Pennsylvania daily telegraph. (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1857-1862, February 22, 1862, Image 1

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From our Morning Edition.
Frol WastthigtoA.
The Reported Proposah of the Rebels
to Surrender Nashville.
Reconnoissance up the Occoqllan Creek.
Postponement Of the Proposed
It is believed that notification baa been re
cPired here other than that brought by the
Norfolk steamboat, relative to the reported
proposal of the rebels to surrender Nashville.
'I he steamer Stepping Stone arrived at the
Navy Yard this morning from the ripper flotilla..
Yesterday morning this stramtir, with a
launch and boats crew from the Yankee, went
on a reconnoissance up the Occaquan creek
some four miles.
Lieut. Eastman sent out acting-master Law
rence with the launch, who visited the north
and south shores of the creek, penetrating a
short distance into the interior, but without
toiling any signs of the rebels.
Just as the launch was leaving the south side
of the creek, a brisk fire was opened on them
I y the 'rebels from five or six field pieces, posted
in a dumb of wood. Some forty shells were
thrown by the enemy, all of which flew uncom
fortably near the Stepping-Stones," but doing
no damage save slightly tearing the flag. The
fire wee returned from the Stepping• Stones, and
a howitzer in the launch plunged a shower of
riled shot into the cover of- the rebels, which
undoubtedly damaged them, as the fire of the
enemy soon slackened.
The following was addressed to the Senate
sod House of Representatives, but Congress
adjourned before it was transmitted to them:
the President of the United ;States was last
evening plunged into affliction by the death of
a Move! child. The heads of the depart
ments, in consideration of this distressing
event, thought it would be.agreeable to Cou
pes and to the American people that : the
official and private buildings occupied - by thaw;
should not be illuminated on the evening of
the 221 lost.
[Signed] WM. H. SEWARD,
The Cabinet held their meeting . at the State
Department. the public buildings will not
therefore be illuminated, the arrangements for
that purpose being suspended.
The following prisoners of state will be re
leased on the 22d inst., by order of the War De
partment, on their parole of honor to render no
aid or comfort to the enemies in hostility' to
the government of the Unicrd States, in accord:
ance with executive order No. 1 of the War
Department, dated Feb. 4, 1862, in reference
to political prisoners.
ForsLalayele—W . S. Caste, Guy S. Hopkins,
David N. Waddle, Geo. W. Jones, N. S. Roo
m!, J. if. Ogden, Theo. Cleary, Robt. Buokly,
C. H. Marriott, 'thus. Quigley, John Haigens,
J. 0. Burnett. M. Smith, Hobt. M. Salute, Ed
ward C. Catterell, E. H. iirCubbin, J. L. Cole
man, J. K Rumen, P. O'Brien ' A. Thompson,
Ruben Maury, E. 11. Sonee ' Geo. Julius, J.
Gtruett Guthrie, Christopher Lederidge. J. M.
Perkins, Toes. Matthews, Daniel C. Hall, R.
Lewis, Isiah Butler, Path Brady, rho. Brook
bank, It. C. Holland, J. P. Juayne, William
Grasse, J. H. Weaver, H. Stung, J. Junth,Wm.
furtlra,ien.—J. R. Barbour, B. Barton, R.
S. Feislie, R. S. Freeman, J. A. Douglas, P. F.
G Shickleford, F. D. Flanders, Jas.
Brost, Edward Burned O'Neil, Wm. St.
l:harlee Keene, Wm. H. Gatchal; J.
Ha mm:L . llloolas T .F. Raisin, J. R. Flanders,
W. W. Itar, A. ' De Costo, Wm, H. Winder,
ati.,o9, S. F. Newton, E. Sibiu, Parker
J Li. Froeb, G. C. Wyatt, Geo. Van Atneringe,
English, Wna, G. Harrison, Robt. M. Denni
eon, We. T. ?inane, H. M. Wartield.
Yonx, Feb. 21.
N athaniel Gordon, the Nsw
convicted slaver, was
e xecuted at noon to-day, ha the Toombs. He
merle no speech. The unfortunate man at
terapted to c de last night by
kking cigars
Ittychnlne, which ommit suici
were saturated with
litaThe Pod this evening says reinforcements
ve been sent to General B
filetsase his force to 40,000. urnside, which will
Arrival of Fort Donelson Prisoners
Cumloci, Feb. 21.
I:wenty•two hundred Fort Donebon prisoners
4Trived this morning, and more are expected
to morrow.
F b 21
Cratvawni, e • 2 1.;
I", Th e atearaer North Star was burned at tin
rhti last night..
Insured seventy-fiye
Jusalld dollars. one-third - of—rta.
- „
•\\ I /
. ~. • .
. r ,..
The Ster-Spengled Banner.
Oh! say can yon see by the dawn's early light
What so proudly we hail'd at the twilight's
last. gleaming 1
Whose broad stripes and bright stars thro' the
perilous fight, , • . .
O'er the ramparts we watched were so gal
lantly streaming ;
And the rocket's red glare; the bombs bursting
in air.
Gave proof through the night that our flag
was still there I •
Oh I say does the star-spangled banneiyet wave
O'er the land of the free and the borne of
the brave P.
On the shore dimly seen thro' the mists of the
Where the foe's haughty host in dread
silence reposes,
What is that which the breeze, o'er the tower
ing steep
As it fitfully blows, half conceals, half ills
' closet :
Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first
In full glory 'reflected now shines on the
stream ;
'Mt the star-spangled banner i oh long may it,
O'er the land of the free, and the home of
the brave I -
And where is that band who so . vauntingly
Mid the havoc of war and the battle's con
A borne and a country should greet ds no more ?
Their blood shall wash out their foul foot
steps,. pollution ;
No refuge can save the hirling and slave,
From the terror of flight, or the gloom of the
And the star-spangled banner! in triumph shall
O'er the land of the free, and the home of
the brave !
Ohl thus be it ever, when. freemen shall stand
Between 'their toed homes, • and' the' war's
• , desolation.
Blest with 'victory and peace, may the heav'n
Praise the power that - bath inade and pre
served US 11, ; • • •
Then conquer we mast, .- for our cause it is just,
Let this be our mottoL-In God be our trust.
And the; etas angledlitteuer Ira filikriph'shall
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the
brave r •
My Country, 'tio of Thee.
My country, 'tie of thee, •
Sweet lead of liberty,
Of thee I sing ;
Land where our father's died,
Land of the pilgrim's pride, y .
From ev'xy mountaire Bide t s
Let freedom ring.
My native country, thee—
Land of the noble, free—
Thy name I love ;
I love thy rocks and rills,
Thy woods and templed hills ;
My heart with rapture thrills
Like that - above.
Let music swell the breeze,
And ring from all the trees
Sweet freedom's song;
Let mortal tongues awake -
Let all that breathe partake ;
Let rocks their silence break,
The sound prolong.
Our father's God, to thee,
Author of liberty,
To thee we slug
Long may our land be bright
With freedom's holy light;
Protect us by thy might,
Great God, our king..
My Own Native tand.
I've roamed o'er the mountain,
I've crossed o'er the tiled, • •
I've traversed the wave•rolling sand;
Tho' the fields were as green,
And the moon shone as bright,
Yet it was not•my own native land.
No; no, no, no, no, no.
The right hand, offriendship
How oft , have Igraaped;
And bright eyes have smiled and looked
bland, .
Vet happier far,
Were the hours that .I passed
In the *eat, own, native land.
Yes> yes, YeerYee, yes, yes.
Then hail, dear Columbia,
The land. that,we love,
Wherellieriehee Liberty's free ;
'Tim the birthplace of freedom,.
Our own native home,
'Tie the land, 'tis the land of the free
Ye*, yes, yey yes, Yee, Yes.
Tan RIBIL DIMINO= at Fort Doneloon were
most formidable. - They were well fortified on
two immense bills, with their fort near the
river on a lower piece of ground. From the
foot of their .entrencbmeats rifle pits and
abattes extended up the river, behind the town
of Dover. Their fortifications on the land
side, hack from the river, were at least four
miles in length.
Markets by Telegraph.
Raw Tom; Feb. 2L
Cotton unsettled— sales 8,000 bales at 22® I
28. Fleur heavy ; Bales of 10,000 barre4_ L 4 al
decline bf filit.; etute 60 8 0%5 16, Olrlo S,B®S"
10, southern 8 80: Wheat heavy.; sales-icif
6,090 bus. at $a 48 for red Delaware. Corn
heavy ; •tiales•of . 80000 , bus.. at 6 %65. Beef
firm; - Pork buoyant - : at. 18 $ 60@ for u‘i,
and! 9 c•CO , 10•25: lAA fiat at 71% --,
A i • ,:•'fitm'iit 25,1(426j;.„
" 1 I A - 40,:n :: . • .
TO THE PEOPLE OP run Immo trivia.
Frieda and Fellow Citizen. : •
Ehe period for a new election of a citizen to
administer the .executive , govemment of the
United States being not• far distant, end the
time actually arrived when your thoughts must
be employed in de.ignetting4htiJpentool-who to
to be clothed with that important trust, it ap
pears .to me proper, especially ast it may con
duce Ma more, distinct expression of the public
that I should now apprise you Of the re
lielution I hive formed;-to decline being,consid
ered among the number of those out of whom
a choice la to be made. • - -
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the
justice to be assured, that this resolution has
not been taken without 4a strict r r ,to
the consideliattenti uppetikining to vsigtion .
which binds the dutiful citizen fib
and that t .in withdrawing the tender of service
which silence in my situation might imply,
am influenced by no diminution of zeal' for
your future interest ; no , deficiency of grateful
respect for your past kindnea§; bittern at:ippon
ed by a full conviction that the step is compat
ible with both.
The acceptance of,lind oontinuance hitherto
in, the office to which your suffrages have twice
called me, have been a unifoim sacrifice of in
clination to the opinion of duty, and to a defer
ence to what appeared to be your deslre, .1
constantly hoped that it would have beeninuch
earlier in my power, consistently will:Li:Waives
which 1 was not at liberty to dismaid, t 6 re
turn to that retirement from which I had been
reluctantly drawn. The strength of my incli
nation to do this, previons' to• the lest elec
tion, had even led to the preparation . of an ad
dress to declare it to, yon; but Mature re
flection on the then perplexed and critical
posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and
the unanimous advice of parsons entitled .to
my cOnfidence, impaled me to aliMaica the
I rejoice that the state ot your conceit:my ex
ternal as .well • as -intonat e no %tiger. 'Tenders
the pursuit of inckinatien incompatible with
the sentiment of duty Prioo7• O.
persnededrwhateve r=
for my services, that, -in the present circum
stances o,f our country, ; you will not disapprove
my detetinination to retire.,,
The impressions with: which I Sat undertook
the arduous trust, were explabiett, on the ; pro
per occasion. In to discht4e, of this t, I
will only say-that I have, who. gocxiin y ns,
contributed towards the orgarua 4
tien an ad
ministration of the government, the toseexer
tions .of which a very fallible judgment was
capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the
inferiority of my qualification, gaperience, in
my own eyes, perhaps still moral' the
yOyes of
others, has strengthened the motives to diffi
dence of myself; and every day the ' increasing
weight of years admonishes me more and
more that the aboditof retirement . is as MMOS
eery ,to me, as it will be weleOitiM t -' Satlitied
that., if any circumstances have given peculiar
"thiti It Eur eCO=Ci ih l 1 elair in n P n"'
j ' .
I have e .te t* ... i
choice and prudence invite me to quit 'the po
litical scene, patriotbific siciesiat, torpidit., .
r In looldng . forward - to the moment wh c is
'intended to terminate the career of my political
life, my feelings do not permit me to owspend-the
deep acknowledgment of thatidebt cif gratitude
which I owe to my beloved country, for the
many honors it hakyconferred....upon me ; still
more, for the steadfast confidence withAvitioli
it has anipported mie i -mut for. the oppoitiinities
I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my in
violable attachment, by. services faithful and
persevering, though birtusefulness unequal to
my zeal. If benefits hive relined to our coun
try from these services, let it always belre.
membered to your praise, and as an instructive
example in our annals, that under :circum
stances in which the passions, agitated in every
direction, were liable to mislead amidst ap
pearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of
fortune often discouraging—in .situations in
which, not imfrequently, want of AUCCe6B has
countenanced the spirit of ariticism,-the -con
stancy pf your support was the. essentiallnoii
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the planWby
which they were, effected.. Profoundly. pane
trated with this idea, I shall carrritwith Me
to my grave, as a strong incitement. to unceas
ing vows, that. Heaven may continue .ton you
the choicest - tokens of its beneficence—that
your union and brotherly affection: may. be
perpetual—that the free constitution -which is
the work of your hands, may be sacredly main-4
tamed—that its administration in every' de-'
pertinent may be stamped with wisdom 'and
virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the pee
ple of these States, under theanspices of.liberty,
may be made complete by so careful a preserva
tion, and so prudent a , use of this blessing, as
will acquire to them. the glory of recommend
ing it to the applause, the affection,-and the
to it.
adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a soli
citude for your welfare, which cannot, end but
with my life, and the apprehension of dartger,
natural to that solidtude, urge meT, oc
casion like. the present, to offer to your solemn ,
contemplation, and to recommend to =your 'fre
quent review, some sentiments whicir:areAtte
result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable
observation, and which appear to me all . ini
portturt to the permanency of your felicity as a
people. These will be offered to you with the
more freedom, as you can only see in them the
disinterested warninga of a parting- friendiwiro
can potisibly have no personal motives to bias
his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encour
agement to , it, your indulgent reception of my
sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occa
Interwoven as is the love of libertrwith ef
ery ligament of your hearts, no reoommemie
tion of mine is necessary to fortify or. • confirm
the attachment.
The unity of the government which consti
tutes you one people, is also now dear to you.
Itisi justly so ; font isthe main pillar in theed
ifice of your real independence ; the support of
your tranquility at home ; your peace abroad;
of your safety.; of your prosperity ; of that very
liberty which you fro highly prise. But as it is
easy to forsee. that, from different causes and
from different quarters, much pains will be
taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in
your minds: the conviction of this • truth ; as
this' is ; the point in your political fortress
againstovisich the batteries of internal and ex
teamsa wmies win be most constantly and ae
tively,3 (though oftercovertly and insidiously,)
directed, it is of infinite moment that you
trotli,properlyeatimatnthe immense value of
4 0 tii Ilacktia union toyour collective ektid indi
viduatlepiness ;. that :you •should cherish a
iotdiale,:habituaLand immovable attschlent
to it ; Aticoatomin . g , yourselves to think and
IsPei+ tat 1 4.11•1044hepilladium ofyonr *afloat
safermgdorgagiarty4:wataldng for its Irresor-I ,
, tsM 4 oi 4 Meg"lll aPimietr : ;` " 013 c 4 4 11 0aldnt,
t Er.P ,
7Ael Ittefir
whatever-may suggest even a suspicion that it
can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indig
hantly frowning upon the, first dawning, of
every attempt to alienate any portion ot our
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred
ties linktogether the various ritrts.
' For this you have every inducement of aym
pithy anti interest. Citizens by . birth, or
o.lllotce, of a common country, that country _has
a ;right to concentrate your affections The
name of American, which belongs to yciu in your'
national capacity, must always 'exalt the just
pride, of patriotism, more than any appellation
derived from local With
Slight shades of difference, you - have the Same
religion,,manners, habits and political princi
ples—you have, in a common cause, foughtand
triumphed together;, the fltleßentlence apt‘litt,
arty Jtog..ijoEfies4sAiriftlie'Noli*Ar joint com
and jpiitkieffarts4f ttimpiott dal:igen*, Buff* . itt4l*
txmlikit4 l l_, , r
,titese;ponsmerations, however powerfully
they address themselves to your sensibility, are
generally outweigned by those which apply
Wore immeditiielytp yout interest. Here every
poition of Unteountrifings the most,command
tug motives tor carefully guarding and preserv
ing the .union of the whole. •
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse
with the South, protected by the.-equal laws of a
Common government, finds in Lib pfddiietious
9f the latter, great additional resources of mar
itime and commercial enterprise, and precious
materials of manufacturing industry. The
Southin the . same intercourse, benefitting by
the agency of tue North, sees its agriculture
grow and its commerce expand. Turning
partly into its own channels tne seamen of the
North, it finds its particular navigation invigo
ted ; and:while it contributes in different ways
tiinoprish and increase the general mass of the
national navigation, it looks forward to the
protection of a maritime strength, to which
itself is unequally adapted. The East in alike
intercourse with the West, already finds, and'in
the progressive improvement of interior corn
daunications by land and water; will more and
more find a valuable vent for the commodities
Which each brings from abroad, or manufactures
at,hoine. The West derives from the East sup
:requisite to its growth and comfort- 7 0.nd
vilat is perhaps of still greater consequence, it
must of necessity owe the km:re enjoyment of
indispensamle outlets for its own productions,
to the. weight, influence, and the maritime
strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, di
rected. by an indissoluble community of inter
est as one nation. Any other tenure by which
the West can hold this essential advantage,
whether derived from its own separate strength,
or from an apostate and unnatural connection "
with any foreign povver, 'must be intrinsically
precarious. •
While, then, every part of our country thus
feels an immediate and particular interest in
*amen, all the parts combined cannot fill to find
in the united mass of means and. efforts, great:
or strength; greater resources, proportionably
Vatter security from external danger, a less
tirquent interruption of their peace by 'for ice
nazionsi; and; vddiaas Al -Pt" va g ue; - nom union, au ex.emptson
lituilithrie between
tliektebirellit ,themselves,
'`Which, so frequently afflict neighboring coun
ties, not= tied . together by the' owe gevern
nient, which their own rivalehip alone would
b sufficient to produce,. but which opposite
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues,
would stimulate .and embitter. Hence like
lhey avoid the necessity of " those
iiVergrown military establishments, which, un
pin any form of go7ernment, are inauspicious
•to liberty,and winch strew be regarded as par
ticularly hostile to republican liberty. In this
Sense it is, that.your Union ought to be consid
ered as a main prop of your liberty, and that
the love of the one ought to endear to you the
preservation of theiither.
These considerations speak a persuasive lan
guage io every reflecting and virtuous mind,.
and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a
primitrY Object of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt Whether a common government can em
brace so large a sphere E Let experience solve
it,. To listen to mere speculation in such a case
were.nriminal. We are authorised to hope that
a proper: organisation of the whole, with the
auxiliary agency of governments for the re
spective sub-divisions, will afford a happy issue
to the experiment. It is well worth a full and
fair experiment. With such powerful and ob
vioaii motives to union, affecting all parts of
our country, -while experience shall not have
demonstrated its impracticability, there will
always be reason to distrust the patriotism of
thole who, in. any quarter, may endeavor to
weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may dis
turb our Union, -it occurs as matter of serious
concern, thatrany gropd should have been tur
nialidtildi.aaracteristing: parties by geograpkticel
discrimhiations—northern and southern—Atlantic
and western; whence designing, men may en
deavor to txbite a belief that there is a real dit
•ference of local interests.and views. One of the
expedients of party to acquire influence within
particular districts, is tnmithapresent the opin
iourrioacf aims of other districts.' You cannot
shield yourselves tor:Launch against the jealous
ies.and heart burniugs which spring from these
ruisrepresentatious ;, they tend to render alien
to each other those who ought to be bound
together by fraternal affection. The inhabit
ants of our western country, have lately had
wuiseful lesson on this head ; they have seen,
in - the- negotiation by
,the Executive, and in
the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of
the treaty with Spain, and in the universal sat
isfiiction at that event throughout the United
States, a decisive proof of how unfounded
were the suspicions propagated among them,
`of a.policy in the general government and in
the Atlantic. States, unfriendly to their inter
este in regard to the Missimippi. They have
been witnesses to the formation of two treaties,
that with Great .Britain and that with Spain,
- secure to them .everything they could
desire, in respect to our foreign relations, to
wards,confirming their prosperity. Will it not
be tireir,wisdom to rely for the preservation of
these: advantages on the Union by which they
were procured f Will they not hendeforth be
deaf so, those advisers, if such they are, who
would sever them from their brethren and con
nect them with, aliens?
To the efficiency and permanency of your
Vnion, a_ government of the whole is indis
pensable. No alliances, however strict, 'be
tween the parties, can be an adequate sustitate;
they must inevitably experience the infractions
and interrnpda# B which alt alliances, in all
times, have experiencea. Sensible of this mo
mentous truth, you have' improved upon your
first essay by. the, adoption of a constitution
of -government,' , better calculated 'than . your .
former, for`an intimate union, and for the office,
clout management of your common. concerns.
This 'governmen t , the - ofttripe of our own
chiSiceouliolituSnOol,and uttawAadopted upon
investigation and" *Awe, 11i3litteratiots
completely keein itsPritl4.l* in 441*,
totiticif tif its wens, sedariti - witkr:i
. .
ergy, and • contaioin* withih , p rov ul om
for its own" amendment; has a just claim to
your confidence and your'sn , *". 4 ,,,,A. Beeped for
its authority, compliance With ittlaws, acqui
eseence in its mquauretk Are . duties enjoined
by thendamerital of •true libkirty
The b ads of dor politic sy4tenis is the riglit
of the people to make itbd Sitter' their Oonstitii
tioos of goverament.' But :the'-Constitution '
which at any time existe,.until changed by an ,
explicit and authentic act o f tpo„whple people,
is sacredly obligatory all. The very idea_
of the power and then sigh Orthg - loeople to
establish government, pre•supposesithe duty , of
the individual to obey, the established igovern
Alt obstructions 'to the execution of laws,
all combinations and associations under what
ever plausible character, with the real design
to direct, control, counterack or. awe the ;evi
ler deliberation and act i on constituted
antitorithey are- &aria ferielibriditha
principle, and of fatal ten ency. They Beira'
to organize faction, to give it an artificial and
extraordinary force, to put in the place -of the.
delegated will of the nation the will of party,
often a small but artfill and enterprising mi
nority of the community ; and according to the
alternate triumphs of different-parties, to make
the public adininistration the mirror of the
concerted and ineongntons projects of faction,
rather than the organ of consistent and whole
some plans, digested by common counsels, and
modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associotiorui of the
above description may now and then answer
popular ends, they are likely, in the course of
time and things, to become potent engines, by
which, cunning, ambitions, and unprincipled
men, will be enabled to subvert the power of
the people. and' to 'usurp tor themselves the
reins of government ; destroying afterwards the
very engines which had lifted him to unjust
Towards the preservation of your govern
ment and the' supremack of your present happy
state, it as requisite not only that you steadily
discountenance irregular opposition to its ao
knowledged. authority, but also that you resist
with care the spirit of innovation upon its prin.
pitch, however specious the pretexts. One me
thod of assault may be to effect, in the forms
of the constitution, alterations which will im
pair, the energy of the system, and thris to un
termine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited,
remember that time and habit are at least as
necessary to fur the true character of govern=
ments, as of other human institutions; that ei
perience is , ihe surest standard by which to test
the real tendency of the existing constitution of
a country; that facility in changes, upon the
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes
to perpetual change from the endless variety ot
hypothesis and . opinion; and remember especi-.
ally, that for the efficient management of your
eommoninterests, in a country so 'extensive as
ours, a government of so much; vigor as is con
sistent with the, perfect security .. of libertz u id
indispensible.. ;bw * • dial )
wit yo OM properly ,
piffijusted, ite stllnitguardian. It is, indeed,'
esirra.than a name, where.tim government
is too feeble to withs_,tand the enterprises of
faction to confure each member of the society
within the limits prescribed by the laws and
to maintain all in the swore and tranquil en
joyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you, the danger
of parties in the State, with particular reference
to the founding of them On geographical dis
crimination. Let me now take a more com
prehensive view, and warn you in the most
solemn manner against the baneful effects of
the spirit of party'generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from
our nature, having itsroot in the strongest pas
sions of the human mind. It exists under dif
ferent shapes in all governments, more or less
stifled, controlled, or 'repressed ; bntin those of
the popular form it is seen in its greatest rank
ness, and is truly their woratenemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over
another, sharpened 'liy the spirit of revenge
natural to party dissensions, which, in different
ages and countries, has perpetrated the most
horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despo
tism. But this leads at length,. to a more for-
Mal and 'perinarient de4otism. The disorders
and miseries which retrult,'gradually incline the
minds of men to seek security and repose in
the absolute power of an individual.; and soon
er or later the chief of some prevailing faction,
more able or more fentunate than his competi
tors, turns this diaper' sition to the purposes of
hie elevation, or the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of
this kind,,(which,, nevertheless, ought not to
be entirely out of sight,) the common and colt
fining mischiefs of the spirit of party are suf
ficient to make it the interest and duty'of a
wise people to discourage and restrain it.
at serves always to distract the public coun
sels and enfeeble the public administration.—
It agitates the community with ill-founded
jealousies and fella alarms; kindles the ani
mbeity of one part, against the other; foments
ectasional riot and insurre,ctioo. 'lt opens the
ddor to 'foreign influence and corruption, which
finds 'a facilitated access to the government
itself, through the channels of party passions.
Thus the policy and the will of one:countu are
subjected to the policy and will of another. •
There is an opinion thatparties in free coun
tries, are useful checks,upon the adadoistratien
of the gOverrunent,and serve to keep alive the
spirit of liberty. This ; , within certain limits,
is probably. true; and in governments of a mo
narchial cast, patriotism may look with itidul
genet+, if not with favor,' upon the spirit of
party. But in those of the popular character,
in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not
to be , encouraged. From their natural ten
dency, it is certain there will always be enough
of that spirit for every stdutory purpose. And,
there being constant danger of excess, the effort
ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitt
gale and assuage it. A fire be quenched,
it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its
bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming,
it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country should inspire caution
in those intrusted with its administration, to
confine themselves within their iespective con
stitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of
the Towers of one department to encroach upon
another. The spirit of , encroachment tends to
consolidate the powers of all;the departments
in one, and thus to create, whatever the form
of government, a real despotism. A just esti
mate, of that love, of power and proneness to
abuse it hich predominate in the human
heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of
this position. The necessity of reciprocal
in the exercise of political power', by dhriding
and l distributing it into different depasitories,
iwilconAtittiting (sett the guard,lan of the,
lie weal against' invasion bY the others, has
been 7evinced eipeihnikitii -T inbrenc nd
*idderig4lo.ele tiklizeoxi
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Ittam riffits.
Bering Procured SWIM Power Prowess, we arep
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merdln the ocondt7.
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ge Four lines or leis constitute one.halfequare. Melt
Ines or more than four constitutes eqnSre•
lieu Square, one day
one week%
a one month
three months
" nix M 014141..,
" one year. . ...
One,..9quare, one day..,..,
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six months,
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sir Business Dottie' inserted in the L^nal
saoh fore Na Cigsons, Or
berriges and Deaths, FNS CENTS T•vet.r:rsest
NO, 42
lii' Marrigekaad 'Deaths to be charged asyegoir
as, ineoeeter3l- es tol institute them. If to the
opinion of #lo , Peolde, the distribution or mod'.
ficatfon of the tnnetitutional powers in any
,parfactilar wrong, let it be corrected by an
amendment in the way which the Constitution
designates. But let there be no change by
.usurpation ; for though this, in one instance,,
may lxi the instrument of good, it is the cuiLt6-
vpiary.wespon by which free governments are
'destroyed__ _The precedent must always greatly
overbalance, in permanent evil, any persist or
transient benefit which the use can at any time
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead
to political prosperity, Religion and Morality
are indispensable supports. In lain would that
man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should
labor to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness, these firmest props of the duties of
linen and citizens. The mere politician, equally
firith the pious man, ought to respect and to
kih them. A volume could not trans all
heir tiOnnaiionsmith private and public felici
ty:: Let it simply be asked, where is the secu
rity for property, for reputation, for life, if the
iiense .of religions obligation rkkrt the oaths,
which are the instruments of investigation in
&mrts of justice f And let us, with caution,
indulge the supposition that morality can be
maintained without religion. Whatever may
be conceded to the influence of refined educa
tion on minds of peculiar structure, reason and
experience both forbid us to expect that na
donal morality can prevail in exclusion of reli
gious principles.
• It is substantially true, that virtue or moral-
y is a necessary spring of popular government.
The rule indeed extends, with more or less force,
bo every species of free government. Who,
that is a sincere Mend to it, can look with in
difference upon attempts to shake the founda
tion of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary im
portance, institutions for the general diffusion
of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of
a government gives force to public opinion, it
is essential that public opinion should be en
As a verrimportant source of strength and
security, cherish public credit. One method of
preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possi
ble, avoiding occasions of expense by cultiva
ting peace; but remembering also, that timely
disbuvements, to prepare for danger, frequent
prevent much greater disbursements to repel.
it ; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of
debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex
pense but by vigorous exertions, in time of
-peace, to discharge the debts which unavoida
ble wars may have occasioned, not ungenerous
ly throwing upon posterity the burden which
we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of
these maxims belongs to our representative),
but it is necessary that public opinion should
co-operate, To . facilitate to them the perfor
mance of their duty, it is essential that you
steSuld practically bear in mhe 4
t titer •^-- '-
the rsyment
re must be taxes ; that
a rtBzesc7roi. be devised, which are not more or
less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the in
, trinste embarrassment inseparable from the
seleotion'of the proper object, (which is always
a"ohoicamf difficulties.) ought to be a declaims
motive for a candid construction of the conduct
of the government in making it, and for a
spirit of acquiescence in the measure for ob
taining revenue, which the public exigencies
may at any time dictate. -
Observe good faith and justice towards all
nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all.
Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and
can it be that good policy does dot equally en
join it? It will be worthy of a free, enlighten
ed, and, in no distant period, a great nation, to
give to mankind the magnanimous and too
novel example of a people always guided by an
exalted justice and benevolence. Who can
doubt but, in the course of time and things, the
fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantage which might be lost by a
steady adherence to it ; can it be that Provi
dence has not connected the permanent felicity
of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment,
at least, is recommended by every sentiment
which ennobles human nature. Alas I it is
rendered impossible by its vices.
In the execution of such a plan, nothing Is
more essential than that permanent, inveterate
antipathies against particular nations, and pas
sionate attachments for others, should be-ex
cluded ; and that in place of them, just, amica
ble feelings towards all should be cultivated.—
The nation which indulged towards another an
habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani
mosity onto its affection, either of which is
sufficientitolead it astray from its duty or its
interest." Antipathy iu one nation against
another, disposes each more readily to offer
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes
of umbrage, anti to be haughty and intractable
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute
occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate,
envenomed by ill-well and resentment, some
times impel to war the government, contrary
to the best calculations of policy. The govern
ment sometimes participates in the national
propensity, and adopts; through passion, what
reason would reject ; at other times, it makes
the animoaity.of the nation subservient to pro
jects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition,
and other sinister and pernicious motives. The
peace often., sometimes perhaps the liberty, of
nations, has been the victim.
" So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one
nation for another, produces a variety of evils.
Sympathy for the favorite nation, faciliating
the illusion of an imaginary common interest,
in cases where no real common interest exists,
and infusing into one the enemies of the otber,
betrays the tormer into a .
_participation in the
quarrels and wars of the latter, without ade
quate inducements or justification. It leads
also to concessions to the favorite nation, of
privileges denied by others, which is apt doubly
to injure the nation making the concessions by
unnecessarily parting with what ought to have
been retained; and 'by exciting jealousy, ill will,
and a-disposition to retaliate in the parties from
whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it
gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citi
zens, (who 'devote themselves to the favorite
nation,) facility to betray, or sacrifices the lute-
Meg of their own country, without odium,
sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with
the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation,
a commendable deference for public opinion, or
a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fool
ish compliances of ambition, corruption or in
. .
A 4 avenues to foreign influences in innumera
ble ,vTrays such 'attachments are particularly
alanumg,, ' to the truly enlightened and iudepen-
Gent patriot. How many opportunities do they
affard,toltamper with domestic factions, to prae
tir.e the arta of seduction, to mislead Public
opinion, to influence orawe_the public councils
:au, ,• , attachment of a small or weak towards
a - • "dorpOwerful nation, dooms the former
tir theitatelite . of the latter.
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