RATES OF ADVERTISING. Your lines or less constitute half a square. Ten linen or more than four, constitute a square. tairsq.,ornmay— -- 84:).25 One sq., ono duk.----so.st a one mont h ... 2.00 ~ one week.— 1.2 t one month— . 2.00 .t. one month... 3.0 three months. 5.00 c , throe months. 5.00 • , six months— . 4.00 g , six months.... 13,0 e t; one year-- 5.00 it one year... 10.b0 1 1 7" Business notices inserted i n the LOCAL oor.tors .or tone marriages and deaths, ME CENTS PEE burs for each insertion to merchants:it'd others soirertietusby the len owe! tea re will be offered. irr 'Me number of insertions must be aesignatedon the dvertisement. jr zy- Marriages and Deaths will be inserted at the gams iites ae regular uivertisenients. Vatx:iot &Rim WEDNESDAY MORNING, JAN. 9, 1861 SPEECH OF JUDGE DOUGLAS. DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, THURSDAY, JANUARY 3, 1661. Mr. Douglas asked that the report of the committee of thirteen be taken up. Mr. D. proceeded to address the Senate. .11e said 1/0 act of his public life ever gave lam so much pain as to vote for the resolution. The com mittee could not agree. In order to see the real cause of the trouble, we must go back to the late election. We should assume that whenever Congress undertook to act on the question of slavery, discord and agitation were sere to fel low. When Congress let the question alone there was peace. lie referred to the excitement at the time the Missouri Compromise was en acted. The fearful agitation of 1820 was set tled by the establishment of the compromise line. So long as that adjustment was carried out, there was peace and quiet. Texas was adjusted quietly under this rule, though there was a great contrariety of opinion. But no one objected because it. extended that line. Again, California and New Mexico were acquired, and the extension of the line to the Pacific Ocean was demanded. The records show that he re ported, as Chairman of the Cothmittee of Terri tories, a resolution to extend the line to the Pacifie. This was adopted in the Senate, but when it was sent to the House it was rejected by Northern votes. That opened the flood gates of the agitation of 1848, which only was set tled by the compromises of 1850. When we settle this quertion in the Territories, then we shall settle it entirely. The Abolitionists could never have brought the Union to - the verge of dissolution, but for the question in the Terri •titoties. It was a rejection of the extension of that line in 1848 that re-opened the agitation. The arguments of 1819 and 1820 were repeated. The positions of the North and the South were the same. The purest patriots in the land were alarmed,- and Mr. Clay came back to the Senate to see if he could not bring back peace. He found no trouble with the Southern members, but -he could find no support of this line from the North. The Missouri line was abandoned because its friends said they could not carry it out in good faith. Then they turned to see What next was best. There was a desire to take the question out of Congress and secure the peace of the country. At last it was deci ded to leave the question to- the people of the Territories themselves. The records show that he supported both compromises, and for the same reasons_ Peace followed allover the country. But in 1863-'54 it became necessary to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. The Committee, in forming the bill, determined to carry out the -compromise measures of 1850, though they had all been in favor of the Missouri Compromise as long as it could be carried out. A hue and cry was immediately raised that the Committee Were violating it sacred compremise. But the bill did not mentionthe Missouri Compromise, but did give the people the the question for_thotaselves. The history of the -Gove-rmtent might be divided itito three parts_ Before 1820, the Government admitted many Territories, but all was peaee. After the agitation of 1820 was settled, all was peace again till 1850. We come now to the consider ation of that party which has plunged the country into this state of discord. It is folly for any man not to see facts which .do exist. The result of the recent election, in connection with all the circumstances with which it. is surrounded, have led the people of the South to form the conviction that it is a fixed policy of 'the dominant party of the North to invade and destroy their constitutional rights, and they are ready to rush, rashly I think, into all the horrors of revolution and disunion, rather than to submit to what they think the impend ing blow which hangs over them. The Senator from- Ohio (Mr. Wade) acknowledged the ex istence of this conviction in the minds of Southern people, and said he did not so much blame them as he did the Northern Democracy, who had misrepresented and falsified the pur poses and policy of the Republican party ; yet he advocates It polioy which will not relieve these apprehensions, but -threatens them with war and coercion, rather than to give them security. It matters not whether these dangers were real or imaginary, if the Southern people are prepared to take a position which will plunge us into disunion and discord forever. I regret that any one on this floor should have introduced party polities, and endeavored to make party capital out of any question affecting the peace and safety of this country. But, since the Senator has attempted to make the Nertliern Democracy responsible for the revo lution, I am forced to inquire whether the charge be true. There is no man living who would be better pleased to learn that he bad misrepresented or misunderstood the policy of that party. I would like to know whether that Senator will now say it is not the policy of that party to confine slavery within its present lim its by the action of the Federal Government? Whether it is not the policy of that party to exclude slavery from the Territories we now possess, or any we may hereafter acquire?— Whether or not that party are in favor.of re turning fugitives to their masters from whom they escape? In short, I will give him the oportunity of saying hOir, whether it is not the policy of that party to exert all the powers of the Federal Government, under the Consti tution, according to their interpretation of that instrument, to restrain and cripple the institu tion of slavery, with a Tim to its ultimate ex tinction in the States, old as well as new. North as well as South? Mr. Wade (Rep., Ohio)—All those questions are moat pertinently answered in the speech to which he is now professing to make answer. I have nothing to add to it. Mr. Douglas—l did nut expect an unequivo cal answer. I know too well. that Senator will not deny that each Of these interrogatories does express his individual policy, and the policy of the Republican party, as he understands it . The harshest thing I have said of the Republi can party was that they intended to use the power of the Government with a view 'to the ultimate extinction of slavery, not only in the Territories but in the States of the Union. I have said, and have believed it, and I would rejoice now to be corrected, that it is the policy of this party tel)rohibit slavery in a'l the Ter ritories of the. United States now owned or hereafter acquired, with& view to surrounding the slave -States with a cordon of Abolition States, and thin keep slavery confined till the number increases beyond the capacity of the soil to feed them, and thus force them to die of starvation, as a means of getting rid of the evil of slavery in. the name of humanity and Chris tianity. I hive said that in Illinois, in the Abo lition portions of the State,but never said it in a slave State. have Vs WO° 674 " 4- ingly mild in speaking of that party in the slaveholding States. But inasmuch as I did not get a direct answer froni the Senator who ni*egthe eherge iigainat the NortheniDP l6oo * rtioy, I will refer to the sentiments of the ,Prea ident eleckand see what he says on Quit subject • ' - • • . t coo , , • • • VOL. 3. The Republicans have taken pains to pub ish reports of the debate between Mr. Lincoln and myself, and I may say they are unftir to me, Lincoln had an opportunity to correct his speeches. and the printer struck out many portions of my replies. [kir. Douglas then read from Mr. Lincoln's suet oh where be speaks of the house being divided ste dust itself, nod that the crisis must come, and the States must all become one thing or the oth-r, etc , and proceeded.] When the Republican Committee publish an edition of Mr. Lincoln's speeches containing sentiments like these, is it surpri sing that the pe. pie of the South think he was in earnest, and intended to carry out the policy which he thus announced? Ishould not revive such revolutionary sentiments, but for the at tempt to cast the responsibility upon the North ern Democracy, clearly intimating that Mr. Pugh and myself were the chief authors of these misrepresentations. I would like to find nay one man, on that side of the Chamber, in the confidence of the President elect, who would deny that, it is the policy to carry out the very things to which I have referred. I feel bound, however, and take , pleasure in saying that I don't believe the Southern States are it, any danger, or ought to have any appre hension, that stir. Lincoln or his party can do any harm, or render insecure 'their rights to persons or property anywhere in this country. I have some faith, too, that Mr. Lincoln, after having 'emerged from the surroundings of a small country village, and assumed the high responsibilities of administering the law and protecting the rights of a great nation, will sink the partisan in the patriot, and abandon the extreme doctrines, and step forward and avow his willingness to save the country by repudia ting the extreme doctrines of a party. But be that as it may, neither he nor his party will have power to invade the rights Of any State in this Union. I had hoped, therefore, that the Southern people would have been content to remain in the Union, and vindicate their right in the UAW", under - the Constitution, instead of rushing into revolution, and preparing them selves to meet whatever consequences may follow. This apprehension has become wide spread, and taken possession of the Southern I mind. and sunk deep into the Southern heart, and filled them with the conviction that their firesides, their altars, their domestic institu tions, are to be rudely assailed through: the machinery of the Federal Government. •The Senator from Ohio tells us he don't blame :you Southern Senators for believing those things, and yet instead of doing those acts which will relieve your apprehensions, and render it im possible taut these outrages should be perpe crated, talks about force, war, armies and navies. In the name of the Union, who are the disuuionists ? Those who pursue aline of policy calculated to destroy the Union, anti refuse to arrest that policy or disavow that purpose, when they see that revolution has taken place. If such be not your policy, why not say so ? If you never intend to do what the South think is your purpose, and which you do not blame them for thinking, what harm is there in making such atneudments to the Constitution as will render it impossible for you to do so ? But we are told that. the Union most be pre served, and the low must be enforced. I agree in a— et.r?c - 9L untie tua.g.,;^ - acciiiding to the 6tusiiititain and the - laws. No man will go further than I to maintain the Union and enforce the laws, to put down re beliion and insurrection, and to use all the power conferred by the Constitution for that purpose. But we must look thefaws in the face. We Must take 'notice of, those things whose exis tence cannot be denied. History teaches us that rebellion often bectimes successful revolu tion; and the greitest republics and proudest monarchies have found it necessary to recognize the existence of a Government de facto in the rebellion or Suites and provinces. Such was the condition of the American colonies for seven years after the Declaration or Independence. At first, it was rebellion, and rebellion was treason. A few months afterward, it was revo lution and a government de facto at Philadel phia, Mr. Hancock President, and WaShington Commander of the armies: Rebellion has ceased and revolution taken: its place. The American colonies were in revolt, had Govern ments de facto, and Great Britain, proud as she was, was compelled to recognize. the existing state of facts. The laws 'of nations, and all the laws of civilization demanded that the Gov ernment de facto be acknowledged. But, the laws must be enforced. In our system of gov ernment the laws are to he enforced by civil authority, assited by the militia and posse mod tatus, when the Marshal is resisted. If the colonies or a State revolt, the revolution is complete when the Federal authorities are ex pelled, and no one man is left to acknowledge . allegiance to the United States. How are you going to enforce the laws then? How are you going to do it in South Carolina? She has passed an ordinance of secession, / deny her right to secede, but she has dune it. The retro lution is complete. She has no hunian being in her borr'ers to acknowledge our authority. This ie. all wrong, but how are you going to help it ? You tell us we must enforce the laws. lam in favor of that. Laws must be enforced according to the Constitution and the laws.— Under our Constitution, laws can only be en forced against criminals, and those of us who are in favor of the Constitution and the Union must be careful that we do not perpetrate the very things which we denounce as criminal in these seceding States. And South Carolina d ues not stand alone_ We are told that seven other States will follow her, and we have reason to apprehend that seven more Statett may fol low thens. The answer is, we must enforce the laws. My reply is, you cannot enforce the laws in cou-tries not in your possession. I deny that we have the right to make War in order to regain posse-sion, in order to enforce the laws. Are we prepared for war? Ido not mean prepared in the sense of having soldiers, arms and munitions ; but are we prepared in our hearts for war with our brethren? While I affirm that the Constitution was in tended to form a perpetual Union--while I affirm the right to use all lawful means to en force the laws—yet I will not me ditate war, nor tolerate the idea, until after every effort at ad justment has been tried anti failed, and all hope of the Union is gone. Then, and not till then, will I eteliberete and determine what course my duty will require of me. lam for peace, to save the Union. War is disunion, certain, inevitable, final, and irreversible. Our own very existence forbids war. He referred to the purchase of Louisiana, and said it was purchased for the benefit of the whole Union, and for the safety of the Upper Mississippi in particular. The possession of that river is more necessary now than it was then. We can not expecethe people of the interior to admit the right of a foreign State taking possession of that river. He also referred to the purchase of Florida and the amounts paid, and asked if she could go out now. The . President, in his message, first said we could not coerce a State to remain in the Union, but in a few senteneee he advised the acquisition of Cuba. As if we should pay $800,000,000 for Cuba, rind then the next., day she might tweedy anCreannei herself to Spain, andSpaiwaell her agaiL }l4 bad admitted that Texas cost ;net tt, war with Mexico, and 10,000 liven In the little 011ie HARRISBURG, PA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9, 1861. 7,000 gallant men from Illinois, who fought those battles against the right of that State to secede— Mr. Hemphill asked if the protection of Texas was the only reason of the war, and if the United States paid anything to Texas for the land, and if we did not acquire California from that war ? Mr. Douglas said the only cause of complaint of Mexico was the annexation of Texas, and we had paid Texas $10,000,000 for some barren land she did not own. [Laughter.] He said the Constitution was intended to he perpetual, and he denied the right of secession under the Conmitution, as against the Constitution, and asainst ju-tice and good faith. He said there could be no government. without coercion, but coercion must be used in the mode prescribed by law. This is not a question of coercion in a State. Where no authority of Federal Gov ernment remains we are bound to recognize a Government de facto, when the State maintains individual sway. The man who lovesthe Union, who loves to see the laws enforced, will love to see rebellion Put doWn. Ilowtioes he intend to entorce the law in a seceding State, except by making war.? In his opinion we had reached the point when disunion was inevitable unless a compromise, founded ou concession, can be made. lie preferred compromise to war. and concession to disunion. No compromise would be available which does not carry the question of slavery beyond Congress., He said he had voted for the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) and was ready to vote for it again. Why cannotthe Republicans unite on the Missouri Compromise line? They had heaped curses enough on his head for re pealing it, to be glad now to re-establish it. He had helped to support that measure until he was compelled to abandon it. He was wil ling to meet on terms of mutual concession. He had offered another proposition, to leave the Territories in state quo till they have 50,000 inhabitants, and then settle the question them selves ; and also provided for the removal of the negroes, if the Territory chose, to certain provinces. If the Republicans do not intend to interfere with slavery in the States, why not put in an amendment to the Constitution, so that they cannot do it. There must be a settlement of some sort now. It cannot be postponed. We are in a state of revolution. It is conipromise or w , r. He preferred compromise. He said it seemed as though the Senators on the other side determined to act as a party. tet the people decide the question. No doubt he peo ple of Massachusetts are opposed to slavery extension, but he thought if the question were submitted to day of the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky, they would ratify them. There is no other way or recourse left, to en force the law in a seceding State, except to make warUnd bring the State within your pos • sesgion first, and then enforce the law after wards. A war between eighteen States on the one side and fifteen seceding States on the other, is to me a revolting thing. For what purpose is this war to he waged? Certainly not for the purpose of preserving the Union. I have too much respect for gentlemen on the other side of the chamber, collectively and in ,2l,biteoliwevienatterraelisitt.onulauimittioz_l_eumu. eantiot etpeot to exterminate ten tuillions people, whose pinions are-excited, with the be lief that you mean to invade their homes and light the flames of insurrection in their midst. You must expect to exterminate them, or sub jugate them, or else, when you have got tired of war, to make a treaty with them. No matter whether the war lasts one year, or seven years, or thirty years, it must. have an end at some time. Sooner or later. both parties will become tired and exhausted, and when rendered incapable of fighting any longer, they will make a treaty of peace, and that treaty will be one of separation. The history of this world does not furnish an example of a war of sections, or between States of the same nation, where the war ended in reconciliation. Such a war always ends in a treaty of peace, and a final, eternal separation. I don't understand, then, bow a man can claim to be a friend of the Union, and yet be in favor of war upon ten millions of people in the Union. You cannot cover it up much longer .under the pretext of love 'for the Union; Now, the question must be met, and whatever Concessions I am called upon to make I choose to make voluntarily, before blood is shed, and not afterward. No man has more pride of country than I. It bumbles my pride to see the authority of the Government questioned, but we are not the first nation whose pride has thus been humbled Republics empires, and kingdoms alike, in all ages, hive been subject to the same humiliating fact. But where there is a deep seated discon tent pervading ten millions of people, penetra ting every man, woman, and child, and invol ving everything dear to them, it is time for inquiring whether there is not some cause for This feeling. If there be just cause for it, in God's name let us remove it. Are we not crim inal. in the sight of Heaven and posterity, if we do not remove the just cause ? If there is no cause, and yet they believe there is, so much the greater the necessity for removing the mis conception. Are you so elated with the pride of your recent triumph, or pride of opinion, that ynu cannot remove an unfounded appre hension, when it is rushing ten millions of people into disunion and breaking up the Gov ernment of our fathers, and leaving us, hitherto a proud Republic on earth, to become a by-word among the nations? I still entertain the hope that this question may be adjusted, although the indications are that blood will be shed and war will rage before gentlemen fully appreciate the crisis through which we are passing. I don't think my nerves are any weaker than ordinary, nor do I think there is much courage in shutting the eyes in the face of danger, and the saying you do not see it. Every man must see it, and hear it, and breathe it. The atmosphere is full of it. I have determined that I will do all that is in my power to rescue the country from such a dread nil fate. But I will not consider this question of war till all hope of peaceable adjustment fails Better, a thousand times better, that all political armies be disbanded and dissolved.— Better that every public man now in existence he consigned to retirement and political mar tyrdom than this Government should be dis• solved, and this country plunged in civil war. I trust we are to hare no war for a platform. I can fight for my country, but there never was a political platform that I would go to war for. I fear if this country is to be wrecked, it is to be done by those who prefer party to their country. Party platforms, and pride of opin ion, and personal consistency, are the only causes in the way of a satisfactory adjustment of this difficulty. I repeat that, notwithstand ing the gloom and the dark clouds which over hang everything. I do not despair of the Republic, and I will not despair till every effort shall be found to he of no avail. Mr. David Chauwick, on perceiving that no carpet had been laid to protect the French Empress' feet on her arrival at one of the northern stations, laid down his overcoat for her Majesty to walk upon, and was rewarded for 'this act of gallantry by' one of , the fair Emmen' most gracious dm ilea. The deaths is NO York during the year 186(), were tienty-three thou Sand: • , . THE NATIONAL CRISIS. CRUDITIES ON THE CONSTITUTION-TRH DIFFI CULTIES TII&T SURROUND US. The subjoined article, from the Boston Post, is interesting for the historical facts it recalls, and the forcible manner in which it sets forth the duties and powers of the President, under the constitution, as applicable to the present threatening condition of the country; Certain people at the North will insist that the United ; , tates government is a military des potism, and that President Buchanan has all tee powers of the Shah of Persia to seize and imprison. and hang men at his pleasure. Thus the Republican presses are demanding of the President that be shall seize the commissioners front South Carolina, and try them for treason. If you ask them what is treason, they can't tell, but they insist that the President ought to hang somebody, because Patton, in what he calls his "Life of Andrew Jackson," (compiled too much from street talk and newspaper slan der,) sets it down that Gen. Jaskeon proposed to bang Mr. Calhoun for nullification, which is false. No citizen can be punished or deprived 'of life or liberty in this country without due process of law. Massachusetts contrived the Hartford con vention in the war of 1814 to set up a northern confederation, and South Carolina has got up a secession convention to precipitate the slave holding States into a southern confederation. Massachusetts, in 1814, sent two ambassa dors of the Hartford convention to Washington to demand of President Madison the separation of New England from the Union, in carrying on the war. William Sullivan and Harrison Gray Otis were the commissioners. Mr. Mad ison did not propose to hang them. But, as Mr. John Quincy Adams says, of the peace of Ghent, the news of which came while the commissioners were at Washington, "the in terposition of a kind Providence averted the most deplorable of catastrophes"—the estab lishment of a Northern confederacy, South Carolina now follows the example of Massachusetts by sending her commissioners to President Buchanan, and President Buchanan is abused by Massachusetts in particular be cause he won't hang them for treason without judge or jury I Now let us inquire what treason is, and what the Constitution says about seizing and hanging people in this country. The Constitution of the United Statee says: "Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." This last applies only to aiding a foreign enemy and giving them comfort, as the Hartford convention did in Ibl4. The United States not being at war, treason now can consist only in levying war upon the United States, and the Constitution says there must be some overt act, proved by two wit nesses. And what is levying.war is thus de fined by the Supreme Court in the United States vs. Aaron Burr "To levy war is to raise, create, make or carry on war. War can be levied only by the employment of actual force—troops must be embodied, men must he e f eeet e raised," &o. And the purpose must be to make war on the United States. Theo "to nis,r e e --a rayed, committing acts of violence and devas tation, in order to compel the resignation of a public officer, or to render ineffective an act of Congress, is high treason," says Chief Justice Marshall. That was the nature of the offence which Theodore Packer, Wendell Phillips, and their associates were charged with when they incited the mob in Faneuil Hall to go to the court house and rescue Burns, the fugitive slave, in which unlawful enterprise Batchelder, one of the marshal's deputies, was murdered. And here again South Carolina is only following this example of Massachusetts in the attack upon the forts, if she has really used military force to take them. That is treason in the men who committed and incited the act, unless South Carolina has a right to secede from the Union. But. it is not treason in the State, for a State cannot commit treason. It is only treason in the individuals who commit the overt act.— And if Iti be treason or misdemeanor, where is the authority of the President to seize or hang anybody, as the Republicans are insisting he ought to do, and charge him with being I trai tor for not doing it? The constitution is very plain on this point. It reads thus " The trial of all crimes shall be by jury, and such trial shall he held in the .57ate where the said crime shall have been committed." "No person shall be held to answer for a crime unless on a preSeottnent or indietthent of a grand jury. tom be deprived of life, liberty or property without due pr, , OOsS of km." And "the accu.ed shall enjoy the right to a public trial.by an impartial jury of the State where the crime has been committed." These are the limitations of that despAism which certain people so inconsiderately claim nowa days for the President. If any citizen or body of men in South Caro lina have levied war against the United States they cannot be arraigned or tried for it any where but in South Carolina. There must first be an indictment found by a grand jury in South Carolina. There must be a district attorney to prepare and attest the indictment. There must. be a court to receive it and arraign. the prisoner, and a jury to try him. This last was the protection which Parker and Philips and their a-sociates found when they were indicted for what they called "free speech," in connection with the murder , of Bachelder, and the obstruction of the laws of the United States for the rendition of fugitive slaves. The President, could not seize them, nor could they be tried anywhere but in Mas sachusetts ; and though there were 01l the offi cers of law here and a grand jury indicted them, they escaped a trial and got off upon a very small technicality. which was, that the commissioner who issued his warrant. of arrest had signed it only commissioner, without say ing what commissioner; and the court held that the indictment., however drawn, could not supply this deficiency. because it could not go beyond the description in the warrant. Just so Pt esideot Buchanan has no power to seize or arraign or try anybody in Washington or anywhere else. If there have been acts of treason, they have been committed only in South Carolina. The parties charged most be tried in that. State by a jury of the State. There is no United States marshal to arrest them, no district attorney to indict them. no grand jury to find a bill, no court to arraign and no jury to try them. How then ar.l the steps to be taken which the constitution demtnils in every case of alleged crime? And if there were all the officers of the court and juries, everybody knows that a court in South Carolina would hold that the right of . secession absolved the party accused from his liability to the laws of the United States, and no jury would convict. It would be the same in Massachusetts, if, under the personal liberty bill, a fugitive from labor should be taken before a juo to be tried. Nq Measachusetts jury could be found to agree ,0114 .he ,was a : fugitive slave. Thus it da obvi ous that Xassachusetis and. South .Carolina stand in : the same category of disunion and se - outdo, So long is these lava remain-on her otatuto.book, ant so long as her . peoislo rein and refuse to execute the laws of the United Staten within her borders. But it is said, suppose the Judge and all the United States officers have resigned in South Carolina, why don't President Buchanan sup ply the vacancies? But what then? He could find no men in South Carolina to accept the offices, and the law requires that they shall be appointed in the district. Even if he sent Northern men there they would not be allowed to act, and if they were resisted, then it comes back to just where we started from; those who resisted must be indicted and tried by a court and jury in the State. If men of sense would look at the facts and law, and read the Constitution, they would see the practical difficulties in the way of the sum mary processwith which they require the Presi dent to deal with existing difficulties. He can only move the constitutional machinery of gov ernment in executing the laws. If the machi nery is all broken up in a State, he cannot in vade a State, or send an army there, to enforce martial law, unless the Governor or Legislature call upon him to suppress insurrection or domestic violence. He can send troops to the forts, and if the commissioners of South Caro lina require him to order troops to one or another fort, they assume what does not belong to them. The President, as commander-in chief, is to judge for him, , elf of the expediency; and on this point he should insist, and yield to no khreats from South Carolina, or any body, if they are made. It is this question of expe diency as to reinforcing the forts at Cbarlesten which the President has gravely considered. If Major Anderson has solved the difficulty without bloodshed, so much the better. Of what avail would United States troops have been there if sent, as they must have been, when their presence would have brought on a bloody conflict? If any were sent in such a crisis, an army should have been sent sufficient to conquer South Carolina, aided as she would be, the moment blood was shed, by the sympa thizing States. That would have been civil war. The President did not bring on this "irrepressible conflict," and will endeavor to avoid staining his hands with the blood of his fellow-citizens in a fratricidal war. It is his purpose (and he will prove the true patriot and Christian if he succeeds in doing it) to leave his high office without a drop of blood having been needlessly Shed in this awfully impending " battle of the States." Mr. Lincoln will then take the responsibility, and he has four years in which to carry out his policy. If he means peace and union he will recommend concession and compromise, and a restoration of the fraternal relations of all the States, and endeavor to shed no blood to mad den the whole country. In the meantime, Mr. Buchanan must bear all the unreasoning assau!ts made upon him, until reason shall resume her sway and justify the only pesos policy that could save a civil war, if indeed any policy can do it. But really it is not so small a thing as some people think to sacrifice millions of lives in the attempt of one section of the country to conquer another sect ion of the country and preserve the Union, us they call it, by bathing it in seas of blood and carnage. Let us pause a little while, study the Constitution, and reflect. LETTER FROM REY. H. J. DYKE _ . _ - Z lIE A interesting letter from the Rev. H. J. Van Dyke, of Brooklyn, N. Y., to a clergyman of that city. Mr. Van Dyke is the author of a sermon in the defence of the South and her institutions, which has been extensively circu lated and admired throughout the country.— Mr. Van Dyke in his letter says: If in the light of history, I could see any reasonable hope of a peaceable separation, though even then I would grieve to see the failure of this most successful effort at free government the world ever saw, still I could submit with comparative composure. But be assured that disunion will be the signal for disintegration and war—not merely between North and South, but in the very heart of Northern States. Is it right for our Southern bret•hern to precipitate us, who still love them, upon this fearful conflict? Do the facts in the case warrant and necessitate the dissolution of our Union ? Is there no other remedy ? It is true, abolitionism seems to have gained a poli tical triumph ; but I tell you, if our Southern friends will only stand by us as we have stood by them, it is a triumph which will soon be their ruin; "pride goeth before destruction." The party with which abolitionists have co-oper ated, and whose success they now appropriate, will throw them of. And now that the election is past, and Christian men and ministers can speak out without the fear or suspicion of a partisan purpose, such doctrine as I have en deavored to expound in my sermon will "have free course and be glorified." The amazing excitement which that sermon has produced, and the fervor with which it has been received, even in New England, only shows _that the public mind was prepared for it. The party now in power, and which, it must be confessed, derived its chief strength from abolitionism, succeeded not because it really has a majority, but because its opponents were unhappily divided. There are three millions of voters in the Northern States opposed to abolitionism and ad its allies. New York alone has a ma jority of fifty thousand—if the election were taken over again it would be one hundre thou sand—on the conservative side. With these facts staring them in the face, cannot the South afford to "wait a little lon ger ?" Must Christian men and Christian min isters who, whether North or South, are the salt of the earth, throw their influence into the rising tide of revolution—a re7olut ion which, if it shall be consummated, will rend asunder all the religious as well as the governmental in stitutions of the land ? Our beloved and glori= ens church, which has stood up under God a great bulwark to breast the tide of fanaticism, cannot long withstand the shriek of disunion. You and I will not long have the privilege of meeting as we did in the General Assembly of 1859, feeling that we are sitting together under the shadow of a vine which " sends out her boughs unto the sea and her,branches unto the river." All our great ecclesiastical schemes for the evangelization of the land must wither and languish in the heat of this unnatural con test. Suffer me to beg you, and through you any one w ho may regard a voice so feeble as mine, to re-consider this matter. I say freely that unless the hostile legislation of Northern States is repealed, and the violent and unchris tian agitation of the slavery question put d own , your State, and all the Southern States, oug ht to break loose from a government that will not protect their rights, and from a people who dis regard the ploinest obligations of consanguinity and brotherhood. But then I believe, before God, that if we can only, have more time, even handed justice will soon commend to its own lips this poisoned cup which abolitionism has mingled for you. These religious demagogues have had their day. "The prosperity of 'fools will destroy them." REPUBLICAN CAUCUS-4W t:lo7srnordiSE ON TUE TIiktRITORIAL 1411LESTIOPi ACCEPTABLE. . The Republican members of Congress held a meeting onSaturday to,consider the report of ~ Mr. Hale, of Pennsylvania, from the sub-com ,mittee of the border States. -Mr• Hale said he NO. 109. "iSE~uv~eaw ._._ PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, . BIINDATI9 EXCEPTED, BY 0. BARRETT & CO. fiat DAILY PATRIOT AND UNION Willl be served to sub sari bare residing in the Borough for stE 01INTN ?BD gram payibie to the Carrier. Mail eubseribere, FOUR DOl. t.ARR PRR ANNUM. Tae WIMILT will be published as heretofore, semi , Weekly during the session of the Legislature, and once week the remainder of the year, , • or two dollars in ad vance, or three dollars at the expilliZlOD of the year. Oonnected with this establishment is an extenalvn JOB OFFICE, containing a variety of plain and fancy type, unequalled by any establishment in the interior off the Strtte, for which the patronage of the public is so licited: believed the members of his committee'repre senting the border slave States would agree to his proposition, that all the territory of the United States north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes should be free, and all south of that line to remain as it is, with Eberly to the peo ple to organize into Si ates whenever they please, with or without slavery. He was of opinion that it might be better for the North to lake this proposition than to precipitate 'the country into war. Mr. Howard, of Michigan, said he objected to any compromise, because be believed•i.i to be an acknowledgment of an error, which he would not concede. He defended the motives of the Republicans in the committee of thirty-three, and expressed the opinion that they had done nothing that could be interpreted as a surren der of their principles. Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois. speaking of the mal contents of the slave States, and the proposed compromise of dividing the territory between freedom and slavery to the Pacific, add, " There never was a more causeless revolt since Lucifer led his cohorts of apostate angels against the throne of God, but I never heard that the Almighty proposed to compromise the matter by allowing the rebels to kindle the fires of hell south of the celestial meridian of thirty sir thirty." This outburst of the eccentric member from Illinois created a deal of sensation and some merriment. Mr. Sherman stated that, as a member of the border sub-committee from the border States, he could neither vote for the proposition pro posed by Mr. Hale, nor that. proposed by Mr. Crittenden, to restore the Miss, uri line and extend it to the Pacific. He was also opposed to the compromise to prevent the abolitiun of slavery in the District of Columbia. While he did not wish to abolish it now, he was opposed to Congress yielding up the right to do so at any future period. Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, expressed UM self decidedly opposed to all compromises. Messrs Hickman and Stevens, of Pennsyl vania, and Case, of Indiana, opposed all com promises. Mr. Pettit, of Indiana, from the sub-eommit tee of border States, said he had opposed all the propositions in that committee except tthe one propose.' by Mr. Bale, upon which be did not vote. He ° defended the border States 'for their efforts to arrange matters. Mr. Beal, of New York, inquired why his State was not consulted ? Mr. Pettit replied New York ras not upon the immediate border of the slave States: Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, and Mr. Nixon, of New Jersey, expressed themselves in favor of some compromise. Mr. Dawes, of MaSSaChusetts, moved that no vote be taken on any of the propositions, and that the caucus adjourn sine die ; which was carried. ANOTHER CAUCUS It is stated that there was a caucus of Sen ators in Washington on Saturday evening-from those States which have called seces-ion conven tions. The question under consideration war the propriety of advising their sister upon the question of immediate secession,.or a little delay. When the vote was taken only one was found who i nation All the rest w ore for immediate and precipitate Ingted eaversi h urs. THE COMMITTEE OF THIRTY-TRECRU The committee of thirty- tome held a meet ing on Saturday, hut arrived at no conclusion. Mr. Hamilton, of Texas, off.red a proposition, submitting the whole subject now agitating the country to a convention of the people. It is as follows: Resolved, That this commit tee do recommend the passage of joint resolutions, respectfully recommending to the several States a genrral, convention in this city, on a 41. y to be fixed by delegates chosen directly by the people in the several States, to consider of and advise such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as may be necessary to protect the interests and preserve the government of the country, and that an appropriation be made to defray the expenses of such convention, Mr. Hamilton explained that, if such a con ventio.eould be called, it would transfer the whole subject into the hands of a new class of men, who could approach the subject untram meled by the numerous complications and com mitments which surround the men who are now endeavoring to settle it. He proposed that the convention should examine calmly and de liberately the whole question, and theapro pose such amendments to the Constitution as the wisdom of the body might deem necessary, and that Congress should then meet, and in a constitutional way pass laws recommending pnch amendments to the Legislatures 01 the sev eral States for their action. THE BOUDEk STATE COMMITTEE The committee of the fourteen border States, who agreed on a compromise report last Satur day, consisted of Messrs. Crittenden, of... Ke ntucky, chairman; Harris, of Maryland; Sher man, of Ohio; Nixon, of New Jersey; Saulsbuiry, of Delaware; Garner, of North Carolina; Hat• ton, of Tennessee; Pettit, of Indiana; Harris, of Virginia; MeClernand, of Illinois; Barrett, of Missouri ; Sebastian, of Arkans *8 ; Vancle ver, of Iowa; Hale, of Pennsylvania. MERTING OF THE MISSISSIPPI STATE OnNVEH TION—RESOLUTION ADOPTJ'D FOR ComMITTES TO D•