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a GEORGE BERGNER.
BY
From Washington.
The Eepgted Proposals of the Rebels
to SOffider Nashville.
I T _
FR0x..10...,.,: ~ i 9 FLOTILLA.
.1: ~..:,... -
1100fin01141415 e . Oceoquan Creek.
- - • . ~
DEATH OF THE
. FRESIDENT'S SOX
=3=l
Postponement Of the Ptsposed
Illumination.
RELEASE OF STATE PRISONERS
WAMINGION, Feb. 21
It is believed that notification has been re
efrived here other than that brought by the
Norfolk steamboat, relative to the reported
proposal of the rebels to surrender Nashville.
The steamer Stepping Stone arrived at the
Navy Yard this morning trom the upper flotilla.
Yesterday morning this steamer, with a
hunch and boats crew from the Yankee, went
on a reconnoissance up the Occaquan creek
some four miles,
Lieut. Eastman sent out acting-master Law
rence with the launch, who visited the north
and south shorts of the creek, penetrating a
short distance into the interior, but without
finding any signs of the rebels.
Just as the launch was leaving the south side ,
of the creek, a lariat fire west opened on them
by the rebels from five or six field pieces, posted
In a dumb of wood. Some forty shells were
thrown by the enemy, all of which flew uncom
fortably near the Stepping-Stones," but doing
no damage save slightly tearing the flag. The
fire was returned from the Stepping• Stones, and
a howitzer in the haunch plunged a shower of
rfled shot into the cover of the rebels, which
undoubtedly damaged them, as the fire of the
enemy soon slackened.
The following was addressed to the Senate
and House of Representatives, but Congress
adjourned before it was transmitted to them:
The President of the United States was last
evening plunged into affliction by the death of
a beloved child. The heads of the depart
ments, in consideration of this distressing
event, thought it would be agreeable to Con
ga es and to the American people that the
official end private buildings occupied by them
should not be illuminated on sno eyoning-of
thy 22d lust,
[Signed] WM. H. SEWARD,
S. P. CHASE,
E. M. BUNTON ;
• GI D FON WELLES,
EDW'D BATES,
Id BLAIR.
The Cabinet held their meeting at the State
Department. The public buildings will not
therefore be illuminated, the arrangements for
that purpose being suspended.
Thu following prisoners of state will be re
leased on the 22d inst., by order of the War De
partment, on their parole of honor to render no
and or comfort to the titmice in hostility to
the government of the United States, in accord
ance with executive ordsr No. 1 of the War
Department, dated Id.). 4, 1862, in reference
to political prisoners.
Fart . S. Caste, Guy S. Hopkins,
David N. Waddle, Geo. W. Jones, N. S. Ran
tan, J. 6l. Ogden, Theo. o!earv, Robt. Buckly,
C. H. Marnutt, Thos. Quigley, John Haigens,
J. 0 Burnett. M. Smith, Bobt. M. Kainae, Ed
ward C. Catterell, E. H. M'Oubbin, J. L. Cole
man, J. Bunnell, P. O'Brien, A. Thompson,
liutson Maury, E. M. Bones, Geo. Julius, J.
airuett Guthrie, Christopher Lederidge. J. M.
Perkins, Thos. Matthews, Daniel 0. Hall, R.
Leab, Isiah Butler, Path Brady, Tho. Brook
bank, E. C. Holland, J. P. Juayne, William
Grosse, J. H. Weaver, H. Stung, J. Junth,Wm.
Perry.
Warren.—J. R, Barbour, B. Barton, R.
S. Peldie, B. S. Freeman, J. A. Douglas, F. F.
/ 4 ,.,twt00, G Shackleford, F. D. Flanders, Jas.
Edward O'Neil, Wm. St.
Charles Keene, Wm. H. Gatchal, J.
tlic , mas, T. F. Raisin, J. R. Flanders,
W Barr, A. De Costo, Wm. H. Winder,
Gri•ciis S. F. Newton, E. Sarin, Parker
li F "nch, G. C. Wyatt, Geo. Van Ameringe,
F 4 4liti, Wm. G. Harrison, Robt. M. Denni
4 " , Wto. T. M'Cune, H. Al. Warbeld.
FROM NEW YORK.
EIECUTION OF GORDEN THE SLAVE TRADER.
REI NFORCEMENTS FOR GEN. BURNSIDE.
ts FORCE INCREASED TO FORTY
THOUSAND.
N athaniel Gordon, the conv Yomr icted sla Fe ver, was
eAfTlited at noon to-day, in the Toombs. He
,wfde no speech. The unfortunate man at
-4.,,P1ed to commit suicide last night by
emoting cigars which were saturated with
tychnine.
The Post this evening says reinforcements
h ave been sent to General Burnside, which will
,
n'el ease his force to 40,000.
PROM CHICAGO
Arrival of Fort Donelson Prisoners
1=:0=1
Cnicaao, Feb. 21.
Twenty-two hundred Fort Donelson prisoners
arrived this morning, and more are exected
to morrow. p
BURNING OF A LAKE STEAMER
CLIVRLAND, Feb. 21.
,:rne m
steamer North Star was hoed at the
7,narf last Thutiand dollars. night LIFs about seventy-five
vtkle e .
" Insured one-third of its
The Star-Spangled Banner.
Oh I say can you see by the dawn's earlfigh
What 6o proudly we hail'd at the twilight's
last gleaming
Whose broad stripes and bright stars thro' the
perilous fight, •
O'er the , ramparts we watched were so gal
lantly streaming ;
And the rocket's red glare; the bombs bursting
in air.
Gave proof through the night that our flag
was still there I
Oh I say does the star-spangled banner yet wave
O'er the land of the free and the borne of
• the brave? •
On the shore dimly seen thro' the mists of the
deep,
Where the foe's haughty host in dread
silence reposes,
What Is that which the breeze, o'er the tower
' ing steep
As it fitfully blows, half conceals, half dis
closes :
Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first
beam,
In full glory reflected now shines on the
stream ;
'Tie the star-spangled banner oh long may it
wave, -
O'er the land of the free, and the home of
the brave I
And where is that band who so vauntingly
swore,
Mid the havoc) of war and the battle's con
fusion,
A home and a country should greet us no more
Their blood shall wash out their foul foot
steps, pollution ;
No refuge can save the hiding and slave,
From the terror of flight, or the gloom of the
grave,
And the star-spangled banner I in triumph shall
wave,
O'er the land of the free, and the home of
the brave !
Oh I thus be It ever, when freemen shall stand
Between their lov'd homes, and the war's
desolation.
Blest with victory and peace, may the heav'n
rescued laud,
Praise the power that hath made and pre
served us a n ,tion
Then conquer we must, for our cause it is just,
Let this be'our motto—ln God be our trust.
And the star-spangled banner ! in triumph shall
wave,
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the
brave I
My Country, 'tie of Thee.
My country, 'tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,
Of thee I eing ;
Land where our father's died,
Land of the pilgrim's pride,
From ev'ry mountain side,
Let freedom ring.
My native country, thee—
Lind of the noble: free—
Thy name I love ;
I love thy rocks and rills,
Thy woods and templed hills ;
My heart with rapture thrills
Like that above.
Let music swell the breese,
And ring from all the trees
Sweet freedom's song ;
Let mortal tongues awake ;
Let all that breathe partake ;
Let rocks their silence break,
The sound prolong.
Our father's God, to thee,
Author of liberty,
To thee we sing ;
Long may our land be bright
With freatrom's holy light ;
Protect us by thy might,
Great God, our king.
My Own Native Land.
I've roamed o'er the mountain,
I've crossed o'er the flood,
I've traversed the wave rolling sand ;
Tho' the fields were as green,
And the moon shone as bright,
Yet it was not my own native land. .
Nu, no, no, no, no, no.
The right hand of friendship
How oft have I grasped,
And bright eyes have smiled and looked
bland,
Yet happier far,
Were the hours that I passed
In the west, in my own native land.
Yes, yes, yeor Yes, yes, yes.
Then hail, dear Columbia,
The land that we love,
Where flourishes Liberty's tree ;
'Tis the birthplace of freedom,
Our own native home,
'Tie the land, 'tie the land of the free.
Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, yes.
•
Tux RUM Dumas at Fort Doneloon were
most formidable. They were well fortified on
two immense hills, with their fort near the
river on a lower piece of ground. From the
foot of their entrenchments rifle pits and
abattes extended up the river, behind the town
of Dover. Their fortifications on the land
side, back from the river, were at least four
miles in length.
Markets by Telegraph,
NEw YORK, Feb. 21.
Cotton unsettled—sales 3,000 hales at 22®
23. Flour heavy ; sales of 10,000 barrels at a
deoline of bc.; state $5 50%5 55, Ohio s9@6
10, southern 6®6 80. Wheat heavy ; sales of
6,000 hue. at $2 48 for red Delaware. Corn
heavy ; sales of 80,000 bus. at 64(465. Beef
firm. Pork buoyant at $l3 5 0®14 for mess,
and 9 50(3,10 25. Lard firm at 71 ® 81.
Whiskey firm at 2611®,261-.
HARRISBURG, PA., SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 22, 1862.
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
TO THE PEOPLE OP THE UNITED 9TA1174
Frienda and Fellow Citizens :
The period for a new election of a citizen to'
administer the executive government of the
United States being not far distant, and the
time actually arrived when your thoughts must
be employed in designating the person who is
to be clotued with that important trust, it ap
pears to me proper, especially as it may con •
duce to a more distinct expression of the public
voice, that I should now apprise you of the re-i
solution I have formed, to decline being consid
ered among the number of those out of whom
a choice is tole made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the.
justice to be assured, that this resolution, has
not been taken without a strict regard to all
the /Znsiderations appertaining to the relation
win% binds the dutiful citizen to his cOuutry:
and that, in withdrawing the tender or advice
which silence in my situation might imply, I
am influeuced by no diminution of zeal for
your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful
respect for your pasaindness ; but am support
ed by a full conviction that the step is compat
ible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto,
in, the office to which your suffrages have twice,
called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of in-'
clination to the opinion of duty, and to a defer-.
ence to what appeared to be yuur desire.
constantly hoped that it would have been much
earlier in my power, consistently with motives
which I was not at liberty to disregard, to re
turn to that retirement from which I had been
reluctantly drawn. The strength of my incli
nation to do this, previous to the last elec
tion, had even led to the preparation of an ad
dress to declare it to you;' but mature re
flection on the then perplexed and critical
posture of our affairs with foreign natious, and
the unanimous advice of persons entitled tot
my confidence, impelled me to abandon the
idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, ex,-
ternal as well as internal, no longer renders
the pursuit of inclination incompatible with
the sentiment of duty or impropriety ; and a
persuaded, whatever partiality may be rtitaine . ...
for my services, that, in the present circum-'
stances of our country, you will not disapprove
my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook
the arduous trust, were explained on the prof
per occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I .
will only say that I have, with good intentions,
contributed towards the organization and ad
ministration of the government, the best exer
tions of which a very fallible judgment was
capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the
inferiority of my qualification, experience, in,
my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of
others, has strengthened the motives to difft
denes of myself ; and every day the increasing
weight of years admonishes me nor, and
more that the abode of retirement is as neces
sary to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied
that, if any circumstances have given peen •
value to my services, they were tempora ,
I have the consolation to believe that, while
choice and prudence invite me to quit the po
litical scene, patriotism does not forbid it.'
In looking forward to the moment which is
intended to terminate the career of my politir,ai
life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the
deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude
which I owe to my beloved country, for. the
many honors it has conferred upon me ; still
more, for the steadfast confidence with which
it has supported me • and for the opportunities
I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my in
violable attachment, by services faithful and
persevering, though in usefulness unequal to
my zeal. It - benefits have resulted to our coun
try from these services, let it always be re•
membered to your praise, and as an instructive
example in our annals, that under circum
stances in which the passions, agitated in every
direction, 'were liable to mislead amidst ap
pearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of
fortune often discouraging—in situations in
which, not unfrequently, want of success has
countenanced the spirit of criticism—the con
stancy of your support was the essential prop
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by
which they were effected. Profoundly pene
trated with this idea, I shall carry it with me
to my grave, as.a strong incitement to unceas
ing vows, that Heaven may continue to you
the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that
your union and brotherly affection may be,
perpetual—that the free constitution, which is
the work of your hands, may be sacredly main
tained—that its administration in every de
partment may be stamped with wisdom and
virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the peo
ple of these States, under the auspices of liberty,
may be made complete by so careful a preserva
tion, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as
will acquire to them the glory of recommend
ing it to the applause, the affection, and the
adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger
to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a soli
citude for your welfare, which cannot end but
with my life, and the apprehension of danger,
natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an oc
casion like the present, to offer to your solemn
contemplation, and to recommend to your fre
quent review, some sentiments which are the
result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable
observation, and which appear to me all im
portant to the permanency of your felicity as a
people. These will be offered to you with the
more freedom, as you can only see in them the
disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who
can possibly have no personal motives to bias
his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encour
agement to it, your indulgent reception of my
sentiments on a tomer and not dissimilar occa
sion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with ev
ery ligament of your hearts, 'no recommenda
tion of mine is necimeary fortify or confirm
the attachment.
The unity of the government which consti
tutes you one people, is also now dear to you.
It is justly so ; for it is the main pillar in the ed
ifice of your real independence ; the support of
your tranquility at home ; your peace abroad ;
of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very
liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is
easy to forsee that, from different causes and
from different quarters, much pains will be
taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in
your minds the conviction of this truth ; as
this is the point in your political fortress
against which the batteries of internal and ex
ternal enemies will be most constantly and ac
tively, (though often covertly and insidiously,)
directed, it is of infinite moment that you
should properly estimate the immense value of
your national union to your collective and indi
vidual happiness ; that you should cherish a
cordial, habitual and immovable attachment
to it; accodoming yourselves to think and
speak of it as of the palladium of your political
safety and prosperity; watching for ita prober
vation,with jealous anxiety; 0/seountenancing
whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it
can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indig
nantly frowning upon the first dawning of
every attempt to alienate any portion of our
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred
ties which new link , together the various parts.
For this you hallo- every inducement 01 sym
pathy and interest. Citizens by birth, or
choice, of a common country, that country Mes
a right' to concentrate your affections. The
name ofArnerican, which belongs to you in your
national capacity, must always exalt the just
pride of patriotism, more than any appellation
derived from local discriminations. With
slight shades of difference, you have• the same
religion, manners, habits, and political princi
ples—you have, in a common cause, foughtand
triumphed together ; the independence and lib
erty you possess, are the work of. jointeouieels
and nin„tAVat,
andsuccesses.
But these tonsideration‘hoWevei pow"y
they address themselves to your sensibility" re
generally Outweigutxl by those which
more immedia ely to your interest.. ,liere*very
portion of onrcountry finds the wont comparid
ing motives for carefully guarding and Preserv
ing the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intilirbourse;
with the South, protected, by the equal lkakeof a
common government, finds in the productions
of the latter, great additional resources of mar
itime and commercial enterprise, and precious
materials of manufacturing industry. Toe
South, in the seine intercourse, benefitting by
the agency of take_ North, sees its agriculture
grow and-- its - commerce eipaud. Turning
partly into its own channels toe seamen of the
North, it finds its particular navigation iuvigo
ted ; and while it contributes in different ways
to - nourish and increase the general mass of the
national navigation, it looks forward to the
proiection, of a maritime: strength, to which
itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like
intercourse with the West, already finds, and iu
the progressive, improvement of interior com
munications •by land and Water, will-more and
more find a valu.i,ble vent for the commodities
which each brings from abroad, or manufactures
at home. The West derives from the Fast sup
plies requisite to its growth and comfort—acid'
what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it
must of necessity. owe the iectere enjoyment of
indiepensanle eaded for its 'own productions,
to the weight, influence; and the maritime
strength of thi}44,lantic side of the Union, di
rected by an iplingoluble community of inter
est as one- nefri:at. „ ny ; other tenure by which
the Was! can hold.; *JAS . essential advantage,
whether deriver' front iti own separate strength,
or from an apostate add' unnatural connexion
with any foreign power, 'must be intrinsically
precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus
feels an immediate and particular interest 'in
union, all the parts combined cannot fAil to find
in the united mass of means and efforts, great
er strength, greater resources, proportionably
greater security from external danger, a less
frequent interruption of their peace by foreign
nipper's and, what is of inestimable value
..4-4allitr-chnivii Frani Aixistapakitr:
from those broils and wars, between themselves,
which so frequently of neighboring coun
ties, not tied together by the same govern
ment, which their own rivalship alone would
be sufficient to produce, but which opposite
foteign alliances, attachments and intrigues,
would stimulate and embitter. Hence, like
wise, they will avoid the necessity of those
overgrown military establishments, which, un
der any form of gorernment, are inauspicious
,to liberty, and which are to be regarded as par
ticularly hostile to republican liberty. In this
sense it is, that your Union ought to be consid
ered as a main prop of your liberty, and that
the love of the one ought to endear to you the
preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive lan
guage lo every reflecting and virtuous mud,
and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a
primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt whether a common government can em
brace so large a sphere I" Let experience solve
it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case
were criminal. We are authorized to hope that
a proper organization of the whole, with the
auxiliary agency of governments for the re
spective sub-divisions, will afford a happy issue
to the experiment. It is well worth a full and
fair experiment. With such powerful and ob
vious motives to union, affecting all parts of
our country, while experience shall not have
demonstrated its impracticability, there will
always be reason to distrust the patriotism of
those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to
weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may dis
turb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious
concern, that any ground should have been tur
nished for characterizing parties by geographical
discriminations—northern and southern—Atlantic
and western ; whence designing men na+y en
deavor to cache a belief that there is a real dit
ference of local interests and views. One of the
expedients of party to acquire influence within
particular districts, is to misuepresent the opin
ions and aims of other districts. You cannot
shield yourselves too much against the jealous
ies and heart burniugs which spring from these
taisrepresentatious ; they tend to render alien
to each other those who ought to be bound
together by fraternal affection. The inhabit
ants of our western country, have lately had
a useful lesson on this heart ; _they have wen;
the negotiation by the FoteLutrie, and in
the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of
the treaty with Spain, and in the universal sat
isfaction at that event throughout the "United
States, a decisive proof of how unfounded
were the suspicions propagated among them,
of a policy in the general government and in
the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their inter
ests in regard to the Mississippi They have
been witnesses to the formation of two treaties,
that with Great Britain and that with Spain,
which secure to them everything they could
desire, in respect to our foreign relations, to
wards confirming their prosperity. Will it not
be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of
these advantages on the Union by which they
were procured? Will they not henceforth be
deaf to those advisers, if such they are, who
would sever them from their brethren and con
nect them with aliens?
To the efficiency and permanency of your
Union, a government of the whole is indirc
pensable. No alliances, however strict, be::
tween the parties, can be an adequate sustitute;
they must inevitably experience the infractions
and interruptions which all alliances, in all
times, have experienced. Sensible of this mo
mentous truth, you have improved upon your
first essay by the, adoption of a constitution
of government, better calculated than your
former, for an intimateunion, and for the effica
cious management of your common concerns.
This government, the offspring of our own
choice, uninfluenced and unwed, adopted upon
full- investigation and mature deliberati . or!,
completely free in its Rrinciples, theffistrt
bUtion'of its powitii, mating seturity with en-
ergy, and containing withih itself a provision
for its own amendment, has a just claim to
your confidence and your support. Respect for
its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui
escence in its measures, are duties enjoined
by the fundamental maxims of true liberty .
The basis of our political systems is the right
of the people to make and alter their constitu
tions of government. But the Cllonstitution
which at any time exists, until changed by an
explicit and authentic act of the whole people,
is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea
of the power and the right of the 'people to
establish government, presupposes the duty of
the individual to obey the established govern
ment.
All obstructions to the execution of laws,
all combinations and associatkinaquider what
ever plausible charactet, with the real design
to.diteet, control, counteraCt, or awe the regu
lar deliberation and action of the constituted
authorities, are destructive of this fundamental
principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve
to - organize faction, to give it an artificial and
extraordinary force, to put in the place of the
delegated will of the nation the will of party,
often a small but artful and enterprising mi
nority of the community ; and according to the
alternate triumphs of different parties, to make
the public administration the mirror of the ill
concerted 'and incongruous projects of faction,
rather than the organ of consistent and whole
some plane, digested by common counsels, and
modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associotions of the
above description may now and then answer
popular ends, they are likely, in the course of
time and things, to become potent engines, by
which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled
men, will be enabled to subvert the power of
the people, and to usurp tor themselves the
reins of government; destroying afterwards the
very engines which had lilted him to unjust
dominion.
Towards the preservation of' your goiarn
ment and the supremacy of vier present happy
state, it as requisite not only that, you steadily
discountenance irregular opposition to its ac
knowledged authority, but also that you resist
with care the spirit of innovation'upon its prin.
plea, however specious the preteits. One me
thod of assault may be to effect, in the forms
of the constitution, alterations which will im
pair the energy of the system, and thus to un
termine what cannot:be directly 'overthrown.—
In all the changes to whichlsou may be invited,
remember that time and habit are at Meat as
necessary to fix the true character of govern
ments, as of other human institutions; that ex
perience is the surest standard by which to test
the real tendency of the existing constitution of
a country; that facility in changes, upon the
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes
to perpetual change from the endless variety of
hypothesis and opinion ; and remember especi
ally, that for the efficient management of your
common interests, in a country. so extensive as
ours, a government of so much vigor As is con
sistent with the perfect security of liberty, is
indumensible. Liberty itself will find in such a
government, with powers properly distributed,'
adjalittirj - ito auras* `ls euxedisaue-it-ia kadatid,
little else than a name, where the government
is too feeble to 'withstand 'the enterprises of
faction, to confine each member of the society
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and
to maintain all in the secure and tranquil en
joyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger
of parties in the State, with particular reference
to the founding of them son geographical dis
crimination. . Let me now take a more com
prehensive view, and warn you in the most
solemn manner against the baueful effects of
the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from
our nature, having its root in the strongest pas
sions of the human mind. It exists, under dif
ferent shapes in all governments, more or less
stifled, controlled, or repressed ; brit in those of
the popular form it is seen in its greatest rank
ness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over
another,
sharpened by the spirit of revenge
natural to party dissensions, which, in different
ages and countries, has perpetrated the most
horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despo
tism. But this leads at length to a more for
mal and permanent despotism. The disorders
and miseries which result, gradually incline the
minds of men to seek security aad repose in
the absolute power of an individual ; and soon
er or later the chief or some prevailing :action,
more able or more fortunate than his competi
tors, turns this disposition to the purposes of
His elevation, or the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of
this kind, (which, nevertheless, ought not to
be entirely out of sight,) the common and con
tinual mischiefs of the spirit of party are suf
ficient to mike it the interest and duty of a
wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public coun
sels and enfeeble the public administration.
It agitates the community with ill-founded
jealousies and false alarms; kindles the ani
mosity of one part against the other ; foments
occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the
door to foreign influence and corruption, which
finds a facilitated access to the government
itself, through the channels of party passions.
Thus the policy and the will of one country are
subjected to the policy and will of another.
7'hore is an opinion that parties in free coun
tries are useful checks upon the administration
of the government, and serve to keep alive the
spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits,
is probably title; and in governments of a mo
narchial cast, patriotism may look with indul
gence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of
party. But in thcee of the popular character,
in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not
to be encouraged. From their natural ten
dency, it is certain there will always be enough
of that spirit for every salutory purpose. And,
there being constant danger of excrss, the effort
ought to be, by force of public opinion, to miti
gate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched,
it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its
bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming,
it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country should inspire caution
in those intrusted with its administration, to
confine themselves within their respective con
stitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of
the powers of one department to encroach upon
another. The spirit of encroachment tends to
consolidate the powers of all -the departments
in one, and thus to create, whatever the form
of government, a real despotism. A just esti
mate of that love of power and proneness to
abuse it which predominate in the human
heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of
this position. The necessity of reciprocal chtcks,
in the exercise of political power, by dividing
and distributing it into different depositories,
and constituting each the guardian of the pub
lic weal against invasion by the others, has
been evinced by experiments, ancient and
modern; 803110 of , them in our 0, T A coßtrAry and
under our own eyes . To preserve them must he
PRICE ONE CENT.
as necessary as to institute them. If, in the
opinion of the people, the distribution or m o di_
.fication of the constitutional powers •be in any
particular wrong, let it be corrected by an
amendment in toe way which the Constitution
designates. But let there be no change by
usurpation ; fur though this, in one instance,
may be the instrument of good, it is tue cult
mary weapon by which free governments are
destroyed. The precedent must always greatly
overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or
transient benefit which the use can at any time
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead
to political - prosperity, Religion and Morality
are indispensable supports. In vain would that
Man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should
labor to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness, these firmest props of toe duties of
Men and citizens. The mere politician, equally
with the pious man, ought to respect and to
chrish them. A volume ould nut trace all
their connexions with private and public Hef
ty. Let it simply be asked, where is the secu
rity for property, for reputation, for life, if the
settee of religious obligation desert the oaths,
which are the instruments of tuvesugatiun in
courts of justice? And let us, with caution,
indulge the supposition that morality can be
maintained without religion. Whatever may
be conceded to the influence of relined educa
tion on minds of peculiar structure, reason and
xperienca both forbid us to expect that na
tional morality can prevail in exclusion of reli
gious principles.
It is substantially true, that virtue or moral
ity is a necessary spring of popular government.
rho rule indeed extends, with more or less tot ce,
to every species of free government. Who,
that is a sincere friend to it, can look with in- •
difference upon attempts to shake the founda
tion of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary im
portance, institutions for the general diffusion
of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of
a government gives tome to public opinion, it
is essential that public opinion should be en
lightened.
As a very important source of strength and
security, cherish public credit. Oue method of
preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as paid
*ble, avoiding occasions of expense by cultiva
ting peace, but remembering also, that timely
disbur-ements, to prepare for danger, frequent
ly prevent much greater disbursements to repel
it ; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of
debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex
pense but by vigorous exertions, in time of
peace, to discharge the debts which unavoida
ble wars may have occasiuned, not ungenerous
ly throwing upon posterity the burden which
we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of
these maxims belongs to our repteseutatives,
but it is necessary that pwilic opinion should
co-operate. To facilitate to them the perfor
mance of their duty, it is essential that you
should practically bear in mind, that towards
the payment of debts there must be revenue ;
that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that
no taxes can he, devised, which are nut more or
less,iitioonvenient and unpleasant ; that the in
ui+liate ',mob/xi - regiment inseparable from the
selection of the proper object, (Which is always,
a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive
motive for a candid construction of the conduct
of the government in making it, and fur a
spirit of acquiescence in the measure for ob
taining revenue, which the public exigencies
may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all
nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with all.
Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and
can it be that good policy does not equally en
join it? it will be worthy of a free, enlighten
ed, and, in no distant period, a great nation, to
give to mankind the magnanimous and WO
novel example of a people always guided by an
exalted justice and benevolence. Who can
doubt but, in the course of time and things, the
fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantage which might be lust by a
steady aduerence to it ; can it be that Provi
dence has not connected the permanent felicity
of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment,
at least, is recommended by every sentiment
which ennobles human nature. Alas 1 it is
rendered impossible by its vices.
Iu the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more essential than that permanent, inveterate
antipathies againat particular nations, and pas
sionate attachments for others, should be ex
cluded ; and that in place of them, just, amica
ble feelings towards all should be cultivated.—
The nation which indulges towards another an
habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in.
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani
mosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty or its
iutereet. Antipathy iu one nation against
another, disposes each more readily to offer
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes
of umbrage, anu to be haughty and intractable
when accidental or trifling omit:4one of dispute
occur. Bence, frequent collisions, obstivate,
envenomed by and resentment, some
times impel to war toe government. contrary
to the best calculations of policy. The-govern
ment sometimes participates in the national
propensity, and adopts, through passion, what
reason would reject; at other times, it makes
the animosity of the nation eubservient to pro
jects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition,
and other sinister and pernicious motives. Tue
peace often, sometimes . perhaps the liberty, of
nations, has been the victim.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one
nation for another, produces a variety of evils.
Sympathy for the ta.votite nation, faciliatiug
the illusion of an imaginary common interest,
in cas s where no real common intere-t exists,
and infusing into one the enemies of the otner,
betrays the tormer into a participation in the
quarrels and wars of the latter, without ade
quate inducements or justification. It leads
also to cone , salons to the favorite nation, of
privileges denied by others, which is apt doubly
to injure the nation makine the concessions by
unnece:sarily parting with what ought to have
been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will,
and a disposition to tetaliate in the parties from
whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it
gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citi
zens, (who devote themselves to the favorite
nation,) facility to betray, or sacrifices the inte
rests of their own country, without odium,
sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with
the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation,
a commendable deference for public opinion, or
a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fool
ish compliances of ambition, corruption or in
fatuation.
As avenues to foreign influences in innumera
ble ways, such attachments are particularly
alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen
dent patriot. How many opportunities do they
afford to tamper with domestic factions, to prac
tice the arts of seduction, to mislead public
opinion, to influence or awe the public councils?
Such an attachment of a small or weak towards
a great and powerful nation, dooms the former
to be. the satelite of the latter.
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