were resisted, then it comes
back to just where we started from; those who
resisted must be indicted and tried by a court
and jury in the State.
If men of sense would look at the facts and
law, and read the Constitution, they would see
the practical difficulties in the way of the sum
mary processwith which they require the Presi
dent to deal with existing difficulties. He can
only move the constitutional machinery of gov
ernment in executing the laws. If the machi
nery is all broken up in a State, he cannot in
vade a State, or send an army there, to enforce
martial law, unless the Governor or Legislature
call upon him to suppress insurrection or
domestic violence. He can send troops to the
forts, and if the commissioners of South Caro
lina require him to order troops to one or
another fort, they assume what does not belong
to them. The President, as commander-in
chief, is to judge for him, , elf of the expediency;
and on this point he should insist, and yield to
no khreats from South Carolina, or any body,
if they are made. It is this question of expe
diency as to reinforcing the forts at Cbarlesten
which the President has gravely considered.
If Major Anderson has solved the difficulty
without bloodshed, so much the better. Of
what avail would United States troops have
been there if sent, as they must have been,
when their presence would have brought on a
bloody conflict? If any were sent in such a
crisis, an army should have been sent sufficient
to conquer South Carolina, aided as she would
be, the moment blood was shed, by the sympa
thizing States. That would have been civil
war. The President did not bring on this
"irrepressible conflict," and will endeavor to
avoid staining his hands with the blood of his
fellow-citizens in a fratricidal war. It is his
purpose (and he will prove the true patriot and
Christian if he succeeds in doing it) to leave
his high office without a drop of blood having
been needlessly Shed in this awfully impending
" battle of the States."
Mr. Lincoln will then take the responsibility,
and he has four years in which to carry out his
policy. If he means peace and union he will
recommend concession and compromise, and a
restoration of the fraternal relations of all the
States, and endeavor to shed no blood to mad
den the whole country.
In the meantime, Mr. Buchanan must bear
all the unreasoning assau!ts made upon him,
until reason shall resume her sway and justify
the only pesos policy that could save a civil
war, if indeed any policy can do it. But really
it is not so small a thing as some people think
to sacrifice millions of lives in the attempt of
one section of the country to conquer another
sect ion of the country and preserve the Union,
us they call it, by bathing it in seas of blood
and carnage. Let us pause a little while, study
the Constitution, and reflect.
LETTER FROM REY. H. J. DYKE
_ . _ - Z lIE A
interesting letter from the Rev. H. J. Van
Dyke, of Brooklyn, N. Y., to a clergyman of
that city. Mr. Van Dyke is the author of a
sermon in the defence of the South and her
institutions, which has been extensively circu
lated and admired throughout the country.—
Mr. Van Dyke in his letter says:
If in the light of history, I could see any
reasonable hope of a peaceable separation,
though even then I would grieve to see the
failure of this most successful effort at free
government the world ever saw, still I could
submit with comparative composure. But be
assured that disunion will be the signal for
disintegration and war—not merely between
North and South, but in the very heart of
Northern States. Is it right for our Southern
bret•hern to precipitate us, who still love them,
upon this fearful conflict? Do the facts in the
case warrant and necessitate the dissolution of
our Union ? Is there no other remedy ? It is
true, abolitionism seems to have gained a poli
tical triumph ; but I tell you, if our Southern
friends will only stand by us as we have stood by
them, it is a triumph which will soon be their
ruin; "pride goeth before destruction." The
party with which abolitionists have co-oper
ated, and whose success they now appropriate,
will throw them of. And now that the election
is past, and Christian men and ministers can
speak out without the fear or suspicion of a
partisan purpose, such doctrine as I have en
deavored to expound in my sermon will "have
free course and be glorified." The amazing
excitement which that sermon has produced,
and the fervor with which it has been received,
even in New England, only shows _that the
public mind was prepared for it. The party
now in power, and which, it must be confessed,
derived its chief strength from abolitionism,
succeeded not because it really has a majority,
but because its opponents were unhappily
divided. There are three millions of voters in
the Northern States opposed to abolitionism
and ad its allies. New York alone has a ma
jority of fifty thousand—if the election were
taken over again it would be one hundre thou
sand—on the conservative side.
With these facts staring them in the face,
cannot the South afford to "wait a little lon
ger ?" Must Christian men and Christian min
isters who, whether North or South, are the salt
of the earth, throw their influence into the
rising tide of revolution—a re7olut ion which, if
it shall be consummated, will rend asunder all
the religious as well as the governmental in
stitutions of the land ? Our beloved and glori=
ens church, which has stood up under God a
great bulwark to breast the tide of fanaticism,
cannot long withstand the shriek of disunion.
You and I will not long have the privilege of
meeting as we did in the General Assembly of
1859, feeling that we are sitting together under
the shadow of a vine which " sends out her
boughs unto the sea and her,branches unto the
river." All our great ecclesiastical schemes
for the evangelization of the land must wither
and languish in the heat of this unnatural con
test. Suffer me to beg you, and through you
any one w ho may regard a voice so feeble as
mine, to re-consider this matter. I say freely
that unless the hostile legislation of Northern
States is repealed, and the violent and unchris
tian agitation of the slavery question put
d own , your State, and all the Southern States,
oug ht to break loose from a government that will
not protect their rights, and from a people who dis
regard the ploinest obligations of consanguinity and
brotherhood. But then I believe, before God,
that if we can only, have more time, even
handed justice will soon commend to its own
lips this poisoned cup which abolitionism has
mingled for you. These religious demagogues
have had their day. "The prosperity of 'fools
will destroy them."
REPUBLICAN CAUCUS-4W t:lo7srnordiSE ON TUE
TIiktRITORIAL 1411LESTIOPi ACCEPTABLE.
. The Republican members of Congress held a
meeting onSaturday to,consider the report of
~ Mr. Hale, of Pennsylvania, from the sub-com
,mittee of the border States. -Mr• Hale said he
NO. 109.
"iSE~uv~eaw ._._
PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, .
BIINDATI9 EXCEPTED,
BY 0. BARRETT & CO.
fiat DAILY PATRIOT AND UNION Willl be served to sub
sari bare residing in the Borough for stE 01INTN ?BD gram
payibie to the Carrier. Mail eubseribere, FOUR DOl.
t.ARR PRR ANNUM.
Tae WIMILT will be published as heretofore, semi ,
Weekly during the session of the Legislature, and once
week the remainder of the year, , • or two dollars in ad
vance, or three dollars at the expilliZlOD of the year.
Oonnected with this establishment is an extenalvn
JOB OFFICE, containing a variety of plain and fancy
type, unequalled by any establishment in the interior off
the Strtte, for which the patronage of the public is so
licited:
believed the members of his committee'repre
senting the border slave States would agree to
his proposition, that all the territory of the
United States north of thirty-six degrees thirty
minutes should be free, and all south of that
line to remain as it is, with Eberly to the peo
ple to organize into Si ates whenever they
please, with or without slavery. He was of
opinion that it might be better for the North to
lake this proposition than to precipitate 'the
country into war.
Mr. Howard, of Michigan, said he objected
to any compromise, because be believed•i.i to be
an acknowledgment of an error, which he would
not concede. He defended the motives of the
Republicans in the committee of thirty-three,
and expressed the opinion that they had done
nothing that could be interpreted as a surren
der of their principles.
Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois. speaking of the mal
contents of the slave States, and the proposed
compromise of dividing the territory between
freedom and slavery to the Pacific, add,
" There never was a more causeless revolt since
Lucifer led his cohorts of apostate angels
against the throne of God, but I never heard
that the Almighty proposed to compromise the
matter by allowing the rebels to kindle the fires
of hell south of the celestial meridian of thirty
sir thirty."
This outburst of the eccentric member from
Illinois created a deal of sensation and some
merriment.
Mr. Sherman stated that, as a member of the
border sub-committee from the border States,
he could neither vote for the proposition pro
posed by Mr. Hale, nor that. proposed by Mr.
Crittenden, to restore the Miss, uri line and
extend it to the Pacific. He was also opposed
to the compromise to prevent the abolitiun of
slavery in the District of Columbia. While he
did not wish to abolish it now, he was opposed
to Congress yielding up the right to do so at
any future period.
Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, expressed UM
self decidedly opposed to all compromises.
Messrs Hickman and Stevens, of Pennsyl
vania, and Case, of Indiana, opposed all com
promises.
Mr. Pettit, of Indiana, from the sub-eommit
tee of border States, said he had opposed all
the propositions in that committee except tthe
one propose.' by Mr. Bale, upon which be did
not vote. He ° defended the border States 'for
their efforts to arrange matters.
Mr. Beal, of New York, inquired why his
State was not consulted ? Mr. Pettit replied
New York ras not upon the immediate border
of the slave States:
Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, and Mr. Nixon, of New
Jersey, expressed themselves in favor of some
compromise.
Mr. Dawes, of MaSSaChusetts, moved that no
vote be taken on any of the propositions, and
that the caucus adjourn sine die ; which was
carried.
ANOTHER CAUCUS
It is stated that there was a caucus of Sen
ators in Washington on Saturday evening-from
those States which have called seces-ion conven
tions. The question under consideration war
the propriety of advising their sister
upon the question of immediate secession,.or a
little delay. When the vote was taken only
one was found who i nation
All the rest w ore for immediate and precipitate
Ingted eaversi h urs.
THE COMMITTEE OF THIRTY-TRECRU
The committee of thirty- tome held a meet
ing on Saturday, hut arrived at no conclusion.
Mr. Hamilton, of Texas, off.red a proposition,
submitting the whole subject now agitating
the country to a convention of the people. It
is as follows:
Resolved, That this commit tee do recommend
the passage of joint resolutions, respectfully
recommending to the several States a genrral,
convention in this city, on a 41. y to be fixed
by delegates chosen directly by the people in
the several States, to consider of and advise
such amendments to the Constitution of the
United States as may be necessary to protect
the interests and preserve the government of
the country, and that an appropriation be made
to defray the expenses of such convention,
Mr. Hamilton explained that, if such a con
ventio.eould be called, it would transfer the
whole subject into the hands of a new class of
men, who could approach the subject untram
meled by the numerous complications and com
mitments which surround the men who are
now endeavoring to settle it. He proposed that
the convention should examine calmly and de
liberately the whole question, and theapro
pose such amendments to the Constitution as
the wisdom of the body might deem necessary,
and that Congress should then meet, and in a
constitutional way pass laws recommending
pnch amendments to the Legislatures 01 the sev
eral States for their action.
THE BOUDEk STATE COMMITTEE
The committee of the fourteen border States,
who agreed on a compromise report last Satur
day, consisted of Messrs. Crittenden, of... Ke
ntucky, chairman; Harris, of Maryland; Sher
man, of Ohio; Nixon, of New Jersey; Saulsbuiry,
of Delaware; Garner, of North Carolina; Hat•
ton, of Tennessee; Pettit, of Indiana; Harris,
of Virginia; MeClernand, of Illinois; Barrett,
of Missouri ; Sebastian, of Arkans *8 ; Vancle
ver, of Iowa; Hale, of Pennsylvania.
MERTING OF THE MISSISSIPPI STATE OnNVEH
TION—RESOLUTION ADOPTJ'D FOR ComMITTES
TO D•<AFT AN ORDINAN , 'E OF SECESSION—BILL-
ITARY ORDERS OF THE GOVERNOR.
Jamrsos, Jan. 7,—The State Convention as
sembled here this morning. The delegaces are
unanimous for secession.
A resolution was adopted immediately after
organizing, requesting the President to. ap
point a committee to draft an ordinance Of se
cession.
The Governor has ordered the artillery force
of the State to prepare a supply of ball car•
t ridges.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE—RESOLUTIONS UNANI
PIOUSLY AO; vrED BY THE ILIUM VoiSCACLING
A HAW) CONYEN rION.
RICHMOND. Jan. 7.—The House ol Represen
tatives to-day adopted a resolution to appoint
a committee with instructions to report a bill
for the culling of a State Convention.
Anti-coercion resolutions were also intro
duced in both. Houses.
The members of the Legislature have nearly
all arrived. Nothing of Much importartes was
done to-day. The bill to arm the State domes
up to-morrow at noon. It will probably pass.
The Stare Convention question was made the
Special order for Wednesday. This measure
will &se probably pass. The exoitement 14
somewhat subsided, but the purpose - is' firmly
avowed to resist all aggressions on. Southern
rights.
UNITED smATEs ARSENALS IN PENNSYLVANIA.
The arsenal at Gray's Ferry, PhilidAphia l
contains equipments for eight or ten thousand
men, besides a large quantity of camp equip
age and quartermaster's stores. There have
not been .shipments to the South or anywhere
else recently, except to eupPlY 1. " "' dinar /
requirements of the Army. In the arsenal at
Bridesburg, Pa., there are 20 brass field:l4ms,
6 twelve' and twenty-four pounderg, 2J heavy
sea-Coast-guns, but no Columbiads, which are
being east at pittopgrg. There az:eels° 0,000
muskets, and about 1,500 ransksinoltiti . flied,
pistols and carbines, and a lot of artillaryseqUip
maids ; also, 41,000 pounds of musket sud rifle
powder, 5n4,9,460 , p0uuds of Daimon powder on