Dail)) eitgrapii,
=I
Forever float that standard sheet I
Where breathes the foe but falls before us!
Witty Freedom's soil beneath our feet,
And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us!
OUR PLATPOIR.DI
I'HE IINION—Tio: CONSITIIITION—AND
Tab ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAW.
HARRISBURG,• PA
Tuesday Afternoon, October 29,1861.
THE LAST SPEECH OF SENATOR BAKER.
The country has not yet recovered from its
shock at the loss of the gallant and gifted Ba
ker, nor have his friends ceased to feel that deep,
unutterable woe which the news of his death
created. He was among the most brilliant and
unanswerable of those who defended the Consti
tution on the floor of the Senate, while his
dauntless spirit and daring bravery would have
made him, had he lived to fight many battles,
the Ajax of the army. But it was not reserved
for him that he should survive to see the last
of this great struggle, yet the glorious going
out of his soul, while fiercely fighting for his
country, was an end which every brave man
desires, and which has added a living lustre to
the memories which must hereafter cluster
Around the name of Edward D. Baker I
In another column of this afternoon's Tam-
GRAPH, we publish the last speech made by
Senator Baker on the floor of the United States
Senate. It will be seen that the effort was in
reply to the sophistries and covert treason of
John a Breckinridge, whom Baker then suspect
ed of what Breckinridge has since proven him
self guilty. As a patriotic and statesmanlike
declaration of his views on the subject then
being discussed, this speech will be re-perused
by our readers with much gratification, and as
the last words of Senator Baker on the floor of
the Senate, it will be preserved as one of the
brilliant links which connect his name with
his country.
ANOTHER TRAI2OR TO LIBERTY !
The New York Tribune of to-day says that one
of its correspondents with the Great Naval Ex
pedition writes from Hampton Roads, on Fri
day. ~,onin laid. that he had inot :-.0-trmea)
upon good authority, that the Private Secre
tary of Commodore Dupont, the commander of
the fleet, had absconded, carrying with him the
maps and charts, and even the sealed orders of
the Commodore. We do not vouch for the
truth of this report, but only for the fact that
the writer is one worthy of credence. It would
certainly not be surprising, considering the
amount of treason which has attended the
movements of our forces hitherto, should an
other confidential servant of the government
prove to have been a traitor. We hope, how
effer, to hear that the report is erroneous.
&VMS. —Gen. Hill, who commands the Con
federate forces on a portion of the North Caro
lina coast, has made a requisition upon the peo
ple of Craven county, for two week's labor upon
the batteries, of one-fourth of their slave force.
Under the act of Congress, passed at the extra
session, all the slaves so employed, are released
from any claim of their masters upon them, or
in other words, made free. There may be prac
tical difficulties, requiring new legislation, in
identifying these slaves ; but the national faith
is pledged to liberate them, and we have no
doubt that the thing will be effectively done,
when Congress meets again. in December. Even
Mr. Holt, of Kentucky, has been compelled to
admit that the act of the extra session was
right, and is accepted by all patriotic citizens.
Now, let us have it carried out, without evasion,
or shrinking. If it was right to pass the act,
it is right to enforce it: Those who objected to
Gen. Fremont's proclamation, are almost all of
them pledged to support this act, and must be
held to redeem their pledges.
IN THE DEPRESSION produced by the blunder at
Edward's Ferry we are sustained and cheered by
the daily news from the West. General Kelly,
the hero of Kanawha, has signally routed the
rebels at Romney ; our forces in Kentucky are
rapidly advancing ; and a brilliant charge of
three hundred cavalry, under Major Zagoni, of
Fremont's staff, against an infantry column,
two thousand in number, has put" us in posses
sion of Springfield. These are all important
gains, and inspire us with hope. Those western
men know what they have to do, and set about
in earnest.
INFORMATION at the War Department states
that Mason and Slidell made their exit from
America via Mexico, and not by the route origi
nally indicated. Three or four days before the
false news that Mason and Slidell had sailed
from Charleston for Europe, in the Nashville,
reached here, a letter from one rebel i, i Richmond
to another was intercepted, containing this
passage :
"I have just bidden farewell to Slidell, who
is about starting for Europe with Mason. They
are going through Texas, and will sail from a
Mexican port."
Recent intelligence leads to the conclusion
that they went by this route.
FROM TRH 19th of April to Saturday last seven
ty vessels of war were fitted out at the Brooklyn
Navy Yard. Many of these were first-class
ships, and the entire number is larger than the
number of vessels in commission at any time
previous to the rebellion since the formation of
our navy.
Soca the battle of Ball's Bluff the rebels
have hurried up reinforcements and conoentra
d a large force at Leesburg.
SKELETON COMPANIES AND SEG
MENTS.
We submitted a statement in figures in Satur
day's edition of the Ticractaapri, showing the
number of troops Pennsylvania had furnished
to the federal government, under the requisi
tion of the President calling for five hundred thou
sand men, by which it appeared that the quota
allotted to this state, had been over supplied by
an excess of some twenty-six thousand men.
Since that publication an order has been re
ceived at the Executive office, requesting that
the troops now in camp in this state be forward
ed immediately to such camps as the War De
partment will indicate as the regiments are or
ganized and ready to move. It is sufficient for
us to note in our columns that the indications are
of a character which lead us to anticipate ac
tive and vigorous measures on the part of the
government in a very short time, wherever its
armies are encamped or wherever a rebel force
can be induced to show their front in open fair
fight. The troops that are now in camp in the
various states, have had ample time for disci
pline. In our own encampments, the state
government has afforded the officers of all the
companies and those who have been organiz
ing regiments, every opportunity either to con
solidate those companies, or time and means to
organize such regiments. That this has not
been done, is no fault of the Governor, nor can
any set of men complain if their Arrangements
having failed, the state government adopt such
measures as will speedily organize these regi
ments, and forward them at once to localities
where they are more needed and can be sooner
called into action, than where they now are,
distant from any of the points of operation by
more hours than it would require to fight a de
cisive battle.
There is material in camp in this vicinity out
of which to organize at least four regiments, and
forward them at once to the seat of war. Why
this material should remain in the state when
men are so seriously needed in other localities,
we are unable to explain, unless it is that indi
vidual officers are in the way of organization,
and that regimenta are thus kept back to serve
the ambition of a few aspirants. Such a state
of affairs is no credit to the commonwealth, and
when we remember the emergencies of the
crisis, no credit either to the patriotism of those
who thus hold back the consolidation of com
panies out of which the necessary regiments are
to be formed. The whole business is is the
hands of the Governor, and he owes it to him
self and the cause he has so zealously and
steadily supported, at once to push forward to
the order of the federal government, every
man who is now in camp in this state. If the
facilitation of the work should disappoint any
man, he is not a patriot if he make his disap
pointment cause for complaint against any ar
rangement by which his country is to be bene
fitted. • With this view of the subject, we hope
that the skeleton companies in camp will be
—., , ,the r brigade can
be forwarded this week. The order of the War
Department is pressing on this subject. Troops
are demanded, and to falter now would be to
fail hereafter when failure would prove our
complete destruction.
A POINT FOR THE GOVERNMENT.
Now that the great naval expedition has
sailed, we hope that government will loose no
time in encouraging the loyal citizens of the
south, and wherever it is possible, place arms
in their hands. The loyal material of North
Carolina, particularly, is ready for this sort of
action, and if accounts are true, the people in
certain localities of the Old North State have
thrown off all further disguise, and announce
their determination to do what they can for the
Union. All along the coast this feeling also pre
vails, and meetings are being held for the pur
pose of preparing to aid the Expedition, and
thus relieve themselves from the imposition of
the rebellion. These men must be encouraged,
and therefore as oar armies move south, and
as our naval expeditions strike along the coast,
we should be prepared to receive and arm every
loyal man who appears to join our ranks. If a
force can be raised from among the residents o f
the Old North State, the doom of rebellion will
soon be decided in that region, and with the
territory of North Carolina between the rebels
at Richmond and their cowardly abettors at
Charleston, Manassas may be made to tell
another story in the desertion of its defenders
and the demoralization of the rebel army. It is
the duty, then, of the government to encourage
the movements of theloyal men of North Caro
lina, by at once rushing to their aid wih the
assistance of arms and the encouragement of
•
numbers.
THE RICHMOND REBEL ORGANS are jubilant
over their victory at Ball's Bluff, and publish
long, exaggerated accounts of that affair.—
These accounts forcibly illustrate the spirit of
exaggeration which characterizes all the stories
got up by the rebels relative to every engage
ment in which the armies on both sides have
been in the field. By these reports we learn
that official dispatches from General Jos. E.
Johnston to General Cooper, at Richmond,
state that the rebels were opposed by twelve
regiments and five batteries of our troops,
whereas it is known that we had not much more
than 1,700 men in action. Further reports in
the Richmond papers allude to dispatches re
ceived by the War Department of the rebel
government to the effect that the loss of the
Union army was over 1,000 killed and wounded
together with 600 prisoners and 1,200 stand of
arms captured. This act, it will be observed,
would accomplish the total destruction of all
our forces in the action, almost to a man. We
are also informed from the same sources that
Colonel Evans was made a Brigader on the field
for having achieved a grand victory with 2,600
men, over a Union force of ten thousand. The
rebel accounts claim the capture by their forces
of six rifled cannon, but it happens, unfortunate
ly for the accuracy of this statement, that our
troops had only one Iron rifled gun in the field,
and that this, with two howitzers, which were
thrown into the Potomac by our men, constitu
t!d the entire artillery force in the action on
that day.
Tin Kerr DEPART/61NT has ordered the com
mander of the 11. S. steamer Keystone State
u nder arrest for coming north without orders.
pennopluanio flailg Celegrapb. eutobap 'Afternoon, October 29, 1861.
Hon. EDWARD D. BAKER,
Delivered in the United States Senate at the late
Extra Session of Congress.
Mr. BAKER. Mr. President, it has not been
my fortune to participate in at any length, in
deed, not to hear very much of, the discussion
which has been going on—more, I think, in the
hands of the Senator from Kentucky than any
body else—upon all the propositions connected
with this war; and, as I really feel as sincerely
as he can an earnest desire to preserve the Con
stitution of the United States for everybody,
South as well as North, I have listened for
some little time past to what he has said with
earnest desire to apprehend the point of his
objection to this particular bill. And now—
waiving what I think is the elegant but loose
declamation in which he chooses to indulge—
I would propose, with my habitual respect for
him, (for nobody is more courteous and more
gentlemanly,) to ask him if he will be kind
enough to tell me what single particular pro
vision there is in this bill which is in violation
of the Constitution of the United States, which
I have sworn to support—one distant, single
proposition in the bill.
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. I will state, in gen
eral terms, that every one of them is, in my
opinion, flagrantly so, unless it may be the last.
I will send the Senator the bill, and he may
comment on the sections.
Mr. BAKER. Pick out that one which is in
your judgment most clearly so.
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. They are all, in my
opinion, so equally atrocious that I dislike to
discriminate. I will send the Senator the bill,
and I tell him that every section, except the
last, in my opinion, violates the Constitution
of the United States ; and of that last section,
I express no opinion.
Mr. BAKER. I had hoped that that respect
ful suggestion to the Senator would enable him
to point out to me one, in his judgment, most
clearly so, for they are not all alike—they are
not equally atrocious.
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. Very nearly. There
are ten of them. The Senator can select which
he pleases.
Mr. BAKER. Let me try then, if I must gen
eralize as the Senator does, to see if I can get
the scope and meaning of this bill. It is a bill
providing that the President of the United
states may declare, by proclamation, in a cer
tain given state of fact, certain territory within
the United States to be in a condition of insur
rection and war; which proclamation shall be
extensively published within the district to
which it relates. That is the first proposition.
I ask him if that is unconstitutional ? That is
a plain question. Is it unconstitutional to give
power to the President to declare a portion of
the territory of the United States in a state of
insurrection or rebellion? He will not dare to
say it is.
Mr. BRECKINRIDGE. Mr. President, the
Senator from Oregon is a very adroit debator,
and he discovers, of course, the great advantage
he would have if I were to allow him, occupy.
ing the floor, to ask me a series of questions,
and then have his own criticisms made on them.
When he has closed his speech, if I deem it ne
cessary, I may make some reply. At present,
however, I will answer that question. The State
of Illinois, I believe, is a military district ; the
State of Kentucky is a military district. In my
judgment, the President has no authority, and,
in my judgment, Congress has no right to con
fer upon the President authority, to declare a
State in a condition of insurrection or rebellion.
Mr. BAKER. In the first place, the bill does
not saga word about States. That is the first
anew-
Mr. BRECKDIRIDGE. Does not the Senator
know, in fact, that those States compose mili
tary districts? It might as well have said
"States" as to describe what is a State.
Mr. BAKER. Ido ; and this is the reason
why I suggest to the hororable Senator that this
criticism about States does not mean anything
at all. That is the very point. The objection
certainly ought not to be that he can declare a
part of a State in insurrection and not the whole
of it. In point of fact, the Constitution of the
United States acting upon it, are not treating
of States, but of the territory comprising the
United States ; and I submit once more to his
better judgment that it cannot be unconstitu-
tional to allow thetPresident to declare a county
or a part of a county, or, a town or part of a
town, or part of a State, or the whole of a
State, or two States, or five States, in a condi
tion of insurrection, if in his judgment that be
the fact. That is not wrong.
In the next place, it provides that that being
so, the military commander in that district may
make and publish such police rules and regula
tions as he may deem necessary to suppress the
rebellion and restore order and preserve the
lives and property of citizens. I submit to
him, if the President of the United States has
power, or ought to have power, to suppress in
surrection and rebellion, is there any better way
to do it, or is there any other? The gentleman
says, do it by the civil power. Look at the
fact. The civil power is utterly overwhelmed ;
the courts are closed ; the judges banished. Is
he to do it in person, or by his military com
manders ? Are they to do it with regulation,
or without it? That is the only question.
Mr. President, the honorable Senator says
there is a state of war. The Senator from Ver
mont agrees with him ; or rather, he agrees
with the Senator from Vermont in that. What
then ? There is a state of public war ; none the
less war because it is urged from the other side;
not the less war because it is unjust ; not the
less war because it is a war of insurrection and
rebellion. It is still war; and lam willing to
say it is public war—public as contradistin
guished from private war ? What then ? Shall
we carry that war on ? Is it his duty as a Sena
tor to carry it on ? If so, how ? By armies,
under command ; by military organization and
authority, advancing to suppress insurrection
and rebellion. Is that wrong ? Is that uncon
stitutional? Are we not bound to do, with
whoever levies war against us, as we would do
if he was a foreigner? There is no distinction
as to the mode of carrying on war ; we car;y on
war against an advancing army just the same,
whether it be from Russia or from South Caro
lina. Will the honorable Senator tell me it is
ortr duty to stay here, within fifteen miles of
the enemy seeking to advance upon us every
hour, and talk about nice questions of constitu
tional construction as to whether it is war or
merely insurrection ? No, sir. It is our duty
to advance, if we can ; to suppress insurrection;
to put down rebellion ; to dissipate the rising ;
to scatter the enemy ; and when we have done
so, to preserve, in the terms of the bill, the lib
erty, lives, and ploperty of the people of the
country, by just and fair police regulations. I
ask the Senator from Indiana, [Mr. Lane,] when
we took Monterey, did we not do it there ?
When we took Mexico, did we not do it there ?
Is it not a part, a necessary, an indispensable
part of war itself, that there shall be military
regulations over the country conquered and
held ? Is that unconstitutional ?
I think it was a mere play of words that the
Senator indulged in when he attempted to ans
wer the Senator from New York. I did not
understand the Senator from New York to mean
anything else substantially but this, that the
Constitution deals generally with a state of
peace, and that when war is declared it leaves
the condition of public affairs to be determined
by the law of war, in the country where the
war exists. It is true that the Constitution of
the United States does adopt the laws of war as
a part of the instrument itself,. during the con
tinuance of war. The Constitution does not
provide that spies shall be hung. Is it uncon
stitutional to hang a spy? There is no provi
sion for it in terms in the Constitution ; but
nobody denies the right, the power, the justice.
Why ? Becalm it is part of the law of war,
LAST SPEECH
CIE
The Constitution does not provide for the ex
change of prisoners ; yet it may be done under
the law of war. Indeed the Constitution does
not provide that a prisoner may be taken at all;
yet his captivity is perfectly just and constitu
tional. It seems to me that the Senator does
not, will not, take-that view on the subject.
Again, sir, when a military commander ad
vances, as I trust, if there are no more unex
pected great reverses, he will advance, through
Virginia, and occupies the country, there, per
haps, as here, the civil law may be silent ; there
perhaps the civil officers may flee as ours have
been compelled to flee. What then ? If the
civil law is silent, who shall control and regu
late the conquered district—who but the mili
tary commander ? As the Senator from Illinois
has well said, shalrit be done by regulation or
without regulation ? Shall the genetal, or the
colonel, or the captain, be supreme, or shall he
be regulated and ordered by the President of the
United States ? That is the sole question. The
Senator has put it well.
I agree that we ought to do all we can to
limit, to restrain, to fetter the abuse of military
power. Bayonets are at best illogical ar
guments. I am not willing, except as a
cause of sheerest necessity, ever to per
mit a military commander to exercise author
ity over life, liberty, and property. But,
sir, it is part of the law of war ; you cannot
carry in the rear of your army your courts ; you
cannot organize juries ; you cannot have trials
according to the fauns and ceremonial of the
common law amid the clangor of firms, and
somebody must enforce police regulations in a
Conquered or occupied district. I ask the Sen
ator from Kentucky again respectfully, is that
unconstitutional ; or if in the nature of war it
must exist, even if there be no law passed by
us to allow it, is it unconstitutional to regulate
it? That is the question, to which I do not
think he will make a clear and distinct reply.
Now, sir, I have shown him two sections of
the bill, which I do not think he will repeat
earnestly are unconstitutional. Ido not think
that he will seriously deny that it is perfectly
constitutional to limit, to regulate, to control,
at the same time to confer and restrain authori
ty in the hands of military commanders. I
think it is wise and judicious to regulate it by
virtue of powers to be placed in the hands of
the President by law.
Now, a few words, and a few words only, as
to the Senator's predictions. The Senator from
Kentucky stands up here in a manly way in
opposition to what he sees is the overwhelming
sentiment of the Senate, and utters reproof,
malediction, and prediction combined. Well,
sir, it is not every prediction that is prophecy.
It is the easiest thing in the world to do ; there
is nothing easier, except to be mistaken when
we have predicted. I confess, Mr. President,
that I would not have predicted three weeks
ago the disasters which have overtaken our
arms ; and I do not think (if I were to predict
now) that six months hence the Senator will
indulge in the same tone of prediction which is
his favorite key now. I would ask him what
would you have us do now—aconfederate army
within twenty miles of us, advancing, or threat
ening to advance, to overwhelm your Govern
ment; to shake the pillars of the Union; to bring
it around your head, if you stay here in ruins ?
Are we to stop and talk about an uprising
sentiment in the North * against the war ?
Are we to predict evil, and retire from what we
Predict ? L.. 4 it not the manly part to go on as
we have begun, to raise money, and levy ar
mies, to organize them, to prepare to advance ;
when we do advance, to regulate that advance
by all the laws and regulations that civilization
and humanity will allow in time of battle ? Can
we do anything more? To talk to us about
stopping, is idle ;we will never stop. Will the
Senator yield to rebellion? Will he shrink
rroo...rouad iniaarrection ? Will his State justify
it? Will its better ptiblic — ophaion allow it?
Shall we send afl+g of truce ? What would we
have ? Or would he conduct this war so feebly,
that the whole world would smile at us in de
rision ? What would he have ? These speeches
of his, sown broadcast over the land, what clear
distinct meaning have they ? Are they not in
tended for disorganization in our very midst ?
Are they not intended to dull our weapons ?
Are they not intended to destroy our zeal ? Are
they not intended to animate our enemies? Sir,
are they not words of brilliant, polished treason, even
in the very Capitol of the Confederacy ? [Manifes
tations of applause in the galleries.]
The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. Anuorrz in
the chair.) Order!
Mr. BAKER. What would have been thought
if, in another Capitol, in another Republic, in a
yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not
more eloquent or dignified than the Senator
from Kentucky, yet with the Roman purple
flying over his shoulders, had risen in his place,
surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman
glory, and declared that advancing Hannibal
was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt
with in terms of peace ? What would have
been thought if, after the battle of Caine, a
Senator there had risen in his place and de
nounced every levy of the Roman people, every
expenditure of its treasury, and every appeal to
the old recollections and the old glories ? sir,
a Senator, himself learned far more than my
self in such lore, [Mr. FEssmann,] tells me, in
a voice that I am glad is audible, that he would
have been hurled from the Tarpeian rock. It
is a grand commedtary upon the American Con
stitution that we permit these words to be ut
tered. I ask the Senator to recollect, too,
what, save to send aid and comfort to the ene
my, do these predictions of his amount to ?
Every word thus uttered falls as a note of in
spiration upon every confederate ear. Every
sound thus uttered is a word (and falling from
his lips, a mighty word) of kindling and tri
umph to a fie that determines to advance. For
me, amid temporary defeat, disaster, disgrace,
it seems that my duty calls me to utter another
word, and that word is, bold, sudden, forward,
determined war, according to the laws of war,
by armies by military commanders clothed with
full power, advancing with all the past glories
of the Republic urging them on to conquest.
I do not stop to consider whether it is subju
gation or not. It is compulsory obedience, not
to my will ; not to yours, sir; not to the will
of any one man ; not to the will of any one
State; but compulsory obedience - to the Consti
tution of the whole country. The Senator
chose the other day again and again to animad
vert of a single expression in a little speech
which I delivered before the Senate, in which I
took occasion to say that if the people of the
rebellious States would not govern themselves
as States, they ought to be governed as Territo
ries. The Senator knew full well, then, for I
explained it twice—he knows full well now—
that on this side of the Chamber; nay, in this
whole Chamber; nay, in this whole North and
West; nay, in all the loyal States in all their
breadth, there is not a man among us all who
dreams of causing any man in the South to
submit to any rule, either as to life, liberty, or
property, that we ourselves do not willingly
agree to yield to. Did he ever think of that?
Subjugation for what? When we subjugate
South Carolina, what shall we do? We shall
compel its obedience to the Constitution of the
United States; that is all. Why play upon
words ? We do not mean, we have never said,
any more. If it be slavery that men should
obey the Constitution their fathers fought
for, let it be so. If it be freedom, it is
freedom equally for them and for us. We
propose to subjugate rebellion into loyal
ty ; we propose to subjugate insurrection
into peace ; we propose to subjugate con
federate anarchy into constitutional Union lib
erty. The Senator well knows that we propose
no more. I ask him, I appeal to • his better
judgment now, what does he imagine we intend
to do, if fortunately we conquer Tennessee or
South Carolina—callit "conquer," if you will,
sir—what do we propose to doll They will
have their courts still, they - will have their bal
lot-boxes still ; they will have their elections
still ; they will have their representatives upon
this floor still; they will have taxation and re
presentation still ; they will have the writ of
habeas corpus still; they will have every privilege
they ever had and all we desire. When the
confederate armies are scattered ; when their
leaders are banished from power ; when the peo
ple return to a late repentant sense of the wrong
they have done to a Government they never felt
but in benignancy and blessing, then the Consti
tution made for all will be felt by all, like the
descending rains from heaven which bless all
alike. is that subjugation ? To restore what
was, as it was, for the benefit of the whole
country and of the whole human race, is all we
desire and all we can have.
Gentleman talk about the Northeast. I ap
peal to Senators from the Northeast, is there a
man in all your States who advances upon the
south with any other idea but to restore the
Constitution of the United States in its spirit
and its unity ? I never heard that one. I be
lieve no man indulges in any dream of inflicting
there any wrong to public liberty ; and I re
spectfully tell the Senator from Kentucky that
he persistently, earnestly, I will not say will
fully, misrepresents the sentiment of the North
and West when he attempts to teach these doc
trines to the confederates of the South.
Sir, while I am predicting, I will tell you an
other'thing. This threat about money and men
amounts to nothing. Some of the States which
have been named in that connection, I know
well. I know, as my friend from Illinois will
bear me witness, his own State, very well. I
am sure that no temporary defeat, no momen
tary disaster, will swerve that State either from
its allegiance to the Union, or from its determi
nation to preserve it. It is not with us a ques
tion of money or of blood ; it is a question in
volving considerations higher than these. When
the Senator from Kentucky speaks of the Paci
fic, I see another distinguished friend from Illi
nois, now worthily representing one of the States
on the Pacific, [Hr. Dono2tiii.,] who will bear
me witness that 1 know that State too, well. I
take the liberty—l know I but utter his senti
ments in advance joining with him, to say that
that State, quoting from the passage the gentle
man himself has quoted, will be true to the
Union to the last of her blood and her treasure.
There may be there some disaffected ; there
may be some few men there who would "rather
rale in hell than serve in heaven." There are
such men everywhere. There are a few men
there who have left the South for the good of
the South ; who are perverse, violent, destruc
tive, revolutionary, and opposed to social order.
A few, but a very few, thus formed and thus
nurtured, in California and in Oregon, both
persistently endeavor to create and main
tain mischief ; but the great portion of our
population are loyal to the core and in
every chord of their hearts. They are
offering through me—more to their own Sen
ators every day from California, and indeed
from Oregon—to add to the legions of this coun
try, by the hundred and the thousand. They
are willing to come thousands of miles with
their arms on their shoulders, at their own ex
perm, to share with the best offering of their
heart's blood in the great struggle of constitu
tional liberty. I tell the Senator that his pre
dictions, sometimes for the South, sometimes
for the middle States, sometimes for the North
east, and then wandering away in airy visions
out to the far Pacific, about the dread of our
people, as for loss of blood and treasure, pro
voking them to disloyalty, are false in senti
ment, false in fact, and false in loyalty. The
Senator from Kentucky is mistaken in them all.
Five hundred million dollars ! What then ?
Great Britain gave more than two thousand
million in the great battle for constitutional
liberty which she led at one time almost single
handed against the world. Five hundred thous
and men ! What then ? We have them ; they
are ours ; they are the children of the country.
They batms. to the whole country; they are
our sons ; our kinsmen ; and there are many of
us who will give them all up before we will
abate one word of our just demand, or will re
treat one inch from the line which divides right
from wrong.
Sir, it is not a question of men or of money
in that sense. All the money, all the men,
are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a
cause. When we give them, we know their
value. Knowing their value well, wegive them
with the more pride and the more joy. Sir,
how can we retreat ? Sir, how can we make
peace ? Who shall- treat? What commission
ers? Who would go? Upon what terms?
Where is to be your boundary line? Where
the end of the principles we shall have to give
up ? What will become of constitutional gov
ernment? What will become of public liberty?
What of past glories ? What of future hopes ?
Shall we sink into the insignificance of the
grave—a degraded, defeated, emasculated peo
ple, frightened by the results of one battle, and
scared at the visions raised by the imagination
of the Senator from Kentucky upon this floor ?
No, sir ; a thousand times no, sir ! We
will rally—if, indeed, our words be neces
sary—we will rally the people, the loyal
people, of the whole country. They will
pour forth their treasure, their money
their men, without stint, without measure. The
most peaceable man in this body may stamp his
foot upon this Senate Chamber floor, as of old
a warrior and a senator did, and from that sin
gle tramp there will spring forth armed legions.
Shall one battle determine the fate of an em
pire, or a dozen ? the loss of one thousand men
or twenty thousand or $100,000,000 or $500,-
000,000 ? In a year's peace, in ten years, at
most, of peaceful progress, we can restore them
all. There will be some graves reeking with
blood, watered by the tears of affection. There
will be some privation; there will be somewhat
more need for labor to procure the necessaries
of life. When that is said, all is said. If we
have the country, the whole country, the
Union, the Constitution, free governmcnt--with
these there will return all the blessings of well
ordered civilization ; the path of the country
will be a career of greatness and of glory such
as, in olden time, our fathers saw in the dim
visions of years yet to come, and such as would
have been ours to-day, if it had not been for the
treason for which the Senator too often seeks to
apologize.
TlDieb.
0 Monday evening, Oct. 28th, BENIAMDI F. Maim,
aged 25 years, and 18 days.
[The funeral will take place on Thursday morning at
10 o'clock from his residence in Third street, between
Chestnut and Mulberry. The relatives and friends of the
family are respectfully invited to attend without further
notice.]
New Mnertisementz.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the Estate of
John B.Thompson, late of Harrisburg, deceased.
are required to make payment to the subscriber, and all
persons having clalma against the said decedent, will pre
sent them for settlement, to Hamilton Airicks, Esq., of
Harris .urg, or to GEti. W. BLBROYER,
Administrator on the Estate of John B. Thompson de
ceased.
Lancaster, Pa., Oct. 29, 1861.—d6toaw*
WHOLESALE and RETAIL DEALER
in Confectionary, Foreign and Domestic Fruit.—
Fits, Dates, Prunes, 12.913iRS and Nuts- of all kinds.—
Fresh and Sal tFi-M, Boap, Candles, Vinegar, Spices, To
bacco, Segars and Country Produce in general, Market
street, next door to Parke House, also c.,ruer Third and
Walnut streets.
.0128-dsm
$l5O Will be paid for a commission
of a Second Lieutenant in the Pennsylva
nia 1. -In uteer Infantry, by an intelligent, robust young
man woo served for three months, and understands
military tactics. Address Letter boa No. 148, Harris.
burg, Post Utica. oct2B-3td*
FOR RENT.—The farm now occupied
by John Loban, adjoining Camp Curtin. Posses
sion given on the first of April next.
oet2E. GEORGE W. PORTER.
FOR SALE OF RENT.
THE undersigned offers for sale or rent,
his Distillery below Han isb,rg, b-tween th e p ew
sylvania Railroad and the Susquehanna river, with steam
engine, pig pen, railroad siding and about eight acres cr
ground. Terms low. Apply to J. C. Bomberger, Eq
Cashier of the Me;hanica Savings Bank, Harti-bur
_
to JACOB
g
Sliddieurtva.
oc, 26-dlm
COAL ! COAL ! !
$3, AND $2 25 PER TON OF 2,000 LBS
0. D. FORSTER,
IFFICE No. 74, Market Street, yard on
1, I the Canal, foot of North street, Wholesale and Re
tail dealer in
TREVOR2ON,
WILKSBARRE,
LTKENS VALLEY-,
BROAD 10P CO OL
Famliea and Dealers may rely upon obtaining a flrst.rate
article, and full weight, at the lowest rates, omen
promptly attended to. A liberal discount made to par
chasers paying for the coal when ordered.
Present price. $3 and $2 25 per ton.
Harrisburg, Oct. 25.—a3m
NOTICE TO THE COLORED OLTI
ZENS OF HARRISBURG.
AS the Trustees of the "Harris F ree
Cemetery" did apply to the last Legislature for a
“suplement" to an Act of a previous Legislature whim'
was passed for the purpose of enabling them to dispose
of the ~O ld Cir .ye Yard" to the tvgbest bider ; to raise
th de.o, and to have them interred in a sot tble P l ate
and, also, to secure a proper place for the future intir
ment of the Conned Cbizens of Harrisburg tree of charge
for the ground. as the trustees did obtain the supp l e.
meet without consulting the wishes of the olored
z.les of Harrisburg, a majority bemc oppes,,-t to th,
same, anti as the suiplement violates the ititeutiotis of the
donor by parcelling out the centre of the ground is 1,4 ; t o
be sold for a ce• fain price, thus violating the spin; ass in
tendons of the previous act, and trampling upot. the
ality of the departed de We, therefore warn all
SODS against purchasing lots in the Harris Free Cem--te
ry, as all sales of that kind are illegal, and if the trust. e s
Persist in selling lots contrary to the wi,he s or a kraG
majority of the Colnrel Citizens of Harrisburg, we shall be
under ilm necessity of appealing to the strong arm of its
law for the purpose of having the intentions of the don.
er stri . fly carried out, and oar own rights properly se
cured. Signed en behalf of the Colored Citizen; of Har
risburg.
VV . U. Jones,
James Popel,
Curry Taylor,
0ct260.2tt
To Married Men or those Contem
plating Marriage,
THE undersigned will give information
on a very interatting and important subject, wh;eti
will be valued more than a thousand times its e ,st by
every married couple of any age or condition in li e._
The information will be sent by mail to any address on
the receipt of 25 cents (coin sillier) end two red stumps,
Address
H. B. MORRIS, M. D., Lock Box 60,
Boston, Map..
N. B.—This Is no humbug, but Is warranted to be am.
ply satisfactory iu every instance (regardless of senb.
meats, age, or condition in life,) or the money will be re.
funded. All letters should be directed to H. B. Morris,
Loc.. Box 60, Boston, Mass., with a plain signature end
address for return, octlideodlmewlm
INSURANCE AGENCY
THE DELAWARE MUTAL
SAFETY INSURANCE COMPANY
OF PHILADELPHIA.
INCORPORATED 1835.
CAPITAL AND ASSETS 5901,907.51
COMPANY OF NORTH AMERICA
OE PHILADELPHIA.
INCORPORATED 1794.
()Arum - , AND ASSETS. ........ .
TEE undersigned, as Agent for the
well known Companimi, will make Insurance
against leas or damage by Ore, either perpetually or as
Dually, on properly in either town or conrrry
Marine mad Inland Tranaportation .Risks also taken
Apply personally or by letter to
oct4'6l-d&wl7
WHEREAS, the Honorable JOHN J.
PEAB—soN, President of the Court of Comaou Pleas
In the Twelfth Judicial District, consisting of the uountEs
of Lebanon and uauphm, and the Hon. A. O. Einsuit
and Hon. Faux NISSLEY, Associate Judges in Dauenie
county, having issued tneir precept, be ering date the
23 day of September, 1861, to me directed, for holding
a Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Jail Deh very
and Quarter Sessions of the Peace at Harrisburg, for the
county of Dauphin, and to commence ms THE 311 D Hoy.
DAYOF NOVEMBER NEXT, being the 18TH DAY OF NOVEMBER,
1861, and to continue two weeks.
Notice is therefore hereby given to the Coroner, Jus
tices of the Peace, Aldermen, and Constables of the said
county of Dauphin, that they be then and there in their
proper persons, at 10 iVelock in the forenoon of said day,
with their records, inquisitions, examinations, and their
own remembrances, Mao &Bose things which to their
ollico appertains to be done, and those who are boned
in recognizances to p OSeeute against the prisoners That
are or shall be in the Jail of Dauphin county, be then
and there to prosecute against them as shall be just.
Given under my hand, at Harrisburg, the 23rd day of
September, in the year of our Lord, 1861 and is the
olghty-flfth year of the independence of the United States.
J. D. BOAS, Sheriff
Snxitaw's OFFICE;
Harrisburg, October 12. 1861. 1
STEAM WEEKLY
r4l r4\ BETWEEN NEW YORK
A,A- ‘- us
- - - AND LIVERPOOL,
'UANDINti AND EMBARKING PAS.
&_INGIfat: at QUEEZZSTOWN, (Ireland.) The Liver.
pool, Naw Corr and Philadelphia Steamship company
Intend a , SPatening their full powered Clyde-built iron
Steamships as follows :
GLASGOW, OctOber 26 ; En g, Saturday November 2;
KANGAROO, Saturday, November 9 ' • and every S4ttur•
day at Noon, from Pier 44, Nortb River.
FIRST CABIN $75 00 STEERAGE..., $3O 00
do to London $BO 00 I do to London ..$33 00
do to Parts . $B5 00do to Paris .... $33 00
do lo Hamburg..sBs 00 1 do to Hamburg $35 00
Passengers also forwarded to Havre, Bremen, Roller
dank, Antwerp, Bm, ut equally low rates.
la-Persons wishing to bring out their friends can buy
tickets here at the following rates, to New York: From
Liverpool or Queenstown; Ist Cabin, $75, $B5 sod $lO5 .
Steerage from Lik,..rpoul $4O 00. From Queenstown,
$3O 00.
These Steamers have superior accommodations for
passengers, and carry experienced Surgeons. They are
built in Water-tight Iron Sections, and have Patent Fire
Annihilators on board.
For further information apply in Liverpool to WILLIAM
INMAN, Agent, 22 WaTer Street ; is Glasgow to W.V.
INMAN, 5 at. Enoch Square ; in Queenstown to C. & P.
D. SEA MOHR & CO. ; in London to BiVt & MALY, 61
sing William SI. ; in Paris to JIILLIS DECOUB, 5 Place
de la Bourse ; in Philadelphia to JOHN G. DALE, 111
Walnut street ; or at he Company's offices.
JNO. G. DALE, Agent,
16 Broadway, New York.
Or 0. O. Zimmerman. Agent, Harrisburg.
IV=
001141
FOUNTAIN HAIR-BRUSH.
It dresses the hair without soiling the lingers.
It effects a saving of one-half in the use of hair prepar
ations.
It does away with greasy hair-oil bottles.
It is handsomer article than the comincn hair-brush.
It regulates the quandty of fluid used, to a drop. ,
It is perfectly ncrrr, and cannot spill over in the trills
or on the toilet.
It carries enough of any preparation [aloof for a
age or a Mug Journey.
Its price is moderate, and it naves its own cast in three
months.
• For sale eale at Keller's Drug and Fancy Store, 91 Market
street two doors east of Fourth street, south side.
octlo
VAN INGEN & BNYDER,
Designers and Enoravers on Wood
N. E. COB. FINTH & CHESTNUT STS.,
Philadelphia.
EXECIITE all kinds of Wood Engraving
with beauty, correctness and dispatch. Original
designs furnished for Fine Book Illustrations. Persona
wishing cuts, by sending a Photograph or Daguerreinifo ,
can have views of Colleges, Churches, Store frotisi
Machines, Stoves, Patents, &c., engraved as well cli Per -
Renal application.
Fancy Envelopes, Labels, Bill Headings, Show Bills,
Visiting, Business and other Cards, engraved in the
highest style of art and at tne lowest prices.
For specimens or fine engraving, see the Illustrated
Works of J. B. Lippincott &Co., Z. H. Butler ace.
oct26-Iy4
JOHN WISE
SUNBUR and
Jeremiah Kellay
Joseph l'opel,
John Giles
THE INSURANCE
WIhLIAN SuBaLER,
Harrisburg, Pa
PROCLAMATION.
Li
3. R. INGERSOLL'S
PATENT
=MEI