Pennsylvania daily telegraph. (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1857-1862, March 31, 1862, Image 1

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p lie Etirgra,A.
Funeral Obsequies of Col. Wm. G. Murray.
ertort.l Correspondetic,i
The remains of Col. Wm. G. Murray, of the
Eighty fourth Regiment Pennsylvania Volun
teers, who was killed in battle near Winches
Vie on Sunday of last week, left Harris
• I
buig ter Hollidaysburg at 9 o'clock last Friday
moruieg, in a car specially provided . for the
purp , ise by the Pennsylvania railroad company.
The passengers in the car incinded the moth
er, sister, and several near relatives of the de
ceeed ; the Joint Legislative Committee, con
siging of Messrs. Reilly, Serrill and Kinsey, of
the Senate, and l'stest3rs. Banks, Barron and
Blanchard, of the House ; Capt. Battu!, Lienta.
O'Neal, Burton and Nininger, and a ser
geant and two privates, all of the 84th regi
meat. Beside these was a delegation of citizens
of Harrisburg, intimate personal friends of
the deceased, consisting of Capt. Wi adman
Forster, John H. Zeigler, James Gowen, J. B.
Boyd, Geo. Major John Brady, Dennis
Dougherty, Geo. V. Zeigler and lady, and a
representative of the Dan' Tztletanen.
As the train passed the Eagle Iron Works
at Canal and North streets, at the upper end
of Harrisburg, all the employees of that estab
lishment, headed by Wm. 0. Hickok, Esq.,
were observed ranged in a line at the edge of
the pavement, with their heads uncovered, as
a mark of respect to the passing remains of the
gallant dead. All who witnessed the incident
were impressed with its beauty and appro
pri Aeneas.
.Nothing occurred to break the monotony
of the travel until the train arrived about a
a half a mile east of Perryville, when the loco
motive gave out, and it was necessary to do
tech it from the train and send it forward to
the next station for repairs This occupied
nearly an hour's time, during which most of
the passengers left the car and proceeded on foot
to Perryville where they made themselves as
comfortable as possible, while the military
gentleman of the escort entertained the crowd
of rustics at the depot by relating the.partion
larsof the battle of Winchester and the current
war news generally.
At Huntlugdon, and indeed at all the other
principle stations along the road, we found
hundreds of people congregated anxious to
obtain at least a sight of the coffin containing
the remains of the deceased Colonel. Particu
larly was this the case at Altoona, the first
town of any importance in the county which
claims Col. Murray as one of her citizens.
The arrival of the train here was greeted by
the tolling of the bells, the closing of stores
and a euspension of business generally. It
seemed indeed as if the entire population of
place was at the depot, and every countenance
bore the impress of sorrow, while not a few of
the softer sex gave vent to their emotions in
sole and tears. The train remained here
about a hal an hour, when the corps was re
moved to the branch train, to which in the
meantime tha special oar had also been attach
ed, and we proceeded on our way to Hollidays
the train arrived at a point about& mile from
Hollidaysburg, at si o'clock, P. M. Here we
found a hearse, a large number of vehicles, a
brass band and an Immense multitude of peo
ple. After some time spent removing the cof
fin from the car to the hearse, the carriages
were tilled with the relatives' of the deceased,
the legislative committee and escort, when a
procession was formed under the direction of
Colonel John Pepper and J. J. Oaterlough, who
acted as marshals, which proceeded towards the
town headed by the brass band playing ap
propriate music, and followed by an immense
concourse of citizens of foot.
The procession entered the town by the prin
cipal street, and was received with every man
ifestation of sorrow by the citizens.• All the
itoree and places of business were closed, the
tags at half mast, and a number of private
residences were decorated with appropriate em
blems of mourning.
The ptoceseiou marched directly to the resi
dence of the father in-law of the deceased, John
Dougherty, E q., where the coffin was removed
from the hearse to the house, and the lid
Opened in order to afford the children of the
deceased an opportunity to gaze upon the fea
tures of their departed sire. This was truly
an affecting and impresaive interview, and
brought tears to the eyes of every spectator.
After the relatives and immediate friends, of
the family had obtained a sight of the corpse,
the doors of the residence were thrown open to
gratify the curiosity of the public with a simi
lar eight, and for nearly two hours there
almost a constant line of peopl e ent er i ng th e
house for this purpose.
The mother, sisters and relatives of that de
ceased stopped over night at the residence of
Mt. Dougherty, while the joint legislative and
Harrisburg committees were provided with
enoters at the American Hotel.
During the evening, Mr. Banks, a member
of toe House committee, who lives in Holli
-4Y burg, entertained his colleagues of the
committee, and the gentlemen composing the
R'rrisburg committee, with a handsome colla
tion at his hospitible residence.
morning was ushered In with a
cloudy sky,
ands raw cutting wind from the
east, indicatieg snow. At an early hour word
rece in l
vedb yelegraph that the remains of
Cav a •
of the 84th regiment,,NAo
killed. at the battle near Winchester, would ar
rive by the cars at Hollidaysburg at 9 o'clock
A. Y. Accordingly at this hour the Legislative
committee, and a large portion of the citizens
of the borough repaired to the depot for th -
purpose of receiving the body. The train ar
rived at the hour above indicated with the re
mains of the deceased officer in charge of Lien-
Mat Calvin fitl'Dowell, of the 84'h regiment
The coffin was removed to a hearse in waiting,
which then moved off, preceded by a brass
band, and followed by the Legislative and Har
risburg committees, and a large procession of
citizens on fo )t. The remaidlt were taken to
the late residence of the deceased, about a
square - distant from that of Mr. Dougherty,
whenththe coffin was opened tteafford hifradlieted
wife and two cbiliiren an Opportunity of be
holding the features of him who was their sole
stay and support. Ex-Senator Crhswell , an
nounced to the crowd that the funeral of the
deceased would take place the next' day, (Sun
day,) at 8 o'clock;
From here the multitude of people proceeded
to the residence of Mr. Dougherty for the pur•
pose of joining in the funeral obsequies of Col.
Murray, the hour.-named for the commence
ment of which having arrived.
The sideways of the street in which Mr.
Dougherty resides •was- crowded by a dense
multitude of people, and their quiet, orderly
demeanor bore evidence of their pro.ound grief
and sorrow for the loss of one of their most esti
mable fellow-citisens.
About ten (Veto**, the coffin, wrapped in an
American flag, was removed from the House
and placed on a -bier, in the custody of pall
bearers, shortly' after which the funeral cortege
began to move in the following order:
Company A,'Sd;Begiment,'PennaylTania three
months' Volunteers
Company E, Sd ilegiment, Pennsylvania three
141=Itine Voldoteers.
BAL - wrieburg Oornmittee
Sergeant Of - the.B4th Reghnent, beariog the
Amerioang Flag, draped in mourning.
b 3
Lieut. O'Neal and several officers of the 84th
Joint Legislative Committee.
Carriages containing the Relatives of the De
Citizens gensidlly on foot. 1
The Nfllgisied to Catholic
church, into which the coffin was taken, and
the highly impressive religious services for the
dead of that church, performed by the Rev.
Father Walsh.
From here the funeral cortege procceeded
to the Oatholio grave yard, where, after some
further religious ceremonies, performed by
Rev. Mr. Walsh, the body was finally de
posited in its last resting place, amidst the
tears of his friends and relatives, and the pro
found grief of the assembled -multitude.
A salute, fired over the grave by Company
A, of the Third Pennsylvania three months
volunteers, concluded the funeral ceremonies,
and the vast multitude of people disappeared
from the scene.
Col. Murray's mother and sister, the. Legis
lative and Harrisburg committees, returned to
town in the three' o'clock train yesterday
Tam members of the Friendship fire com
pany, are requested to meet at their hall, this
(Monday,) afternoon, at 2,} oclock, to attend
the funeral of our late fellow member, Charles
F. Melloy. All the fire "companies in the city
are respectfully. Invited, to meet
,with us to
participate in the last tribute of respect they
can pay to their brother firemen, without fur
ther notice. By order,
T. EARNEST, Prevident.
S B. Clums, Secretary.
From Fortress Monroe
General Burnside in Quiet Possession
of Beaufort.
Their Early. Surrender Apprehended
FORT MONROR, March 29.
All quiet. No Merimao demonstrations yet.
The steamer Suwanne arrived Irom Newburn.
All quiet there. General Burnside had gone to
Beaufort,andltaken quiet possession of the place.
No resistance whatever cud no burning of pro
perty. Fort Macon was still occupied by the
rebels, from three to five hundred strong, but
they were entirely cut off and must soon sur
render. The steamer New York had sailed for
New York.
New Yeats, March 80.
The transport steamer New York arrived
from Newborn, the 26th, and from Hata:wad
the 28th. No news. The Nashville is reported
still at Beaufort, which is doubtless incorrect.
Among the p , ssengers by the New York, are
Col. Lee, Massachusetts 27th regiment, Capt.
Fuller, and Lieut. Barrett, ditto. Lieut.
Spaulding, Massachusetts twenty-fifth. Lieut.
Mnsie, Capt. Drake, Capt. Saunders and Cut.
Nagle of the forty-eight Pennsylvania regi
mytt., Col: Ihutrikett_ and CoL Nachman of
tkeirdrift New Yeriey regiment. „ .
Death•of M'Cullough and M'lntosh.
Ptimoi Iteturgpipqeme.
Price at Van Buren Receiving Feeble
Our Forces at Crime Timber Hollow.
Boilable peremis just from our army in the
Southw oat, say: the rebels, some thirty five
hundred, under Van Dorn and Price, have re
tieated entirely across the Boston mountains,
and are now at Yen Buren and Fort Smith,
receiving supplies from Memphis and Little
Bock, via Arkansas river, which is high. The
Texas titiopw are much disheartened at the
death of Gen. 61'Cullough, and Arkansas feels
the loss of Gen. lit'lntosh very severely.
The rebels are badly off for clothing and
Pike's Indians have returned to the Indian
nation. They were not formidable in battle,
being panic stricken at the effect of our ar
Price has received a Major General's coin
mission in the Confederate service on the 16th.
One regiment ot Texas troops reached Van
Buren on the 15th, to reinforce Van Doren and
&lore, were expected from Louisiana. The
wbule rebel reinforcements will not exceed live
thousand in the next six weeks.
Lieut. Col. Herron, of the ninth lowa, who
was taken prisoner, was in the hands of the
rebels two weeks. They were hadly frightened,
and retreated very rapidly, and for the three
first days of their flight' they had nothing to
eat. The,:r cannon and beam() tralo might
have btoetwesallk keituiedi. ' -
Gen. Curtis' army fell back to Keitaville to
secure forage. Arkansas, north of Fayettville,
entirell eaten. put, 'Go:l°4pp* . are now
oamped at the head of Cross Timber Hollow,
where water and.'forage arelplenty. Our pick
extend into Arkansas, and the rebel pickets
comeilfettoLtir , hpp of the ,Boston. moon-
Very little Union sentiment has teen devel
oped in Arkansas.
Important Military Reoonnoiaaanoe,
I I u s i
A reconnoissance - was made yesterday by our
forces beyond Warrenton Junction. A . body
of the enemy's cavalry retreated as our troops
advanced, and burned the bridge over the Rap
pahannock. There was some slight skirmish
ing, but no loss of life or any wounded on our
A military department, to be called the Mid
dle Department, and to consist of the Stated of
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the eastern shore
of Maryland and Virginia, and the counties of
Cecil, Hartford, Baltimore and Anne Arundel
in Maryland, has been created ; Major General
Dix of the United States volunteers is assigned
to the command of this Department, the need
quarters of which are located at Baltimore
No troops in the United States service will
hereafter pass through the city of . New York
without reporting to the United States military
authorily ch .rged with the duty of providing
subsistence and transportation in that city.
The reports must be made and information ob
tained at the offile No 79, White street.
The Governor of New York has decided
upon the following prices to be charued to the
non-commissioned officers and privates of thi
several regiments from that State, now in the
field, for articles of clothing heretofore fur
niched them by the State, the said prices hav
ing been fixed from the average cost of the
several articles, viz: For each infantry overcoat,
58 63 ; infantry jackets, 55 48 ; ditto trou
sers, $8 50; ditto fatigue caps, 85c.; ditto
shoes, pegged, $1 20 ; ditto, sewed, $1 90 ;
ditto, drawers, 570.; ditto, socks, 240.; ditto,
shirts, 85c.; blankets, $1 95.
From Missouri.
Union Loss 2 Killed and 9 Wounded,
The notorious Brigand Quantrill, with two
hundred of his guerilla
_band, made a sudden
and unexpected attack on a detachment of Col.
Phillips'. regiment, Missouri' militia, under
Major Foster, at Warrensburg, on Wednesday
last, but after a spirited skirmish they were
driven from town, with the loss of nine killed
and seventeen wounded, and twenty horses
captured. Oar loss is two killed and nine
wounded.. Quantrill made another attack on
the town on the following day, the result of
which is unknown
Lieut. Col. Crittenden had left Georgetown
with reinforcements for Foster. Scouting par
ties of this mgiment have captured over two
hundred kegs of rebel powder in Rettis county;
withbvibe pest lowdaro. .41
Abolition of Slavery in the
District of Columbia.
The Senate re-assembled at 8 o'clock, and
proceeded to the consideratton of Senate bill
No.' 823, joint resolutions relative to the
abolition of slavery in the District of Colum.
The SPEAKER stated the question to be
on the amendment of Mr. Cm - hum, offered thf
day previous.
Mr. LANDON. Mr. SMILER : I merely
rise to introduce the discussion this afternoon
in the few remarks I desire to make. The
other day I bad my say upon this subject, and
occupied as much of the time of the Senate
as would properly belong to me. I said all
that I intended to say; and I may add, that I
desired to say at that time—uot exhausting
the subject at all, merely giving my views in
general. But after the extraordinary posi
tions taken by the Senator from Berks, as
well as his Democratic colleague, the Senator
from Clarion, yesterday, I feel constrained
to ask the further indulgence of the Senate
for a short time.
_The specific amendment
offered by the Senator from Berks, (Mr.
Cr.vicaft,) allows the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, provided the assent
of the people of said Distrtct and of the State
of Maryland dial be first obtained.
This is but the rehash of an old, stale dish,
the repetition, for the ten-thousandth time, of
of a miserable disgusting ditty. It has been
the position especially of the party to which
the Senator from Berks belongs, never to do
anything of any special importance, never to
take'liny politically important or national
stepovithout adding that very amendment—
ti provided the consent of the slaveholding
States can be and will be obtained." If their
consent is obtained and their privilege secured,
then they venture to proceed ; but if the
consent of the slaveholders were not obtained,
if they entered a nolle prosequi, then all pro
ceedings must be quashed. This in times
past has been the specific rule of the party to
which,the gentleman belongs, and too much
the ride of the whole country. It is now
time that we took counsel of higher and bet
ter authority.
Senators upon the other side make an
egregious mistake in their peculiar mode of
arguing these questions at this time. They
speak of slavery, of the constitutional rights
oridiereholders, of the obligation of the free
States to respect these rights, precisely as
theya did five years ago, forgetting entirely
tla t hangs of circums tances, the change of
of means and necessities. - Why, sir;
but last night I saw stalwart men enter pri
vate dwellings in this town, and seise and
carry into the streets beautiful and valuable
furniture. Under other circumstances the act
would have been a breach of the peace, an
indictable offence; but as it was,—the flames
crackling and curling hard by—the act was a
justifiable and meritorious one. Sentiments
and deeds that five years ago would have been
inexcusable, are now not only justifiable, but
an absolute necessity. To have suspended
then the writ of habeas corpus, would have
been intolerable; now it is praiseworthy. To
have committed men to prison then, without
judge or jury, would have been horribly des
pone.; now the change of circumstances makes
it an act of determined patriotism. Then
slavery bowed sullenly to the supremaAy of
the general government, and we awarded it
all its constitutional guarantees; now it rears
its bead in treasonable defiance to that gov
ernment, and we have nothing to promise it
but constitutional penalties. Is it not strange
that men have become so infatuated respecting
the rights of slavery 1 It is not only strange,
but painfully amusing. They urge on the
destruction of shipping, `the confiscation of
material property, the butchering of traitors;
but when we reach the cause of all our trou
bles, they raise their hands in holy horror,
and cry halt! As well might firemen com
mand, "out with the furniture, down with
the walls, but take heed that you do not
throw water upon the flames." I submit that
such argumentation is not only fallacious,
but puerile.
Boma, March 29
When the mariner is enveloped in the
storm, it is wise in him to look carefully to
the position and course of his vessel. Imita
ting his prudence, allow me to state my pre
cise position upon the subject under discus
sion; and then, if I can, to state the position
of Senators upon the other side. This will
enable us to move on understandingly.
For many long years I have regarded the
whole system of slavery as morally wrong;
and hence believed that all moralists were not
only justifiable, but bound to bring all possi
ble moral appliances to bear upon the institu
tion, to enlighten the masses, elevate public
' opinion, and, as far as possible, to ameliorate
the condition of the slave himself. But under
our peculiar compact, I never could see how
we could legislate it out of existence, so long
as its upholders bowed to the behests of the
Constitution of the land. The adoption of
such a course of interference would be but
another name for revolution. Brit now, when
the defenders of the institution themselves
have ignored your Constitution and all your
governmental prerogatives, inaugurating both
rebellion and revolution, I meet them upon
their own chosen ground, and claim that they
shall take the consequences.
Congress should abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia upon terms equitable and
just. Then they should declare the slaves of
all rebels free, as they veritably are ; and I
defy the sophistry of a Berke lawyer to prove
the contrary. This being done some plan
like the one recommended by the President,
should be adopted for the removal of slavery
from the loyal slaveholding States. With
our eye upon the future, we should, when the
proper time comes, provide a separate home
and provisional government for these millions
of unfortunate beings; saying to the school
teacher and the missionary, as come on with
your books and appliances and help us evan.
gelize and elevate this race."
Such would be my plan; and such a course
strikes my judgment as philanthrophic and
God-like. It not only awards justice to whcim
justice is due, but it promises the permanent
peace and salvation of the country.
The mode of removing this evil may be a
debatable stabled brit the abiolute necessity
of thetremoval itself, is as- lined-and certain
as fatality: - We find ournelyds - today as
SBDALIA, March 29.
BRUTE, Wednearlery Afternoon,
March 12, 1862.
nation floundering in a sea of troubles, with
the monster slavery, heavier than a millstone,
lashed to our necks ; and the very waves that
surge and dash about us are conjured up by
the maddened struggle?, of our giant enemy.
The great ques.ion we have to meet is this:
shall we break the chain—swim ourselves, but
sink the enemy—or hold the chain and both go
down together. For myself, I fall back upon
nature's first great law, self defence, and would
save the nation by destroying that which seeks
its life
On the contrary, the position of Senators who
addressed us yesterday is this: Congress should
not abolish slavery in the District of Columbia
Thsy admit that Congress has the power, but
they deny to it the justice, right and expedi
ency. They have avered, in the next place,
that instead of declaring the slaves of rebels
ee and•takinginAtiatot for the • - ••• •
freedom•of the slaves of loyalists, the seceded
States are to come back into the Union as afore
time, with all their immunities, all their insti
tutions, and associations, and that slavery with
its slave representation in Congress, with the
lash and bowie knife, with the Democratic
party as a necessary appendage, like the tail of
a Behemoth, shall be restored to its former
pride and domination. Here we stand, facing
each other. I plead for the just, legal, certain
sup'pression of this institution: they plead for
its perpetuation ad infinitum. Upon this basis I
am willing to go to the country—upon it, I am
willing to meet them here, elsewhere, or any
What a beautiful perspective must arise to
the imagination of Senators as they throw their
glance along the track-way of coming ages,
and see this petted institution of theirs (which
they desire to baptize into an earthly immor
tality) striking its roots deeper into the heart
of the nation, lifting its boughs higher, and
sprtadiug them wider and still wider over the
land, withering, blasting, damning every green
thing within the circle of its shadow. It may
be poetical to them—it is not to me. Look
ing upon it with sickening heart, I can only
exclaim with England's liberty-loving poet:
" Hail horrors I" I trust a better fate is in
store for us. That Providence which gleaned
all Europe for good seed with which to plant
the continent originally, and stood by the
fathers during a seven years struggle for free
dom, has done too much for this country to
allow ruthless tyrants at last to bury it alive.
and riot upon its sepulchre. The country will
not be ruined until the people of the free States
consent to its destruction. When they restore
and perpetuate slavery, their consent is given,
the die cast, the deed done. You have then
only to wait in melancholy mood for the bitter
harvest of retributive justice. If that harvest
fail to come, then are the laws of nature re
versed, and the divine government a failure.
Allow me now, sir, to notice more specifically
the positions taken and principles advocated by
the Senators from Berks and Clarion. They
both agree in having great sympathy for loyal
men in the South. How eloquently they dila
ted upon the trials and devotion of such men,
whose heart of hearts, they affirm, is with the
Union and with us, notwithstanding their dan
gers, persecutions and sufferings ; and those
Senators appealingly inquire if we can have
ttke hardihood to crush down the rights of
such men. I answer, No! Those gentle
men shall not surpass me in doing homage
to patriotic loyalty in this day of struggle.—
But, in reply, I ask them to-day and here if
they are prepared to respect and regard the
rights of all loyalists in the South? Will they
abide by their own affirmed principles? When
they find men by the thousand in Carolina—
men with brawny muscles, with marrow in
their bones, and prayers for toe country's success
in their hearts—men ready to lay their all upon
the altar of that country, help tigot its battles
and share its victories—men who dodge pistol
balls and swim rivers to get within our army
lines—when they meet with such, I wish to
know if they will recognize their loyalty and
guarantee their rights. When the Burnside
expedition was winding its way through the
serpentine channel, among islands and shoals,
who guided the expedition? A colored man.
When your forces reached Hilton Head, who
w3s it that came there with important tidings?
Colored men. When your army was marching
upon the savannahs of the west, who followed
that army and whispered in their ear of the
schemes, plans and machinations of the rebels ?
Loyal colored men. Yet gentlemen tell us,
" you must restore the States to their former
position, with all their peculiar institutions—
that any thing short of this would be a viola
tion of the Constitution." They avow that we
must respect the rights of loyalists, and in the
same breath propose to take millions of loyal
ists, apply afresh the branding iron, and hand
them over to the re-damnation of slavery. Their
position is alike void, of both humanity and logic,
and only suggests to us that class of men whose
tender mercies are cruelty. Different should be
my reward for southern loyalty. I would in
the name of my country twine upon its brow
the fadeless wreath of freedom and open up to
it the untold joys of 'life, liberty and the pur
suit of happiness." These Senators agree that
the way to maintain the Constitution is to hold
up and perpetuate slavery, and they looked
lugubrious when charging upon others the
fancied crime of desecrating that sacred docu
ment by proclaiming liberty to the slaves of
rebels. My answer is this: The Constitution
affirms that, "The United States shall guarantee
to ev,ry State a republican form of government
and shall protect each of them against invasion
and domestic insurrection." It also makes it
the sworn duly of Congress "to suppress, insur
rection." It likewise adds, "Congress shall
have fall power to make all laws which shall be
necessary and proper for carrying into exe
cution the foregoing powers." I submit, sir,
that these clauses give Congress, in this time of
rebellion, unlimited and constitutional control
over the whole subject of slavery ; and if its
abolition will aid in suppressing the rebellion
they are imperatively bound to hurl it out of
existence. Singular indeed it is if Congress have
constitutional power to confiscate property, to
levy enormous taxes, to burn shipping, cripple
commerce and slaughter armies, but no right to
interfere with the very institution that has cre
ated the necessity for such dire expedients. Are
the rights and relations of slavery the only ones
that au sacred ? And must these be respected
though all others be overborne ? The Constitu
tion was made for the protection of the country;
and that is a fallacious interpretation which
would make it not only protect slavery but sac
rifice the country. Jeff. Davis end Senators
upon this floor reason from different premises,
but come to the same conclusion. The former
says, "let us destroy the Constitution, that we
may uphold slavery," the latter responds, "let
us preserve the Constitution and thus maintain
slavery." My rejoinder is, "hold fast the Con
stitution, exercise its full powers in defence of
the country, crush insurrection and place the
gOiernment beyond the possibility of a future
prodiJavery rebellion, by annihilatbig this instl
gatkin '-your Most . liaphicalikr titteirny and the
source of all your troubles " Years ago, John
Quincy Adams, upon the floor of Congress, of
firmed and demonstrated these very positions,
to the utter discomfiture of his antagonists. He
declared, as long since as 1831, that though it
might then be inexpedient to abolish slavery in
the Disttict of Columbia, yet in case of a foreign
invasion or domestic insurrection, it would be
the constitutional right of Congrees to assume
entire control of slavery; and should the emer
gencies of the country demand it, they not only
had the right, but it would be their imperative
duty to abolish the whole concern. But the
sage of Quincy stands not alone. The leading
Republican statesmen of this day oadorse the
same view. A large meeting was lately held in
New York city to consider this very subject.
At that meeting, letters were read from the
leading minds of the nation. One of these let
ters, written by Montgomery Blaine—a men from
a slave State, and member of the Cabinet—has
been largely quoted from by the Senator font
}Kirks, but he paused in his quotations just when
it suited his lame and limping argument. Let
me add a quotation—the few last liues of the
letter, which prove that even Blair recommends
the emancipation of the slaves, and their re
moval to a separate home Hear him :
"It needs, therefore, but the assurance which
would be given by providing homes for the
blacks elsewhere that they are to be regarded
as sojourners when emancipated, as io point of
fact they are, and ever will be, to insure the co
operation of the non-slaveholders in their eman
cipation. Nor would they require immediate,
universal or involuntary transportation; or that
any injustice whatever be done to the blacks.
The more enterprising would soon emigrate,
and multitudes of less energy would follow if
such success attended the pioneers, as the care
with which the Government should foster so
important an object would doubtless insure; and,
with such facilities, it would require but few
generations to put the temperate regions of
America in the exclusive occupation of the white
race, and remove the only obstacle to a perpet
ual Union of the States."
Senator Wilson writes thus:
"Humanity, justice and patriotism all demand
that the American people should never pardon
the great criminal that has raised the banner of
revolt against the unity and authority of the
republic The blood of our fallen sons demands
that the Government for which they gave their
lives should walk up to the verge of constitu
tional power in inflicting condign punishment
upon their murderer. The nation, imperilled
by slavery, should use ever legal and constitu
tional power to put it in process of ultimate
extinction. To that end I would at once abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, repeal the
black code that dishonors the National capital.
tender to, the loyal alaveholding States the trea
sures of the Federal Government to aid them in
the work of emancipation, deal justly and libe
rally with the loyal men of the rebel States,
but free the bondmen of rebels."
David Wilmot adds his testimony, as follows:
" The national life must be preserved, by ap
plying the knife to the cancer that is eating
the very substance and life of the nation. The
nation must make a proclamation of freedom
to the slaves of every traitor ; and as a matter
of policy, not of strict right, provide for making
compensation to loyal slaveholders, for the
temporary loss incident to the speedy emanci
pation of their slaves. Less than this we can
not do with honor or safety. We have a right
to do more. We have a right, instantly and at
once, to uproot and eradicate forever any local
institution, law, custom, usage, that puts in
imminent peril the national life. We have a
right to kill Slavery, that the nation may live."
While the Deinocratic Warrior-governor of
Rhode Island, publish,s these noble and pa
triotic sentiments, I recommend opposing Sena
tors upon this floor, to at for a time at his feet
and learn from his lips the true Democratic
creed. What says he ? Listen :
"It is a superficial view, therefore, of the
present national crisis, which suppoex a that this
conflict can end and leave things as it found
them.. ° o °
We must cross this flood that swells and foams,
or abandon the national hopes of our glorious
future. The issue already made between op
pression and liberty must be fought out to the
end now, or re-fought hereafter, and perhaps
under aggravated circumstances. Slavery re
established, and the same consequences ess'entsidly
would Allow again.
"There is really no possible hopeful end to
this conflict but the end of slavery. There is
no such easy escape from our national troubles
as some seem to imagine—no prospect of the
war being short but by being useless, or else
by being radical and determined, and, I, may
add, in regard to false principles, most unspar
ing. To purpose, therefore, that the Union
shall survive and its glory and power be trium
phantly restored and perpetuated, is virtually
to doom slavery to speedy extinction. The pre
servation of the Union and the destruction of Slavery
are inseparable; aye, &matted now ; and lie who votes
for the one necessarily votes for the other. 0
Surely, sir, we may consider this overwhelming
testimony of warriors, patriots and sages, as a
sufficient offset to the vapid declamation of the
Senator from Berks.
I may pass then to another point. He affirms
that not slavery but tricksters of the south and
fanatics of the north actuated by hellish pur
poses have caused all our troubles. Mark! in
his judgment the offence of southerners has
reached to trickery, while the crime of northern
fanatics has towered up to the terrible climax of
Wish. What have these poor "fanatics" done
—these abolitionists that you talk so much
about ? Gentlemen waxed eloquent as they
contemplated the fact that Wendell Phillips
sometimes lectured upon the subject of slavery.
Their eyes opened wide when they affirmed
that many years ago Wm. Lloyd Garrison ea
tablished a paper in the city of Boston. They
seem astonished that men should talk and write
upon the subject of slavery—that is what has
been done at the north. They admit, to be
sure, that there have been some tricksters in
the south who trive co-operated with those
men —but certainly with no great fraternity
between the two parties. I repeat, what have
these abolitionists done? Have they invaded
any man's tights ? "Yes," the response was,
"John Brown did." Yes, he did, sir. And
then the double charge is that those abolition
ists sung a song to his memory. I never did,
because I have not the ability to sing, but if I
had I would at least have joined in the chorus.
With regard to John Brown I have to say this:
I did not introduce him ; the Senator from
Clarion made the introduction. I have only to
say that in many things he may have been a
mistaken man ; but for all that, his name will
live when the name of the Governor who hung
him is forgotten in rottenness ; and as the
one goes down lower and lower, the mem
ory of the other will rise higher and higher
as a man, though of faliability, yet of
heroism, of manhood and philanthropy. But
as to the song, the Senator told us that our
soldiers were not gangrened with this &cud
[Gonna= Ow FOURTH PAGIL] ' •