13 M' XI ..A. ar ''
CEEB
Joint Resolutions Relative to the
Maintenance of the Constitution
and the Union.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
MONDAY EVENING, Jan. 21, 1861.
The House re-assembled at 7 o'clock, P. M.,
and resumed the consideration of Senate bill
.No. 1, entitled "Joint resolutions relative to the
maintenance of the Constitution and the Un
ion."
The question was on the amendment submit
ted by Mr. DUFFIELD.
Mr. DAVIS. Mr. SPEAKER: Had I consulted
my own feelings on the present occasion, I
should probably have remained silent. But
from the course which this debate has taken,
and the manner in which our friends on the
other side have conducted the discussion, I shall
beg leavt to occupy the time of the House for
a few moments.
I will remark, in the outset, that I have no
apologies to make for slavery ; nor have I any
philosophical predictions to make with regard
to its final extinction. These:are subjects with
-
which Lhave nothing to do.
I would hay.e-preferred that the gentleman
who has just taken his Seat (Mr.. Licirithiims.-
mat) slmuld_have gone a little farther with his
comparison in regard to Jonah and,the whale.
I think that the comparison was a good-orie. I
believe that Jonah was swallowed by the whale
for. good reasons, on account of his wicked prac
tices. I have no doubt that it was a bitter
and that Jonah was as sick as the whale before
he got through. [Laughter.] But the gentle
man might have carried the comparison farther.
When Jonah had been delivered from this great
trial, he was, I believe, a new man ever after-
wards ; and I trust that when this 'Democratic
party, which the gentlemansays has been swal
lowed up, shall eeme - out, it will: be free from
the iniquities which brought it into its present
extremity.
The encomium pronounced on the Union by
my friend on the other side, meets. my ; hearty
concurrence, and I will go as far as any gentle
man on this floor to support the - Condtitution
as interpreted by its authors, and handed down
• to us by our fathers.
lam in favor of a rigid enforcement of the
laws of Congress, and believe I speak the senti
ment of the party of which lam an humble
member, when I say we are ready to carry out
(odious as some of their provisions may be) all
the laws made in pursuance' of the compromi
ses of the Federal Constitution.
Bat, sir, the' question is on the amendment of
thegentlernan from Phila., (Mr. Dussimar) to re
peal certain sections of the Revised Penal Code;
and in all the eloquent speeches we have heard
from the.gentlemen on the other side, no one
has attempted to arguethat those sections con
tained anything that could be construe(' or tor
tured into a violation of the Constitution.
But, on the other land, it has been admitted
by all, that those sections are in . direct accord
ance with the decisions of the Supreme . Court,
, We are asked to repeal them, not because they
conflict with the decisions of the Supreme
Court or the rights of other States, but to con
ciliate. My opinion is, where we have violated
no compact, compromises are unnecessary
where we have committed no wrong, concession
is humiliation and disgrace.
Pennsylvania has no war to wage, whatever
may have been her grievances, and I trust her
representatives will support her integrity and
their own manhood.
Our Democratic friends are making, it seems
to me, an effort to attach odium to the Repub
lican party, or to say the least, (and I say it in all
kindness,) they are endeavoring to make politi
cal capital for themselves.
But there is one thing in connection with this'
et - a - b - iltrnYer ribuld - iiorhe lost sight of. If
there is anything wrong on our statute booki,
if those sections of the penal code are in viola
tion of the rights of the South, the blame cer
tainly attaches to the Democratic party.
The law of 1847 was passed under a
.Demo
credo Administration—revised and corrected by
Democratic commissioners appointedby a Demo
cratic Governor, and voted for by every mem
ber of the Democratic party in 1860, in both
branches of the Legislature, signed, sealed and
approved by Governor Packer. So if there is
any fault to be found with the legislation of
Pennsylvtriar-it is the Democratic, and not the
republican party, that is responsible. •
But, sir, I am not willing to vote for the repeal
of those sections, unless I can be convinced they
are wrong. Much as I blame the Administra
tion party for bringing about the present state
of Waits; yet lam loth to believe that the
'Democratic party of Pennsylvania, while pre-
Widing friendship for the South, have been for
years perfecting a code of laws, which, if not re
pealed by the Republicans, will be a sufficient
cause for a dissolution of our proud and pros
perous Union.
The Republican party has never enacted any
thr , fbir slavery
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fiemumluetnict Ma -4- &lettrapt),-41bursoav 'Afternoon, January 24, 1861.
of any State. Each State has the right to regu
late its institutions in its own way, but we hold
slavery to be a local institution,while we regard
it as wrong and inhuman. We have no right
nor no desire: to meddle with it in the States
where .it exists-4f- they bring on:* crisis, it
is their own ,funeral. But-.while we acknow,
ledge their rightS, and are . willingAo conce de them, we also know otir own and willimabg*
The people of Pennsylvania have deciiied i by
an unparalelled majority, in favor of freedom,
in favor of saying to this foulest curse that ever
stained the earth, or shocked highneaveii;thtiS
far shalt thou go and no farther.
And we, to be true to our trust, must Stand'
firm. A desertion of principles as has been
truly said, mill ruin any party.
It has, made, the old Whig and Democratic
parties both subjects for history; for the history`
of men and parties should never be written till
after theifileatli:-
Let us then be careful how we:trifle with the
',principles by virtue of which we were elected.
But let us stand firm in this hour of peril,rear
ing aloft the proud banne - bf nni,beloved coun
try without one star erased, declaring to the
world that Pennsylvania, the Keyitene'of the
Federal Arch, is ready tO exert her influence in
favor of , the maintenance uf -thefgonstitaltion
-and the :Union,:relying,upon the justness of her
cause and the . proteetien of Heaven.
I hate but little 'More to say ntpresent on
the subject under consideration.
• I would not have occupied -the time of the
Romans - long as have, had' knot been for
the manifest disposition .on. the part -of our
Democratic friends to make political capital out
,of the present alarming State of Our public af
fairs.
I had hoped, sir, that the Senate resolutions
would have passed without . any serious object
tions—patriotic, cautious, and .conciliatory, as
they are. .
But as soon as they were'read 'in this House,
the gentleman from Philadelphia threw a fire
brand in our midst by- moving to insert the
Breckimidge platform—e, platform which-was
submitted to the country on its merits, and re
pudiated by two-thirds of the, States, and three
fourths ,of the entire people. 'Thus • giving the
debate a partizan cast from the first. •
The 'gentleman on the other side, cry.Upion,
concession peace. Yet. they .are not, willing to
vote for anything that is not embodied in their
own party platform. The people of Pennsylvii- -
nia are too wise and magnanimous, ..to be de,
ceived by the schemes of politicians, or design-.
ing men who are no politicians.
All such schemes, come from whatever quar
ter they may, will meet the condeinnation of an
outraged constituency. The time for deceiving
the people has gone by, and he that attempts it
will be buried in the ruins of his own.folly.—,
Pennsylvania is now ready, as she _ever has
been, to extend,the hand of fellowship to all
Union men, North or South. The Legislature
of the gallant little' State of 'Hell : ware—the pa=
triotic Gov. Hicks—the brave andnhivakic Ma
jor Anderson—and all kindred spirits who are
devoted to the. Union.. When theynsk for sym
pathy, or solicit aid, they , strike a chord that
vibrates to the inmost soul. ,
, can . .
And if kpre be anything done to-en
courage thordar.Statei to stand by the coun
try, I . believe the Representatives of Pennsyl
vania are willing to act, if the requirements : be
consistent with the cause of truth and right.—
We have no malice to' gratify no 'hatred against
any portion of the country; we are'all equals.
And while Iwould make honorable terms with
the conservative. States, who love the Union, I
would hold no truce with those States who have
already raised the arm of rebellion:
I deny the right of artf State to secede from
the Union. There can be no right unlesi by
revolution, and reVolution, unless .succmful, is
treason. But, sir, I still hope that the Cotton
States will see the recklms madness of their
present treasonable attempts to destroy the,
government, and forbear.
ra7 ---- ve faith in th ' °
heaven, and the , :- -pus • : , •S•of our cause ;
and if all honorable means of adjustment fail,
then God be with 'the right. May. His hand
guide the destiny of the nation, and tune the
harmony of the actions of the friends of Consti
tutional Liberty. -
Mr. LEISENRINH said
Mr. SPEAKER : The gentleman from Venan
go, (Mr. DAVIS,) has given the House the' very
reasons why I desire a repeal of portions of the
95th and 96th sections of the revised penal
code. He, has told you that they were origin
ally reported by .Demecratic commissioners,
adopted by a Democratic Legislature, and ap
proved by a Democratic Governor. Now, Sir,
if that be true—if our party did wrong in times
past, I am here to .aid in repairing the wrong,
and in clearing our statute books of anything
that may now appear to be unconstitutional or
unfriendly. Mr. SPEAKER: The - resolutions
before the House are such as require the
calm and dispassionate consideration of every
member of this body. No one should attempt
to consider them in the light of partizanship—
whether Republican or Democrat—their purport
is too momentor It this -time, to be affected
COMMOn
This change in our national feelings, under the
circumstances, is not entirely unexpected; and
the people of Peansylvarda,-.. anxious to-renew
the assurances of their 'good feeling to'the citi
zens of every other State,
,have requested the
Repr.esen.tatiy,ed Senators to do—what ?
Noijo Oanifirmense principles or sacrifice per
sonal opfnion ; : :not to acknowledge unemnstitu
tional a con fitted against the laws of -our.
common' coutitry epr..fthe, citizens of any *ter'
Commonwealth ; not to fall on our knees at tlie.
shrine of Commerce and beg for mercy when
we have done no wrong; but simply to purge
ornielv'es ofall seeiniriendliness-to 'any
neighbors, and magnanimouslyexhibit to
the world a devotedness'. to the laws :of
the land as well as those which regulate
a common brotherhood between man and man.
Is theraanythiyig unrighteous in, this,? Any-,
thing4lerogatory to our characters' .Athbij rdPi
resentatives ? Anything that pertains, in any
ptifticlilar; tO Vdeparturerfronatthe-striet.path ,
of right and justice, or that which should ani
mate every heart and prompt every conscience
with the high - literogative of doing unto others
as we would have them do ;to us?
Speaker,, there. is, nothing wrong, , nothing un
just in this request; and when I : Contemplate
who these fifteen ohousand 'petitioners - arc.
every impulse' of my nature; and everyt.prompt:
ing of my Milid.,:compels me to answer to their.
prayer, "Thy will be done." A. large, propor 7
tion of these. petitioners are ,my frrendsmy
neighbors—and' many hundieds of tliem
immetliate.constituenta--yourparty .supporters
Who speak to me in thunder ; tones in this
wise : "Whereas, we not being more, wise,
just, honest or patriotic, than they, (meaning the
people Of every section of the United States), are
bound, in justice to , our children, to leave, this
glorious Union to them as an inkerittmee---the
same as left to us by our Fathers----and to secure
this 'cud, (mark the •great' benefits to result),
justice and patriotism-require that we should
'do every thing inmar power to'effect such com
promises as will restore . ,p . eace . and harinony
our distracted country, and perpettnife the
Union of these States." kow,'What, grmter
boon do we want to bestow on our children than
the perpetuity of the Union ? Nothing in my
judgment is. dearer to an American .citizen.
nothing more sacred oi.miwe imPortant to an
individual; except ailvatibri tif hiS Soul !
Who are these petitioners? The member
from Allegheny (Mr. WILLIAMS) .has telq us
they are .the merchants and manufacturers of
Philadelplda—U race of men Whose Principles
and feelings are governed.entirely by trade—
Mr. WILLIAMS...I beg-leave 'to correct the
gentleman, ; I took„occasion the other day to cor
rect a misstatement of the sanie'kind, (I donot
use this ltingtaiee in any offen.siva "sense,) made
by another gentleman from Philadelphia, [Mr.
SirsrpAnn and I that would be suffi
cient. I said nothing aliout the manufacturers
of PhiladelPhia. Tgey , are a 'dam men
whom , Prepresent very largely myself. ,
_ _ _
Mr. LE . TSENRING-. Ij o ok- occasion, ,sir, to
take some notes during the 'remarks of the
gentlemanan
,' d I *mid 'saylieie, that his
speekh as-reported in the Record ig net the speech
delivered.on the floor, soi fur as : Philadelphia is
concerned:. .
Mr. WILLIAMS. .
Thereinl finist alloWed
to say; ifis Word'for wordy mid letter for letter,
the identical speech. I ought.to havea better
recollection of the matter than . the, gentlenlan
from Philadelphia.,
Mr. LEISENRING. Let me
Mr. Wir,T;TAMS ' I should suppose; however,
that it - would ., • hava been. sufficient for me to
have disclaimed it. .There the. controversy
ought to end. ,
Mr. LEISENRING. 'Let' rue 'say to 'the Mem
bers of this body; that if such - be the estimate,
placed uponthe Merchants 'and :Manufacturers
of the metropolis of, our State, by the member,
from Allegheny, it is worth about as much as
his opinion of the SmireMe Court - of rthis.Com-'
monwealth. He insinuates 'that the , names
re.secured-tr - pure'hoqc.,.and teatthey do not
`present the sentiment of even these,who signed
the petitions,much less the'comnilinitY. Let me
say, again, that his random Shots and slanders
fall harmless before those gentlemen, whose
characters for -fidelity to their country, strict
business integrity, honesty of purpose, and loy
alty to the Ccinstitution, are so well established
throughout the length and breadth-of thaland
as to need -no particalar vindication at my
hands. They are, an imihstrious, intelligent,
peace-loving and - law-abiding population, used
to 'meeting.; their obligations,' opposed; in
every manner to repudiation, and always ready.
and willing to sustain the Supreme tribunal of
the Commonwealth in punishing repudiators;
Sir, in times past, the citizena of that same
Philadelphia, ancestors, doubtless, of these very
petitioners, exhibited their love of country in
the war which gained. our independence. They
tobly came to the rescue in One of the darkest
periods of the Revolution, and not only pledged
their'assistance, by, force of arms, maintain
their rights, but their means and credit were
freely given, and through them that great fi
nancier,-Robert 'Morris, was enabled to sustain
the cause of liberty by rib - along of material
aid, which 'energy er of the right
remove every just cause of dissatisfaction with
our legislation. -
, By adopting the amendment to the Senate re
solutions we will take one step in that "exam- i
plc of magnanimity," and "remove every just ;
cause •of dissatisfaction with our legislation;"
Mr. Speaker, we will further show,by our ac
tion, that we endorse the action of Goy. Hicks, ,
of Maryland, the:Legislatures. of Delaware
.and
sentiments
and highly approve.of the - Union
sentiments' pervading the people of those
Strites,w well as those of Kentucky. Tennessee,
North Carolina, Missouri. Louisiana and Texas,
l'ind - many of the- citizens.of
sippi, Alabama, Florida and South Carolina.
Mr. , ,Speaker, let us, for a-, moment, examine
the amendments in connection with the Senate
re olutions. The first resolution of the amend
ment sets forth that the provisions contained
in article four*, ~ fsee.tjcpi; second, . dense- third .
of the Constitution of the United States, ;Aka .
-deolares , that4WatalitasimirinilstAo,sevilfg,-.9E-.
bor in one State, under the kill's hereof esca
ping into.another,Aallfill can eguyrpe of any
law or regulation therein,
be discharged from
such service or labor, but shall he delivered up
on.tlM claim 1)f the . Party to Whom such service
Or hilior may' be due,"- is sacred, inviolate' and
•bitiding upon the,people of all the States; and
that it is a positive violation of good , faith for
any State to enact and maintain anylaW which
interferes withithe rights of the.
master to
claim. his fugitiye,slave, or. encourages, in any
'Mariner, the citizens to ud in the escape of such
fugitive, or - einhartaSs, in ;tiny way;' the officers
of the law 'in e - xecuting process under :the fu
gitive slave. , act; passed, by ; Congress in 'one
thousand eight hundred and fifty.
Now wliiit is vitori,Tht this proposition ?" • No
member on this floor, I think, can interpose an
Objection to the principle that the laws of the
United States - are sacred and . inviolate. • •
What.doeS the second.propose.? The- repeal
of the sth and' 7th sections.of-the Act to prevent
kidnapping preserve- the public peace, &0., -
.passed March 3d, 1847, and the 05th and 96th
sections of.the Act entitled "an Act to consol
idaterrevise and amend the Penal. laws of the
Commonwealth, passed March 314, 1860,. ex
cept that portion of the 9Tith section which de
fines and punishes the offence of kidnapping.
The third ieSolutionovhich sets forth that the,
people of Pennsylvania fully recognize and, ac-
knowledge the equal rightslof all the people of
the Several States in the common territories of
the Federal, Union, and that they earnestly
pray that such amendment or amendments may
be speedily Made "'fo the Constitution of the
United States, EtS will Permit the citizens of all ,
the, 'States equally to, enjoy. said territories,
'without let, hindrance, ormolestation, from any
(Martel-, and thus remove the question of sla
very forevet frerri` the political arena, is not re
quired at this time, because it is - merely .de--
elaratory of the rights of the : several States in
the common property of the general govern
ment.- The 'Supreme Court of the United States'
is the sole arbiter of thp equality of these righti
of the several States and therefore it would be
merely resnlving that•which comes within the
purtiew of tliOdecision of the highest judicial
tribunal known to the laws of the country:
The fourth, I all, ,will agree to. This
states that .Pennsylvanians. are true now, as
they haVe ever been, to the COnstittition and
the Union, and in a' spirit' of justice and frater
nity- will exclude from their councils all meas
ures calculated to irritate or influence any of
our fellow-citizens,no matter where they belong,
at the', same' time proposing 'the exhaustion
of all - peaceable and 'Constitutional remedies
to prevent the destructiori of the common bond
and common brotherhood, and that clearing
their record of all causes of cOraplaint, no mat
ter from what quarter they they come, they will
stand Unflinchingly by the Executive of ' the
United States, in all his efforts to maintain the
Constitution, exact obedience to the laws, and
protect the property of. the General Govern
ment: This, it will be observed, contains` the
gist - of the whole - inatter- - ----that of "clearing our
own record, and thensustaiuing, as the'Consti,
talon of the United States requires, the Presi
dent of the nation, in every emergency.
ThOpteritible to the Senate resolutions re
cites what a fewinisguided men in a sister State
have done, and the resolutions, in effect, threat
en coercion, without suggesting any remedy for
existing evili and dangers. Where is the neces
sity for' sueh ruraimoinicement from the Legis
lature of old conservative Pennsylvania ? When
her citizens appeal to us - to clean their skirts, it
seenisindeliatte, - to say the least,--for 'us -to set
up our ..judgment and 'determination against
their wishas and earnest desires. Let the . poli
ticians bow in submissiOn 'to the Popular•will,
and out National troubles will soon cease,
The people will apply a remedy, if the oppor
tunity is afforded, and the old barque will sail
onward and upward as in days Of 'yore. Unless
there be something practical in our action all may be
lost. What is the' use of resolving that all reme
dies for complaints are within the provisions of
the Constitution? I admit thre. is for all legae
grievances, but not for public sentiment. Is thl.
Constitution able; of itself; to control a public
Sentiment ever so morbid ? Publi . ••• •-.—
and might do so , •
ted States have affirmed the decision of our
State court, in a great test question familiar to
all; and whether the Supreme Court of this
Commonwealth be composed of " country law
yers, whose decisions have to be reversed at
least once, a year, andonnetirnes oftener," the
highest tribunal in the land has given',
them a good certificate for sound judgment
by the affirmation in this particular case.. But
it may be, that foiled,in 'repeated efforts to sub
vert lavi and to' accOmplish dishonest purposes
through legal chicanery, it is intended design
edly toplunge this country into revolution as the
only and last.means, terriblethough it may be,
to escape the payment of just debts. In revolution
no,debts are paid They are often wiped out,
entirely, and in fratricidal war it may be that
a. temporary relief may be found from that tax
ation, to the payment of which revolution is
so much preferred. The sentiments uttered by
the gentleman from _Allegheny, are a fitting
type of the, constituenex,Be
~represents . For
long years, it - is said, - they liave used gin iris a
willing instrument in their partiored :repudia
tion, and-it appears:that, parties are used now,
in this other sphere, to create a state of affairs
by which' alone they can• achieie further dis
tinction in their peculiar ideas. If honor
there be in such a course, let the gentleman
favoring this purpose wear the' laurels. My
constituents, who are the creditors of some of
the parties here represented, want none of
them. ' • ,
Mx. Speaker, turning asidelfrom thistecrrible
thought of revolution, I appeal to the ' onser
vative members on this floor 'to stand firm,and,
in the language _of Governor Curtin, "by a
prompt repeal of every statute that May, even
by implication, be liable;to reasonable objection,
do our part to remove every just cause for dis
satisfaction with our leyislation:" Let us for
get party, sacrifice partisan views and prinei
ciples, if necessary, to bolster up and conciliate
those of 'the binder 'States wtiose interests are
identified with ours,. and who,like us; =are op
posed to the thought, lolly, effect and curse of
secession. Let us plant ourselVes on the plat
form--not of this'or -that party--but the Con
stitution, to observe which compromises have
been made in the past and must be arranged in
the future. This will, as Governor -Curtin
requests us, "exhibit to other States, that may
have enacted laws hiterfering with the rights,
or obstructive of ''the remedies, 'which' be
long constitutionally, to all- American citi
zens, an example of magnanimity and of im
plicit obedience to the paramormt law." As par=
titans; we can accomplish nothing. Commit
ourselves to the policy of compromise, as the
brightest intellects and tried men, (who have
gone to an eternal rest,J. trust, in the arms of a
foraiving Savior,) always did, in the hour of
'diliculty, and old Pennsylvania may still be
able to hold her exalted conservative position in
the family of States comprising the Union. This
cannot be done by a series of resolutions, adopt
ed' by a mere majority of her Legislature, which
suggest nothing to heal the troubles in which
we are involver], provide no 'remedy for the
evils which, must necessarily be entailed upon
us, offer nothing in the shape of peace or com
promise, but hold out a threat. My friends, my
judgment teaches me that this policy, ;on
our part, is suicidal. Adopt it. and the
leaders of secession have gained a triumph
over the co-operationists. Their efforts to
plunge us into a 'civil war will be seconded by
the authorities of Pennsylvania—all - hopes of
settlement may pass away—and the valleys and
plains of the sunny South will be crimsoned with
the blood of our fathers and mothers, brothers
and sisters, and dear children. Legislators of Penn
sylvania! I appeal to you,= this — day, to record
your votes in opposition to such scenes—in op
position to the proposition to aid in bringing
about a worse condition of affairs than has ever
yet been witnessed- on the habitable globe.
Mr. BUTLER,. (Cranford ) much has
been said, and well said on this subject, that we
Might afford to let it come to an end imme
diately ; but such seemsnot to be the disposi
tion of this House. The debate has taken a
wide range. Perhaps it is well that such has
been the case. Not only the question before us
has been' debated, but other questions have
been -brought' in. It is well, perhaps, that it
, has been so. It has afforded an opportunity to
each and every one of us' to make a speech
either for our country or for "buncombe," just
as to us it might seem best and most necessary.
One of the matters which have been intro
duced, and which I consider'as not being par
ticularly pertinent to the subject, was the ques
tion as to where lies the blame for our present
difficulties. It has been charged home upon
each party by members of the opposite side.—
Another of these topics is as to the object of the
Secessionists of - the South. Another is the
Union meeting in Philadelphia. Another is as
as to slavery in the territories. Lastly, Sena
tor Douglas and his career have' been brought
in here.
One grave charge which has been brought
against the Republican party is, that . 9Qi have
circulated incendiary docum ' • -
If the - -
our statute book any law that is Constitutional,
at the bidding of any outside party.
-When a claim is set up here, that those who
Controlled that meeting would do as much or
even more than the citizens Of other States to
perpetuate this Union, I am prepared to believe
it. lam willing to admit thtit they would do
what the rest of the States would not do,—they
would be willing to compromise their honor,
their independence as men, and their right s as
aState,to appease the anticipated high demand s
of "King Cotton." Sir,these periodicallTnion
meetings, stripped of all verbiage, mean noth
ing. more nor less than a bid for the Southern
trade. Sir, the "almighty dollar" is at the
bottom of such movements.
Mr. Douglas and his course have been intro
duced into the debate. I am sorry that this
has been done ; I am sorry that any gentleman
disturbed the repose of the,dead.
But, sir, the real question before us is wheth
etwe shall modify or repeal our lawn, either
for the- , NOrth. -or --the - Stitttlr, 'the East or the
West. Three millions of people, sir, who would
be willing to abandon their rights at the bid
ding of, any,; cattaide Partite, would be fit in
stalments td enttlive. other&
But, sir, shall we repeal the 96th and 96th
sections of our Penal Code? That appears to be
the great question here. It, makes no differ
ence to me who made those laws—who decided
'tliem to he constitutional—who were the codi
fiers, or who signed the act of, last session. If
these laws are unconstitutional , they come in
conflict.with.the laws of tho. Gleam' Govern
ment they are null and void, and should be re
pealed. I say repeal them, when it shall be
clearly shown that they do thus conflict with
the Constitution and laws. Until this be dear
ly proved, abate not one syllables-not-one let
ter. But, sir, it strikes me„ from present ap
pearances, tltat the Peristal when:this shall be
proved, is far, very far, In the furore.
• It is obiected to a ilta of the - 05th section
that, according to its provisions, the Owners of
slaves may not violate the pea?e pr ropmait ri
otons acts in securing their slaves. ' r believe,
sir, that this prohibition would existt :by:virtue
of the common law, in the absence'of any posi
tive legislative enactment on the subject: It has
been decided by the highest authority that the
owner may recapture his fugitive slave without
legal process; provided he can do so- peaceably.
But this clause of the law bad no application; as
I understand it, to prevent owners frcini prtik
cecding by legal process in the arrestot their
fugitive slaves. This act applies only where
the Master, without legal process, atteMpts to
take his slaves in a violent and tumultucnis
manner. Is there anything wrong in. that? I,
conceive not. ..3
Another objection urged is that our Judges
and magistrates are not allowed to take juris 4
diction of the case of fugitive slaves:
legal gentlemen here have produced the
sition of the laws upon this subject; bti, "for
fear that the matters decided may have escaped
the minds of some, I will read from onecir"..two
of the decisions: '
"The Court have not the slightest hesitation
in holding. that under, and in :virtue of the
Constitution, the owner of the slaie, .is clOthed
with authority, in every State of the - anion, to
seize and re-captUre'his slave, Whenever he aza do
it without any breach of the peace or illegaLiiioktice.
In this sense, and to this extent, this chime, in
the Conatitution may properly be saidlo exe
cute itself, and to require no aid from legisla
tion, State or National."—[Peters Reports,
vol. 1 p: 303.]
"The provisions of the Act of the 12th of
February, 1793, relative 'to fugitive alai*, is
clearly Constitutional in all its leading piovi
sions, and indeed, with the exoeptiOffof that
part which confers authority, mil Stete']i 8a
trates, is free froth reasonable doubt or Melo&
ty. is to the authority so - conferred ens Mete
Magistrates, while a difference of "opixdomer,„-
ists, and may exist on this point, in different
States, whether State Magistrates -bound to
I act uruler it, none is entertained.by the Court,
that State' Magistrates may, if they. idiom, =r
ein the authority, indess prohibited by, State' legisla
tion."—[Peters' Reports, vol. 1,-p., 394.]
"The clause relating to fugitive - slave is
found'in the National Constitution,- Mid not in
.that of any State. It might well be :deemed an
unconstitutional exercise of the power of. 'inter
pretation, to insist that the States are bound to
provide means to carry into effect the diities of
the National government, nowhere 444K/tied or
entrusted to them by the Constibition. thi the
contrary, the natural, if not - the -neceisary"'con
elusion, is, that the National Government, in,
the absence of all positive provialcaito thitnn
truly, is bound, through its own etotiitillepart- "
ments, legislative, executive, or jufficlary, an
the case may require, to cony into effeetiiitthe
rights and duties imposed upon it by the Con
stitiition."—[Peters' Reports, vol. 1. p. 3041
The CTC. nverinnent has established - a
Court whose jurisdiction covers the whole sub
ject ; and there is no necessity thatour &Elder%
who have special , der our °Midi
.. • .
lEEE