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Pennsylvania Legislature.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
•
‘VEDNESDAY EVENZO, January 23.
,
The House re-assembled at 7 o'clock, P. M.,
and resumed the consideration of Senate bill,
No. 1, entitled. "joint resolutions relative to the
maintenance of the Constitution and Union."
The question was on the amendment submit
: ted by Mr. DUFFIELD.
On the question,
• Will the House agree to the amendment,"
E. The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
HILL and Mr. DUNLAP, and were as follows,
viz:
YEAS—Messrs. Boyer, Brodhead, Byrne, Cope,
Dismant, Devins, Donley, Dunlap, Eilenber
, ger, Gaskill, Hill, Kline, Leisenring, Lichten
wanner, Manifold, Osterhout, Reiff, Rhoads,
Smith, (Berks,) and Smith, (Philadelphia)-20.
NAYS—Messrs. Abbott, Acker, Alexander, An
- erson, Austin, Barnsley, Bartholomew, Bisel,
'Bliss, Brewster, Burns, Butler, (Crawford,)
,•Xlark, Collins, Cowan, Craig, Douglass. Elliott,
; !Frazier, Cibboney, Goehring; Gordon, Graham,
.:,Jlapper, Harvey ' Hillman, Hood, Hofius,
uhn, Koch, M'Gonigal, Marshall, Moore,
'atterson, Peirce, Preston, Pughe, Reiley, Rob
' 'l4 .on, Roller, Schrock, Seltzer Shafer, Steh
man, Taylor, Thomas, White, Wildey, Williams
and Davis, Speaker-51.
So the question was determined in the nega
tive.
RI...ASO:NS FOR VOTING
Mr. COLLINS. I wish to state briefly the
reasons why I shall vote against the amend
. ment offered by the gentleman from Philadel
phia (Mr. DUFFIELD.) I had at one time pur
. posed to give my views upon the resolutions be
fore the taking of the final vote ; but as there
has been so much said upon the subject, I con
, eluded not to delay the action of the House a by
any remarks.
The resolutions embodied in the amendment
of the gentleman from Philadelphia appear to
me to be not germane to the questions at issue.
A portion of his resolutions I could hardly en
dorse. A portion of them I object to. They
. go for a repeal of certain sections of the Penal
Code. In this respect they go farther than I
,uld go. I could support th repeal of a por
.''n'on of that Penal Code, but not to the extent
0-.ntemplated by the resolutions of the gentle
an from Philadelphia.
With regard to the resolution affirming the
uality of the citizens of the different States
the territories; I endorse that doctrine. There
ould be an equality between the citizens of all
States of this Union. But I apprehend that
gentleman's resolution is intended to ex
!,.oness more than this—that it means to assert
aili t eßtateS Mitt ibrisirgln . itte • rn
tories. Understanding that to be the meaning
-r attached to the resolution, I cannot vote for it.
Therefore I shall give.my 'vote—no. •
Mr. MARSHALL (when his name was called,)
I had intended to express at length before this
House my views upon this subject, but as my
• colleague (Mr. WILLIAMS) has addressed this
] House on various occasions and has faithfully ex
pressed the sentiments of my constituents, I
have refrained from any discussion of the ques
tion. I will now record my vote—no.
Mr. PATTERSON (when his name was called.)
I intend to vote against this amendment. One
] of my reasons for so doing is that it is useless.
' You can not repeal an act of assembly by joint
resolutions of this sort. When this question
shall come up on the report from the Judiciary
Committee, I may then be prepared to vote on
tr it. I vote no.
The question recurring on the 'original reso
.
!•'4,]•'olutions,
-.. Mr. SMITH (Philadelphia). Ido not wish
i . tio detain the House with any lengthy remarks
upon the resolutions now pending. But sir I
, i feel as though I would not be doing justice to
the constituency which I have the honor to
'I represent, did I not make an attempt to express
;' , :t l their almost unanimous opinion and regrets,
upon the present unhappy condition of our here
tofore peaceful but now troubled and distracted
country. lam directed by that constituency
]to place upon the Record of.this house their
protest against the method of adjustment so forcibly
laid down by the gentleman from Allegheny
and others of the Republican Party in this
•House. Such a course would exasperate the
' Southern States now wavering in their alle
t:
glance. while concession and compromise would,
'in my opinion, conciliate and strengthen the
‘'tbond which now so feebly holds us together '
•
let us act toward our Southern Brethren in this
the darkest hour or our country's history in a
'spirit which is gentle and easy. Kindness, the
'an principle of action, may induce them
ird their present attitude of rebellion,
severity, the Heathen one, would drive
le further on to madness.
is been well and truly said, that, " of 1
ithc•retion is the better part." It is discreet
'hen the better promptings of the heart
-;en blunted ; when the worst passions of ]
ore have been aroused ; when so blind- I
artisan feelings, that it is impossible to
at just conclusions—conclusions on
hang the unity of these States, the peace
ippiness of thirty millions of people—
.t doe reflection and most cautions and
ti action.
, ._ .
we so pure and free from blame or re
_
:i Aachen in all our acts, as a State, that we can
''• '.- be allowed to censure and dictate terms to our
"•.".'i lister States and equals in the confederacy?
: ,Have we done nought of which they can tom
,As' ? We are told day after day, since these
ions have been introduced, that we have
law or shadow of law on our Statute
that conflicts with or abrogates any law
;rem If that be so, if they are only
and useless enactments, why not strike
Al'? why has the finger of reproach point
us, and our noble and patriotic State
with the other nullifiers of Congressional
cents in the Northern States, when we
easily audwithout injustice to ourselves,
like Cnser's wife—above reprdli. Wheth
;c laws be a wrong inffictedillsr an in
imposed, upon the people of this
by the legislative enactments of the
:e the present alarming and exciting
>pments, that are shaking our . gov
nt in the last throes of dissoluiton had
iced—it matters not to us—whether the
n our statute books are constitutional or
Uitutional (as we know the best legal
of our State conflict on that subject) it is
ine the wish, much less the ability, to (Us-
But. sir, as has been said we can judge
future only by the past,"—our whole
'y as a nation—from its commencement as
. a separate and independent government, has
'4'.:,:: been one of concessions and compromises. The
•'' ,',, only cord of Union that binds us as one nation,
Igreat, powerful and respected, the great anchor
chain of the great ship of State, on which are
centred the hopes of all lovers of liberty. and
equality throughout the world, was forged in
,„ •
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•
• -_
• _
'- •
4
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s 2.00
12.00
16.00
XIV.
the compromising and extended debates of over
two year's duration that culminated at the rati
fication of the articles of confederation, July
9th, 1778,rivetted andtemperedtbrough the fires
of the Revolutionary struggle, perfected at the
adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1787,
and to it has been added link after link, in
every acquisition of territory, and by the birth
of every new sister into the fondly of States
down to the present time. Not only the
history of our Republic, but our, very lives
are concessions and 'conipromises, 'with corr
Creator through our Saviour. The great
Franklin said in the convention of 1787, that
"both sides should part with some of their de-
mands," and who does not know that the great
"Magna Charta" of our liberties was only orig
inated, perfected and adopted after long, te
dious and angry debates-,---when nnitual 'and
conflicting interests were merged in the "no
bler man" and patriot, for his country's cause
and the good of mankind. If our erring breth
ren of the South, whose precipitate action we
deplore, have been led, by false and erroneous
counselings, into steps that, unless retraced,
must inevitably lead to the dissolution and
ruin of this fair temple of human liberty, should
we not in that spirit, 'inculcated by the Great
Teacher of mankind, go to that sister State in
kindness, love and sympathy, soothe and bind
her wounds,whether imaginary or real, and win
her back to the paths of peace, harmony and
fraternal union. It is our duty to counsel mod
eration ; better, far better, to endure present
wrongs than to hasten to grapple with those we
know slot of in the,unseen future. Let us ex
haust all peaceable and Christian measures to
bring about a reconciliation ; exhaust all plans
the fertile brain of man is capable crf suggest
ing, by entreating, by kindly expostulation, by
appeals to their patriotism, their love of
country, their . memories of the hallowed
past, by all the ties of blood, country,
and religion which unites us as the people of
one common country ; let us sacrifice party plat
forms, ambition, all, all but our honor and our
manhood, to bring about a reconciliation, and
once more restore peace to our troubled coun
try. Let IA as Americans, as citizens of the
great family of States, not lose sight of the fact
that to win and maintain our happy Union has
cost our ancestors both blood and treasure—and
that an attempt to coerce or win back a 'revolt
ing and head-strong province, or a portion of
the same, would but re-enact all the horrors of
war, want and deprivation, with ten-fold ma
lignity, cruelty and bloodshed.
Mr. BLISS. Mr. &WARM.. I have been
ready for several days to come to a vote on the
resolutions before us, I had not intended to do
more than to cast my vote ; lint the accumula
tion of arguments and thoughts urged upon
our consideration has determMed me to say a
few words on the merits of th's clued:km_
na ; and-in winch is Involved' the rare
question of the rights of constitutional govern
ment.
We owe it to ourselves —to Pennsylvania--
to the interests and honor of the noble old com
monwealth we here represent, and to the cause
of a progressive Christian civilization and to the
rights of human nature, that we meet these
questions and decide upon' them, guided by a
higher and purer motive than devotion to
mere party ties. It becomes us to act in view
of the vast interests to human society that are
involved in the final settlement of question,
whether Pennsylvania will fully acknowledge
the claims of constitutional government and
will resolve to fulfil her obligations ?
The eyes of the civilized world are upon us,
and anxious, palpitating hearts. are to be, made
glad, or for beat with renewed impatience
against the walls of their prisons, as the swift
winged messengerthe lightning of 'Heaven,
bears over theland the story of our final deci
sion—whether, in the opinion of this body,
the Constitution. of our country contains the
provisions and the power for its own preserva
tion. It required six thousand years of experi
ence and observation for man to gain that
knowledge of electricity and the magnet to en
able him to employ- that mysterious power in
nature, as his ready and trusty messenger.
If we can be permitted to make as grand a
stride in our knowledge of the eleinents and
principles of human government, and of man's
duties and obligations under it, we may indeed
expect to be freed from those terrible convul
sions with which the world has been afflicted,
the like of which now threatens to involve cur
country in a fratricidal war.
I presume there is not a member on this floor
who will not claim to be ready to pursue any
onOrable course that would in the most effect
ual manner and in the briefest possible time,
bring the vexing question _to a final settle
ment.
The questions in my view are involved in the
Senate resolutions. 'The amendment offered
here by the member from Philadelphial cannot
now consider. The events of the last few
weeks awaken the inquiry everywhere where
the name of America is known. Can this gov
ernment be preserved by constitutional means.
It is the question involved in this debate. The
question before us now is a direct one. And
Iwe are called upon to say to the country and
the world, whether our constitution confers
upon this, the once proudest government on
earth, the right of self-preservation.
Mr. Speaker, the Democratic party was sun
dered and demoralized by the exorbitant de
mands of the slave power at Charleston and
Baltimore—demands that they know they
could not submit to without .ensuring an hu
miliating defeat before the people—and finally,
in spite of all their precautions and devices,
met that defeat in November. And now, sir,
the representatives of that party on this floor
are asking us to make more concessions to the
demands of slavery, than the South demanded
of them at Charleston. The Republican party,
from the victory achieved at the stronghold of
the freeman, the ballot box, can make no such
concessions as are thus demanded.
To this call upon our charity I believe I utter
the language of the masses of the freemen of
the North, when I say we have no such conces
sions to make. We do not claim the right to
propose to barter awaysfor an uncertain hope of
peace the rights of freemen.
Men on the other side have plead for the con
cessions that they assumed would tend to restore
quiet to the country, in the name of our holy
religion. All that I can believe that Christiani
ty demands, I will gladly yield. I own allegi
ance to its authority. But when the meekness
and gentleness of the Nazarene—the philanthro
py of Him who endured all that the malice of
the Jews could inflict, and finally gave himself
as a sacrifice on the cross for the redemption
and salvation of - his enemies—having exhib
ited by his life the dignity and purity of
primitive human nature, and by so doing
giving a perfect pattern for the imitation
of his disciples in their future labors for the re
storation of man to that moral dignity, of char
[acter which is the legitimate tendency of culti
vated and educated hurian nature. I say that
when I hear religion in any form, but especial-
"INDEPENDENT IN ALL THINGS-NEUTRAL IN NONE."
HARRISBURG, PA.. SAtURDAY AFTERNOON, JANUARY 26, 1861
ly when the religion that - inculcates universal
philanthropy, is appealed to in defence or ex
tenuation of the institution of human slavery,
it calls to remembrance the encouraging fact
that primitive Christianity did, by the lives and
teachings of its disciples, almost entirely eradi
cate human slavery from the whole Roman
-Empire. and I rejoice in my heart in the full be
lief that a purified Christian influence will dispel.
first the horrors, and finally the thing itself,
from himuin society, as the light of day dispels
the gloom and darkness of night.
But we must look honestly at the relation of
parties in this contest. Dy the co-operation and
assistance of a traitor in the- cabinet, the seces
sionists have, at great costjto the general gov
ernment, succeeded in arming themselves for a
war of resistance with the general government.
They have, by force, taken possession, of
the forts and other property of the government
and have fired upon a government vessel, and
compelled her to - desist from the execution of
her commission; such is the position of actual
hostility assumed by South Carolina:• Other
States have justified and sustained and co-ope
rated with her.
The cotton States have gone Mit of the
Union as far as their own acts of treason and re
sistance to law canrtake them out, and they ask
nothing, of the Government but to surrender to
their demands.
But in view of the position of the border
slave States, we are told that first or last we
must concede, and that it is better to do so be
fore we are involved in a . bloody war. Con
ciliation and concession are urged as being ne
cessary, and as becoming to the North as a
magnanimous and generous people.
lam prepared to go as far for conciliation as
to concede as much as •anybody that does not
infenii to forsake the fortres4of our rights, to a
well - defended and well understood constitu
tional government.
But, I am not prepared for comprotnises, con
ciliation nor concession, until I can be satisfied
that the men with whom I am to deal, and
with whom I am to keep faith, have some de
votion to constitutional governinent. In the
talk here, it is all how much we can agree to
giVe to appease our offended neighbors. On the
contrary, when you hear from the South, they
are nom:Lenin' g upon how much she will demand;
and, sir, this is our ultimatum. It is what we
are constantly hearing from the South if such
demands—for they are not negotiating with
us—are regarded, we tear down the govern
ment.
I am not prepared to negotiate with those
who thus talk of making conditions upon which
this government may stand. It is with the
people that love the Constitution and laws of
this country that negotiation can be carried on
and to whom concessions can be made.
• 'ale of the lo • e t • -
as this government stands, ann. there
State that calls for its protection.. It has a Con,
stitutional right to protection as a State institu
tion ; but dissolve the Union and it will rely
upon its own strength, and in view of - the as
pect of the conflicting feeliegs and sentiment in
this country upon. the slavery question, some
compromise is needed, and on that compromige
the feelings of the north, as well as the South,
must be consulted. The North, as well as the
South, must be appeased and conciliated. They
have made known their devotion to liberty. I
warn gentlemen that it is necessary to regard
the feelings of the northern freemen. If free
speech and a free press are to be stricken down
in the South, and the insults and indignities
offered to Northern men on Southern soil are
continued, or the protection that the Constitu
tion affords to slavery is to be removed by mad
secession,' then I tremble for the defenceless 1
and unprotected, in that fratricidal war that
is liable to be engendered by the mutual hit
tred of the multitudes whose spirits have never
been trained to emotions : of kindness, and who
can . be led by reckless and designing men, to'
any acts, however horrid.
There, is however,a path that leads to peace, l
and that path we are pointed to by the history I
of the past and by all the sound teachings of
mental and political philosophy. The reign, of
terror in France and the overthrow of the ad
ministration of Louis Phillippe, and the fall of
Charles I. in England, were events preceded
by vacillation, by talk of compromise and con
cession. The history of the world is full of
such lessons. The road to peace is through law
and obedience to demand.' -
If those who profess to be devoted to the
constitution and the law will rally to their sup
port and resolve that no terms of compromise
can be talked about or considered until the na
tionalhonorcaribe restored and thenationalflag
respected, then shall we be on the road to peace,
but if at the demand of the slave oligarchy we
lay aside the constitution and stop to listen to
the conditions it may prescribe for a reorgani
zation, then liberty for a time may fall, but it
will rise again and be built firmly on the ruins
of that for the time has crushed it. These re
solutions acknowledge the claims of the . consti
tution and our obligation as a State to assist in
defending it. I therefore recognise them as
saying that it is required of this body at this time.
LEAVE TO VOTE
Mr. ARMSTRONG asked for and obtained
leave to record his vote on the amendment of
Mr. DUFFIELD to the joint resolutions of the
Senate relative to the maintenance of the Con
stitution and the Union. He voted "no."
Mr. ASELCOM. asked for and obtained the
same leave. 'He voted "no."
Mr.'BEKIER asked for and obtained the same
leave. He voted "no."
Mr. HAYS asked for and obtained the same
leave. He voted "no."
Mr. IRWIN asked for and obtained the same
leave. He voted "no."
Mr. LAWRENCE asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "no." •
Mr. BAIL asked for and obtained the same
leave. He voted "no."
Mr. LOWTHER asked' for and. obtained the
same leave. He voted "no."
Mr. MULLIN asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "no." -
Mr. STRANG asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "no."
Mr. BUTLER. (Carbon,) asked for and ob
tained, the same leave. He voted "aye." a
Mr. DUFFIELD asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "aye:" .
Mr. M'DONOUGH asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "aye."
Mr. BRESSLER asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "no."
Mr. MORRISON asked for and obtained the
same leave. He voted "aye."
Mr. MYERS asked for and " obtained the
same leave. He voted "aye."
Mr. WILSON asked for and obtained the same
leave. He voted "no."
The final vote on the amendment of Mr. Duf
field, in consequence of the above additional
votes was yeas, 24, nays 66.
The question recurred on the adoption of the
first resolution from the Senate.
The resolution was read as 'follows
Resolved, By the - Senate mid House df I?epresenta
tives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in Gen
eral Assembly met, and it is hereby resolved, 17. That
the Constitution of the Uriliell - Sta - Tefi of Amer
ica-was ordained, and establishedras set forth by
its preamble, by the people of the United States,
in order to form a more perfect union, establish
justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for
the common defence,promote the generalwelfare
and securethe blesithgs of liberty 'to themselves
and theirposterity; andif the people of any State
in this Union are not in the full enjoyment of all
the benefits intended to be secured to them by the
said Constitution, if their rights under it are dis
regarded, their tranquility disturbed, their pros
perity retarded or their liberties imperilled by
the people of any other State, full and adequate
redress can and ought to be provided for such
grievances through the action of Congress and
other proper depaYtments of the National Gov
ernment.
Mr. LEISENRING moved to amend the same
as follows :
Insert after "national" the words, "and
State," and the letter s at the end of the word
"government," so" as to make it read, "na
tional and State governments."
, Mr. 'WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, when I with
drew the amendment which I had the honor
to submit, to the resolutions now, before us, I
announced my.purpose,.as will be -recollected,
to renew it,if I. was not entirely satisfied with'the
resolutions passed by the Senate,
and which are
now about to be voted upon. I thought them
deficient in precision, in terseness, in nerve.
I thought them diffuse. It struck me that they
wanted a little of the Anglo-Saxon ring—that
they did not speak out, as our fathers spoke
out on solemn• public occasions like this. I
rise now, however, for the purpose of saying
that with a view to compromise (as compromise
seems to be palatable and desirable in certain
quarters of this House) I pr6pose to withhold
the anciendment submitted by me with the view
of obtaining the united and unanimous action
of this House upon these resolutions.
I hope that we shall agree to vote down all
amendmezei and adopt those resolutions as
they stand ; and I trust that our Democratic
friends will be found voting with us.
On the qUesiziOn,
Will the House agree to the amendment?
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
T.ETRENRING and Mr. DUNLAP, and were as
follows, viz :
YEAS.--Messrs. Boyer, Brodhead, Butler,
(Carbon,) Byrne, Cope, Dismant, Divins, Don
ley, Duffield, Dunlhp, Eilenberger,
Hill, Kline, Leisenring, Lichtenwallner, Air-
Donough, Manifold, Morrison, Myers, Oster
hout, Randall, Reiff, Rhoads, Smith, (Berke,)
and Smith 'hiladel..h, .
Bliss, Bressler, Brewster,Burns, Butler, (Craw
ford,) Clark, Cowan, Craig, Douglass, Duncan,
Elliott, Frazier, Gibboney, Goehring, Gordon,
Graham, Rapper, Harvey, Hayes, Hillman,
'Hood, Hofius, Huhn, Irvin, Koch, Lawrence,
Lowther, M'Gonigal, Marshall, Moore, 'Mullin,
Patterson, Peirce, Preston, Pughe,Reiley, Rob
inson, Roller, Schrock , Seltzer, Shafer, Stamm,
Strang, Taylor, Thomas, White, Wilde . y; Wil
-1 Hams, Wilson and Davis, Speaker-63.
So the question was determined in the nega
tive.
The question recurring,
Will the House - agree to the first resolution?
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
DUNLAP and Mr. COWAN, and were as fol
lows, viz :
YEAS—Messrs. Abbott, Acker, Alexander,
Anderson, Armstrong, Ashcom, Austin, Ball,
Barnsley, Bartholomew, Bisel, Baler ' Blair,
Bliss, Boyer, Bressler, Brewster, Brodhead,
Bums, Butler, (Carbon,) Butler, (CrawfOrd,)
Byrne, Clark, Collins, Cowan, Craig, Dismant,
Divins, DonleY, Douglas, Duffield,. Duncan,
Dunlap, Ellenberger, Elliott, Frazier, Gaskill,
Gibboney, Goehring, Gordon, Graham, Rapper,
Harvey, Hayes, Hill, Hillman,Hood, Hofins,
Huhn, Irvin, Kline, Koch, Dwrence, Leisem
ring, Lichtenwallner, Lowther, M'Donough,
lWGonigal, Manifold, Marshall, Moore, Morri
son, Mullin, Myers, Osterhout, Patterson,
Peirce, Preston, Pughe, Randall, Reiff, Reiley,
Rhoads, Robinson '
Roller, Schrock, Seltzer,
Shafer, Smith, (Bei. ks,) Smith, (Philadelphia,)
Stehman, Strang, Taylor, Thomas, White,
day, Williams, Wilson and Davis, Speaker-87.
NAYS—None.
So the question was determined in the affir
mative.
The second , resolution was read as follows:
2nd. Resolv,ed, That while the people of Penn
sylvania entertain, and desire to cherish, the
most fraternal sentiments for their brethren of
other States, and arc rady, now, as they have
ever been, to co-operate in all measures needful
for their welfare, security and happiness, and
the full enjoyment of all their rights wider the
Coustitution, which makes us, one people, they
claim from'them the same faithful observance
of all the duties and obligations imposed there
by. That while they . cannot surrender their
love of liberty inherited from the founders of
their State, sealed with the blood of the:revo
lution, and, witnessed in the history of their
legislation; and while they claim all their
rights under the Constitution, they, neverthe
less, maintain now, as they have ever done,
the constitutional rights of the people of the
slaveholdbag States to the uninterrupted en
joyment of their own domestic institutions.
Mr. RHOADS moved to amend the same, as
follows;
"In fifth line of the resolution, after the
word " inherited," insert the words "for all
white men."
On the motion.
Will the House agree to the amendment?
The yeas and nays were required. by Mr.
RHOADS and Mr. SMITH (Berks.) and were as
follows, viz :
YEas—Messrs. BoYer, Broadhead,Byrne,Cope,
Dunlap,Dismant, Duffield, Hill, Kline, Leisen
ring, Lichtelwallner, MDonough, Manifold,
Morrison, Myers, Osterhout, Randall, Reiff,
Rhoads, Smith, (Berk - s,) Smith, (Philadelphia)-
21.
•
Nyrs—Messrs. Abott, Acker, Alexander, An
derson, . Armstrong, Ashcom, Austin, Ball,
Barnsley, Bartholomew ' Bisel, Bbrler, Blair,
Bliss, Bressler, Brewster, Burns, Butler, (Craw
ford,) Clark, Collins, Cowan, Craig," Donley,
Douglas, Duncan, Elliott, Frazier, Gibboney,
Goehring, Gordon, Grahank, Hipper Harvey,
Hayei, 'Hillman, Hood, Hofius, - Huhn, Irvin,
Koch, Lawrence, M'Gonigal, Marshall, Moore,
Mullin, Patterson,Peirce, Preston, Pughe, Reily,
Robinson, Roller, Schrock, Seltzer, Shafer,
Stehmark, Strang, Taylor, Thomas, White,
Wildey, Williams, Wilson and Davis, Speaker
-64
So the question was determined in the nega
tive. .
yoscas-s Font VOTING
- B'illlsTE. I did, not, intend to -vote, bp
cause I do not think that this amendment is
necessary. Lest, however; I might be misun
derstood, I vote aye.
The question recurrhlg,
Will the House agree to the second resolu
tion?
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
BYRNE and Mr. GORDON, and were as fol
lows, viz
Yana—Messrs.- Abbott, Acker, Alexander, `
derson,Armstrong, Ashcom, Austin, Ball, Barns
ley, Bartholomew, Bisel, BLxler, Blair,
Bliss,
Boyer, Bressler, Brewster ' Brodhead, Burns,
Butler, (Crawford,) Byrne, Clark, Collins,'Cope,
Cowan, Craig, Dismant, Diving, Donley, Dou
glass, Duffield; Duncan, Dunlap, Ellenberger,
Elliott, Frazier, Gaskill, Gibboney, Goehring,
Gordon, Graham, Rapper, Harvey, Hayes, Hill,
Hillman, Hood Hoftus, Huhn, Irvin, RTne,
Koch,nwrence, Leisenring, Lichtenwallner,
Lowther, M'Donough, M'Gonigal, Manifold,
Marshall, Moore, Morrison, Mullin, Myers, Os
terhout, Patterson, Peirce, Preston, Pughe,
Randall, Reiff, Reily, Rhoads, Robinson, Roller,
Schrock, Seltzer, Shafer, Smith, (Berks) Smith,
(Philadelphia,) Stehman, Strang, Taylor, Tho
mas, White, Wildey, Williams, Wilson and
and Davis, Speaker-80.
NAYS—MT. Butler, (Carbon.)-1.
So the question was determined in the affirm
ative.
The third resolution was read as follows
3d. Resolved, That we adopt the sentiment
(and language) of President Andrew Jackson,
expressed in his message to Congress,•on the
sixteenth of January, one thousand eight hun
dred and thirty-three, "That the right of the
people of a State to absolve themselves at will,
and without the consent of the other States,
from their most solemn obligations and hazard
the liberties and happiness - Of the millions com
posing this Union, cannot be acknowledged ;
and that such authority is utterly repugnant
both to the principles upon which the general
government is constituted, and the objects
which it was expressly formed to attain."
Mr. DUFFTRIA) - moved to amend the same
by adding at the end thereof the following : •
"That a State or any other great portion of
the people suflering under long and intolerable
oppression, and having tried all Constitutional
remedies without the 'hope of redress, may have
a natural right, when their happiness cannot be
otherwise secured; and when they can do so
without greater injury to others, to absolve
themselves from their obligations to the govern
ment and appeal, to the last resort, need not
on the present occasion.be denied."
Mr. 'WILLIAMS. If I understand the amend
ment prOperly, it imports the right of revolu
tion. That is a right which, I suppose, nobo-:
dy will undertake to question'at this time of
day, particularly as our own title to govern
ment depends upon it ; that is its foundation.
i
tions to pass asthey have come from t'
Mr. DUFFIRTD. If the gentleman from Al
legheny's, " voice is still for'wat'' he certainly
should voielorthis amendment
Mr. WILLIAMS. • If.there were anything in
the circumstances of the country to authorize
the invocation of this Ultimate right, this last
resort of men and nations, I should vote for it.
But there is no such condition of circumstances;
gentlemen do not pretend that there is. Why
then offer the amendment?
Mr. HOFITJS. Before voting either for or a
gainstthis amendment, Iwouldlikealittle infor
ma.tionfrom the gentleman who has offered it. I
wish to ask'the gentleman if he has offered this
amendment with the view of showing that
South Carolina has pursued a right and proper
course.
Mr. DUFFILLD. I have offered it tor the
purpose of testing the sincerity of gentlemen on
this floor who now profess to be such warm sup
porters bf the doctrines of General Jackson.
wish to see whether they will endorse one part
of his proclamation and repudiate another.
Mr. HOFIIIS. I think the gentleman must
have misunderstood my question. I framed it
with the view of eliciting either an affirmative
or a negative answer. fasked the gentleman
whether his object in offering this amendment
was for the purpose of showing that South
Carolina had pursued a right and proper course.
Mr. DIIFFTF.T.D. If it were necessary, and
if I thought the gentleman really in. earnest, L
might answer the question, hut under the cir
cumstances I beg leave, very respectfully, to de
cline. [Laughter.]
Mr. COLLINS. I think there need be no
difficulty between Democrats and Republicans
in this House on this question. If the question
were to ; be decided whether a State has the
right to revolt under such circumstances as are
described by General Jackson, I have no doubt
that every Republican here . would 'give his
voice, affirming the positionassumed by Gene
ral Jackson. ,But we are not called upon here
to endoise every thing that General Jackson
may have said. We are called upon to endorse
a sentiment which he uttered at a particular
occasion and for a particular purpose, to meet
a particular emergency. A similar emergency
now presents itself to the American people ;
and we are only endorsing that sentiment pro
mulgated by General Jackson, which has a pe
culiar reference to the present exigency. With
regard to those causes which General Jackson
has set forth as sufficient to justify a State in re
volting, we deny that such causes now exist.
The question has been very properly put by
the gentleman from Mercer, (Mr. HOITUB,)
does that side of the House believe that South
Carolina has been trampled -upon until ,she can
have no redress yithin this Hnion, and that
she has aright to resort to war ? If that is the
position in which gentlemen desire to be placed,
let them come before the country upon that
position. We do not believe that such a state
of things exists.
When the time comes that circumstances re
quire it, we shall be ready to endorse the senti
ment of General Jackson embodied in the
amendment of the gentleman from Philadel
phia. But there is no use in that side of the
House endeavdring to thrust upon us such
questions es .this, for the purpose of placing- us
in a position in , which we may seem, to deny
certain sentiments of General Jackson, while
affirming others.: I believe that the position of
General Jackson, as setforthin the amendment,
is a sound one, but I do not believe that the
justifying circumstances which he ,enumerates
do now exist so as to sanction the present at
titude of the seceding States. Although at a
proper time I wouldendorse the sentiment of the
amendment, I am, under the present circum
stances, compelled to vote against it.
Mr. MARSHALL. If the gentleman from
Philadelphia, (Mr. Durvimax,) can show me that
South 'Carolina has , suffered such grievances as
cannot longer be endured, and that she has re
sorted to every constitutional measure withoUt
obtaining redress, I will vote.^ for Ins amend
ment ; otherwise ..I_ shall vote against it.
Mr. RANDALL. The third resolution de
nies the right`of a State to dissolve its connec-
Cram tiding flu,
Having procured Steam Power Preseee, we are
prepared to execute JOB and BOOK PRINTING of every
description, cheaper that it can be done at +ny other
tablishmentin the country.
. . . .
• Four lines or less constitute ono halt -qt- re v
lines or more than lour constitute a square
Hall Square, one day - •
one week...,
one month. ... •
• three roonLa
• sia months., „4
. .
one year......... ......
Itne Square oue day 6u
.me week 2 00
tl one month / . . g 00
• three months__ ..... 500 .
Six mbethis 8 00
one year 10 00
sarßeninese notices inserted in the Local coltema
before Marriages and Deaths, FIVE ems PER liNk
for each Insertion.
NO, 20.
S-Marriages and Deaths to be charger is reg. 1.,
advertisements.
tion with the other States of the Union, with
out their consent. The amendment offered by
the gentleman -from Philadelphia (Mr. DLE.
sissar) qualifies this assertion by quoting Gen.
Jackson's opinions, also - expressed in the same
proclamation, "That a State or any other great
portion of the people suffering under long and
intolerable oppression, and having tried all
constitutional remedies, may have a natural
right, when their rights cannot be otherwise
secured, to absolve themselves from their obli
gations to the_government." I heartily endorse
all Gen. Jackson said in that Proclamation.—
The gentleman from Alice - belly (Mr Wuzums,
has stated that the . principle embodied in
thy
amendment meets with his endorseinent; but he
declines voting for it. I agree with him in all
his views, but I shall vote for it, and will then,
if the imendment should be adopted, vote for
the -resolution as amended, believing in the
principles therein contained ; but if the amend
ment should be lost, I shall be compelled to
vote against the resolution. My reason is, that
the resolution presents an abstract question and
does not confine itself to the present crisis, and
denies the right of a State to absolve itself
from the Union, no matter what causes may be
presented—a doctrine asserted by the House in
refusing to adopt the amendment explaining,
the original resolution. I cannot vote for it.
I want it to be clearly understood that I do
not believe that there is any Omstilulional right of
secession, but I believe in the right of revolution.
I do not endorse the position of South Carolina.
I consider the resolution, under any circum
stances, inexpedient at ds time, when we
should do all in our power to preserve good
feeling with the Southern States.
Mr. BYRNE. lam very much gratified to
find the other side of the House ready to ' en
dorse even a part of General Jackson's doctrines,
and I trust the time will soon come when they
will endorse a good deal more. I like this pro
gression towards sound doctrine. The doctrines
of General Jackson are all good in their place,
but Ido not think that the adoption of thie b
amendment is called for. Ido ,not think lhat -
South Carolina, just at this time,needs any such
declaration from us. I care very little, how
ever, whether this amendment be adopted or
nal, I shall vote for the resolution at any
rate. •
On the question,
Will the House agree to the amendment?
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
DUFFIELD and Mr. RANDALL and were as
follows, viz
YEAs—Messrs. Boyer, Brodhead, Butler,(Car
bon,) Cope, Dismant, Divine , Donley, Dutheld,
Dunlap, Eilenberger,Gaskill, Hill, Kline, Lei
senring, Lichtenwallner, Manifold, Morrison,
Myers, Osterhout, Randall, Reiff, Rhoads, Smith,
smith, -24.
Nays—Messrs. Abbott Acker Alexander, An-
ford,) Byrne, Clark, Collins, Cowan, Craig,
Douglass, Duncan, Elliott, Frazier, Gibboney,
Goehring, - Gordon, Graham, Rapper, Harvey,
Hayes, Hillman, Hood, HOfillS, Huhr,
Irvin, Koch, Lawrence, M'Donough, M'Goni
gal, Marshall, Moore, Mullin, Patterson, Peirce,
Preston, Pughe, Reily, Ridgway, Robinson,
Roller, Schrock, Seltzer, Shafer Strang, Taylor,
Thomas,' White, Wildey, Williams, Wilson,
and Davis, Speaker-65.
So the question was determined in the nega
tive.
Mr.. BLISS, (when his name was called.) I
most cordially approve the principle embodied
iri this proposition, but I cannot support it as
an amendment to this resolution. I vote no.
Mr. HAHN. (when his name was called.) I
fully recognize and approve the sentiments con
tained in the message of General Jackson ; but
I fully believe that the seceding, States have
not exhausted all constitutional means of re
dress in this Union. - With this view, I cannot
support the amendment, and I vote no.
Mr. MoDONOUGH. (when his name w.s
was called.) Seeing nothing that will sustain
me in voting for this amenthaent, or for any
thing that justifies one State to secede from
another, I must vote no.
The question recurring,
Will the House agree to the third resolution ,
The yeas, and nays were required by Mr.
PEIRCE and Mr. BUTLER, (Carbon,) and were
as follows, viz :
Yaes—Messrs. Abbott, Acker, Alexander, An -
demon, Armstrong, Asheom, Austin, Ball;
Barnsley, Bartholomew, Bisel, Biller, • 'Bliss,
Boyer, Bressler, Brewster, Brodhead, Bums,
Butler, (Carbon,) Butler, (Crawford,) Byrne,
Clark, Collins, Cope, Cowan, Craig, Disniant,
Divine, Donley, Douglass, -Duffield, Duncan,
Ellenberger, Elliott, Frazier, Gaskill, Gibboney,
Goehring, Gordon, Graham, Happer, Harvey,
Hayes, Hill, Hillman, Hood, Hofius, Huhn,. Ir
vin, Kline, Koch, Lawrence, Leisenring, Licht
enwallner, Lowther, W.Donough, M'Gonigal,
Manifold, Marshall, Moore, Morrison, Mullin,
Myers, Osterbout, Patterson, Peirce, Preston, •
Pughe, Reiff, Reily, Rhoads, Ridgway, Robin
son, Roller, Schrock, Seltzer, Shafer, Smith,
(Berks,) Smith, (Philadelphia,) Stehman, Strang,
Taylor, Thomas, White; Wildey, Williams, Wil
son, and DaTiz, SPenker-88.
AYS—Mr. Randall— 1 •
Sp, the question ivnsdeierrline4 in the affirm
lve.
The fourth resolution was read as folloWs:
4 Resolved, That the Constitution of the
United States of America contains &lithe powers
necessary to the maintenance of its authority,
and it is the solemn and most imperative duty
of the government to adopt and carry into
effect whatever measures may be necessary to
that end; and the faith and the power of Penn
sylvania are - hereby pledged to the support of
such measures, in any manner and to any ex
tent that may be required of her by the eon
stituted authorities of the United States.
On the question,
Will the House agree to th e s ame?
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
RANDALL and Mr. HOFIUS, and were as fol
lows, viz,: • ,
Yass—lffessrs. Abbott, Acker,. ~Alexander,
Anderson, Armstrong, Asehom, Austin, Ball,
Barnsley, Bartholomew, Bisel, Bigler,' Blise,
Bressler, Brewster, Burns, Butler,, (Crawford,)
Byrne, Clark,:-Collins, Cowan.thltig, Douglass,
Duncan, .Elliott, Frazier, IGibboney,_ Goehring
Gordon, Graham, Happer, Harvey, Hayes:llM
man, Hood, Hafts, Huhn, Irvin, Kline, Koch,
Lawrence, Lowther, M'GonigalT Marshall,
Moore, Mullin; Patterson, Plerce,Pughe,Beiley,
Ridgway, Robinson, Roller, Schroek, Seltzer.
Shafer, Stehrnany Strang, Taylor, Thomas,
White, Wildey, Williams, Wilson and DaVig—
Speaker--65.
NAys—liessrs. Boyer, Brodhead, Butler,(Car
bon,) Dismant, Donley, Duffield, Dunlap, gas
kill, Hill, Leisenring, Liehtertwallner, WDon
ough, Manifold, Morrison, Myers,Randall.Reiff,
[Coniimusi on Fourth Far.]
RATES OF AuVERTIS
FtRASOIS FOR vOTING.