TILE TELEGRAPH TELEGRAPH
IS PUBLISHED EVERY DAY,
017NDATS EXCEPTER,
GEORGE BERGNER & CO•
TElniii.—Sitroia Sr. aSeirrPTION,
The Nat TELEGRAPH is served to subscribers in the
at coi cents per week. Yearly subscribers
in Le charged $4.00.
WEEKLY AND Seme.WRIRLY TELEGRAPH.
ItteciPAPH is also published twice a week during
, • qrssioa of the Legislature, and weekly during the re
:ender of the year, sad lurnished to subscribers at thr
rates, viz: •
s ogle Subscribers per year
S,r el) .
INA LAW tn. MitreAFARS.
schscrafers order the discontinuance of their Bowe
, ..,,, the publisher may continue to send them until
't
I orrearages are paid.
.scrihers neglect or refuse to take their newapa
, r. -Wool the office to which they are directed, they are
until thee hoc - ' , fettled the bale and ordered
ip de discontinued
ftleitirat
. JOHNSON,
3 3.130r....-milter.4o>Zl-30
LOCK HOSPITAL.
S d d discovered v
utl r r e l m o o s
ts , ee i r , Ti ,
s speedy
fIe DISEASES OF I M PRUDENCE.
REIJI I IY 'IX TO , WkILV/I HOURS.
No Mercer> , or NOXiOUY Drugs.
CURE W.GREANTED, OM NO CILOGE, IN FROM. ONE TO
TWO DAYS,..C-41
ll rai:nces et the Pack er Limbs, Firictures, Pains In
the Leins, Affections of the Kidney Madder, Organic
11, , 1, Less, N trveus Debi , ty, Array of the Physical Pow-
Dy,pepsia, tapper, Low spirits, Confusion of Ideas,
II o f the Heart, Tiondily, Tremblings, Dimness
t-ight re Giddiness, Disease of the Stomach, Affections
tt.e Head, lire lase or :kin—those terrible dior
ilers srt-ing from the indi,retieu or Solitary Habits of
ymoli —the -e dredful and destructive practises which
disc constitutional debility, render marriage impos
ends, and destroy both body and Mind.
YOUNG 31 N
umig mcn enwrially who lh.ve become the victims al
nii of Vice, that dream of :.od do: tractive habit which
..; Lu dIY !.weepa to an aht mely grave thodsands of
pung men of Ihe room excited talent and brilliaht
010 mi., It otherwise hate entrance,! hatening
:mates with the thunders of eloan. see, or waked to cc
toy the living lyre, may call with foll confidence.
MARRIAGE
Married porous, or those contemplating marriage, be
leg aware of physical weaknese, should Immediately con
,ult Us. J., cud be restored to perfect health.
ORGANIC WEAKNESS
Immediately cured and full vigor restored
110 who places himself under the care of Dr. d., may
religiously confide in his Loner as a gentleman, and con,
fidestly rely upon Ids skill as a I hysteion.
tWolliets Nu. 7 south F edertek street, Baltimore,
on the leit hand elde going from Baltimore Arent, 7
g,•or,. ITOill We corner. 8 , , p3rticolar in observant the
tame or nutaber, or you will nikt.,ke the place. be par
ticular for Ignorant, .I'4J/ing Quacks, with fa'se names,
or Palley limb.° C'erh.ficale..., attracted by the replan:
dee Dr. Johnson, lurk mar
MI hollers must contain a Foe,toge Stamp, to use on the
l'elly.
E=l
Dr. Johnson member of tie Royal College of Surgeon's,
London, graduate from nue of tt.e most eminent Colleges
of the Lulled tatea, and the greatest part M witoio life
has been spent in the II ospintis of London, Paris, Phila
delphia sad elsewhere, has effected some 01 the most as
tot l:hing ewes that {Vele ever kitenit. Alauy troubled
wall ringing iu the ears and head when asleep. great oer
vousta IA being alarmed at sudden snoods, bashfulness,
with lag tie,it blushing, attended sometimes with derange
meat of mind were eared itureedlidely.
TAKE PARTICULAR NOTICE
hr. J. addresses all these wbo having Injured them
selves by private and improper indulgencies, that secret
and solitary habit which ruins both body and mind, un
fitting them for either business or society.
These are some of the sad and melancholy effects pro
duced by early habits of youth, viz : Weakness of the
Beck and Limbs, Pains in the Head, Dimness of Sight,
Loss of Muscular Power, Palpitation of the Heart, Dys
pepsia, Nervous Irritability, Derangement of the Digestive
Functions, General Deimity, Symptoms of Cetisuanp
non, &c.
bt6N'fALLI
alsferattv, the fearful chcett ou the mind are much to
be dreaded :—Loss of Ilmnory, Confusion of Ideas, De
pression of Spirits, Evil VoreLisilt.:E. ANeraiou torkmie
ty, Self-distrust, Love of Solitude, Timidity, ku, arc some
of the evil effects.
Thousands of persons of all ages, can now judge what
is the cause of their decline la health, losing their vigor,
becoming weak, pale, nervous and emaciated, have a
singular appearance about the oyes, cough, and symp
ma of consumption.
YOUNG MEN
who have injured themselves by a rt, rt iin prune°, In
Bulged lu wlion alone—a habit freowntly learned from
evil companions, or at school the effects of winch aro
nightly felt, even when asleep, uf.d if not cured, renders
marriage impossible, and destroys hello mind and body,
should 4ply immediately.
What a pity that a young man, the hopes of his coun
try, the darling of his parents, should be snatched from
01l prospects and enjoyments or life by am cousequenCoS
of deviating Item Inc path of nature, and indulging in a
certain secret habit. :Such persons must, before contem•
plating
MARRIAGE,
effect that a sound mind and body are the mat necessary
reeshi e 4 to promote connubial happiness. Indeed
%Mout these, the journey through lire becomes a weary
pilgrimage; the prospect hourly darkens to the view; the
mind becomes shadowed with despair, and tilled with the
thel.lahuly reflection that the happiness of another be
comes blighted with our own
bit. JOHNSON'S INVIGORATING REMEDY FOR OR
GANIC WEAKNESS.
liq this great and important remedy, WealtneEs of the
04atis are epeedily cured, and full vigor restored.
Thousands of the most nervous and debilitated who
had lost all hope, have been immediately relieved. All
lailleilmenta 10 Marriage, Physical or Mental Disqualill
canon, Nervous, Trembling, Weakuess or Exhaustion or
the moat feud ulyind, speedily cured.
TO STRANGERS.
,7,11.10 many thousands cured at this lustiutieu within the
last twelve years, and the numerous important Surgical
(month ns porformed by Dr. J witnessed by the re
porters of the papers, and many other persons, notices of
which have appeared agaiu and again before the public,
lisaitles his standing as a gentleman of character and re
spinsibitity, is a aullicient guarantee to the afflicted.
h 1 f AltinS OF IMPRUDENCE =When the misguided
and imprudent votary of Measure duds he has imbibed
the scout 01 this painful disease, it. too often happens that
au ill.timett sense of shame or dread of discovery deters
him from applying to those who, front education and re•
aPectability can aim, befriend him, delaying till the con
stituntinal s) tuptcms of this horrid disease muko their
appearance, effecting the head, throat, nose, skis, etc.,
progr.aring on with frightful rapidity, till death puts a
period to his dreadful sufferings by sending him to "that
tourne 11 . 0111 whence no traveler returns." It Is a mel
thelaily fact that thousands tall victims to this terrible
disease, owing to the unskilfulness of ignorant pretend—
ers, who, by the Me of that deadly poison, mercury, ruin
the constitution and make the rt sidue of lite miserable.
To .':ritANStas.—The Doctor's HplOnius hang in his
office.
/requiters must contain a Stamp to us on the reply
*rilemedies seat by ISM.
No. 7 South Frederick street, Baltimore.
aprl3 dawly
FALL AND WINTER, CLOTHING
PHILADELPHIA FASHIONS.
GRANVILLE STOKES'
ONE PRICE GIFT
CLOTHING EMPORIUM
No. 607 CHESTNUT STREET.
A. superb stock of foie 'Freud; Euglish and Anierican
CLOVIS,
CASSIMERES,
and VESTINGS,
For City and Country trade, with an unapproachable as
sortment or MILADY MADE CLOTIUM3 at the lowest cash
prices,
of-But ONE PRICE is asked, and a GIFT of intrinsic
worth and use presented wi,h each article sold.
Parth.ular attention paid to the Customer department,
and garments made atieseat'to order to any address.
In inaugurating this new system of doing business,
ERANVILLS. STORES would impress on the minds of
the patrons ol his establishment, that the cost of the gift
Is deducted from, and NOT
. adiies ie the price of the era.
chi sold, Ilia immensely mei testae sales enabling him
to act thus liberally, and at the same time to realize a
remunerative profit.
ell articles guaranteed to give entire satisfaction.
- -
GRANVILLE STOKES'
ON E PRICE -CLOTHING EMPORIUM
607 CHESTNUT STREET
ootl9-6rad
BiLtiraL BOO.IKB
t' ALL IMAGINAI3LEBIZES, PRICES,
nTY.I4I AND QUALIIIF.3 on hand end manufactur
order et the cheapest rates, at
WUGNU'S MEM. soossTORE.
1 : 1' 7 -3
„ .
•-•" •
ritetali
7'
• •
=
; itasDl.l
t
. .
0
$ 2.00
12.00
15.00
(11, XIV
REMARKS OF
Hon. THOMAS WILLIAMS,
Of Allegheny County.
On the Joint Resolutions relative to the maintenance
of the Com Nation and the Union.
Mr. WILLTAMS, said :
Mu. SysAkan : On the only occasion yn which
it has ever been my privilege to speak in this
Hall, the nation was sitting in gloom, and these
walls were shrouded in the drapery of woe.—
The Chief of this great Republic had just bowed
his venerable head before the arrows of the De
stroyer, and the Representatives of the people
were gathered here to testify their sense of the
great calamity which had befallen us. Nearly
twenty years have passed away, and the Provi
dence of God has sent me back on au occasion
of deeper gloom by far than the mere transient
eclipse which then shed a temporary twilight
over the laud. My errand here, like yours, was
to attend to the domestic interests of the great
State that owns our sway. lam met, like you,
upon the threshold of this capitol, by a higher
summons. I find my sphere of duties unex
pectedly enlarged. It is not Pennsylvania that
calls to-day : it is the great American Republic
that demands the counsels of her children.—
The temple which our fathers built—the altar
around which we worshipped in infancy, and un
der whose shadow we have ripened into strength
and manhood—the Union of these States—the
ark of our salvation—the sanctuary of our
peace—the tower of our strength—the pearl of
of our pride—constructed with so much labor
—glorified by so many recollections—and fraught
with so many hopes to man—that mighty
Union which, almost within the memory of
man, has clasped a continent in its embrace, and
which, as ire all fondly believed, was destined
to live forever—is threatened with destruction.
It is no foreign foe that summons us to its de
liverance. In that direction we know and feel
that it can safely dety the world in arms.—
No ! it is an enemy within our gates, and worse
than all, it is a parricidal hand that now swings
the incendiary torch over the fairest fabric
that ever crowned the labors, or blessed the
hopes or the prayers of man.
And what is the cause that menaces this
great structure with overthrow? Has it , failed
to accomplish the objects for which it was
erected? Has it laid a heavy hand upon any
of its people. ? Has it confiscated their proper
ty ? Has it stripped the laborer of his rewards
by the severity of its exactions ? Has it trod
den down the rights of a minority with an
armed hcel ? Has it visited any portion of its
dominions with fire and sword ? No, nothing of
the sort: It has been felt only in the blessings
which have d: scended from it, like the early
dew upon the tender herb. Peace and securi
ty have reposed beneath the shadow of its flag :
plenty and prosperity : have reigned _throughout
all its borders. What is it, then, that menaces
its existence? Why, nothing but the simple
exercise of a constitutional. right never before I
questioned ; nothing bathe partial enthrone
ment of an idea, not yet realized in act, in the
election of a President. Never was provoca
tion so inadequate assigned for an act so mo
mentous in its character and consequences.—
On its face, it is but a pretext—the hollowest
and the shallowest—for a premeditated parri
cide. The world will so judge it. 'lf mischief
should ensue, we shall stand excused, unless
we fail to put forth our hands to prevent it.
The State of South Carolina—one of the old
thirteen—torn by the valor of her sister States
from the arms of the mother country—always
turbulent, disaffected, rebellious—never loyal
but to the British crown—has run up the slag
of rebellion, and publicly abjured her allegianceto
that government of which she has been a
member for more than seventy years. The
Gulf States, purchased with our money, nur
tured by our care, and raised to the dignity of
brotherhood by our indulgence—and if not
States, then Territories still—have given to
kens of a disposition to take leave of us in the
same cool and quiet way. We have met thi
danger before, as regards the former, and hay
outlived it. In itself there is nothing, I think,
to inspire extraordinary alarm. We can afford
to laugh these threats to scorn, while we deplore
the alienation which begets them, if we are but
true to ourselves. The danger resides exclusive- -
1y in the idea—and I admit it is a great one—
that we aro to stand by, and allow this great
ruin to be accomplished without even a strug
gle, either because we cannnot, or because we
ought not, or because we do not desire to prevent
it. The Press,and to some extent the Pulpit—.
powers equal to the sword, and perhaps even
greater—have given currency to the idea that
coercion is impracticable, that its exercise would
not be in conformity with thesphit of our institu
tions, and that it would be a goodridda.nce to be
relieved of so turbulenta confederate atany price.
The President of the United States,profitingbythe
hint, whilehe denounces secessionasrevolution,
invitesand encourages the experiment by decla
ring thathe has no power to preventit. He breaks
his sword, like his Secretary, in the eyes of the
nation, and, with the spirit of a craven; abdi
cates his high trust as the executioner of the
laws. And this it is that has made me feel,
for the first time that we are cfrifting rapidly
and helplessly upon the breakers of disunion,
with imminent peril of shipwreck, not to one
State only, but to all.
Allow me to say that these are fearful here
sies. Those who indulge in them have not,
I think, duly reflected upon the consequences
to which they lead. It is not even true that
we should be better off without these States,
than with them. This government is a unit.
Better even a diseased limb, which is not
incurable, than the doubtful remedy of am
putation. Secession is revolution. That is a
right which nobody disputes, where the provo
cation is an adequate one. It must be asserted,
however, at the point of the sword. If un
successful, it is rebellion—no more and no less.
There can be no peacable secession without
treason on the part of our rulers, who are only
our trustees. They have no alternative but
to enforce the laws so far as the powers lodged
with them are available for that purpose. The
act threatened here, which aims at,the very lif
of the government, is treason against it, by
virtue of its organic law, and no authority of
Congress can make it otherwise. The very
attempt to legalize it would be something like
treason on the part of Congress itself. The
Constitution is a covenant of life, and not of
death. This government was intended to be
perpetual. It contains no provision for its own
dissolution. To rupture it,would be to dissolve it
It will not divide like the polypus. If South Car
olina is out of it, so are we. When it dissolves,
it will be like some wandering terolite, which
comes within the range of our atmosphere, and
scatters its meteoric shower in_ every directions
We shall then cease to be a natfoll f .kri4 fall in:
to an ill-assorted, and ill-compacted league of
jarring, discordant, belligerent and heteroge
neous republics, ready to Ily off upon the
"INDEPENDENT IN ALL THINGS-NEUTRAL IN NONE."
HARRISBURG-, PA., THURSDAY AFTERNOON, JANUARY 17, 1861
slightest provocation, and take each other by
the throats. We shall come together again,
nu doubt, in process of time, but it will he by
the power of the sword, and under the rule of
the standing army, and the bayonet—it will
be by the repelling force of anarchy.
And all this is to be risked in order to avoid
coercion, either because we have not the power,
or because it would be inconsistent with the
genius of a Republican government, to compel
its own citizens to obey its rule. No govern
ment has ever yet parted with any portion of
its territories to a rebellious member, without
at least a : etruggle to maintain them. When
we shall have tried the experiment and failed,
it will be time enough to retire from the field,
and confess that we are not adequate to the
task of self-preservation, which would involve
the humiliating confession that republican
government is itself a failure I, fur one, am
not prepared to make this admission, without,
at least, an effort to preserve what our fathers
have left us. Our past experience proves the
contrary. The disaffected states ate weak—
so weak, as we know, that they could not
stand alone. That which is with them an ele
ment of political power, is equally au element
of moral and physical weakness. The North
is the insurer of the slave. The South is the only
valnerable point of our Republic. It is the heel
of Achilles. The government, badly adminis
tered as it has been, is still strong in the af
fections of the people. They will rally around
it to a man in the Free States, at all events,
where the power of the government mainly re
sides. The moment it becomes a question of
self-preservation, there will be no two parties
here. Secession, if practicable, would make
us one. In the Union, the Slave States might
have friends among us—out of the Union they
are the enemies of us all, and can look for no aid
or sympathy in this direction. We,shall be all
agreed—then if not now—"to treat them as we
do the rest of mankind, as enemies in war, iu
peace, friends."
But what is there in the genius of our institu
tions, or the voluntary character of our Govern
ment, to forbid the use of force to compel obe
dience to the laws ? The idea is as absurd as it
is dangerous. No government ever did, or ever
can stand upon the mere bond of love, while
human nature continues to be what -it is. We
are told that the angels rebelled; but they were
cast out for their disobedience. Even the fam
ily government itself recognizes the law of co
ercion. There is nothing in the exertion of force
which is inconsistent with the law of kindness.
The master corrects his servant, and the father
his erring child, without violating that law.
No government has ever yet been been admin
istered without the aid of a - magistracy and a
police. They enter largely into our own. We
have our jails and our penitentiaries, our- sher
iffs and our marshals. We maintain our armies._
There is the array of the posseconritcaus to aid the
former. If the civil magistracy is too weak,, we
call in the arm of the military. The General
Government has never before hesitatecLio
.P711.0.11-I.Taixed_supp . ressa . l. an incur-.
rection in this State, against its own: lases. A
has unloosed its dragoons upon the territories.
Why should it falter now? ,The admission of
the novel principle that coercion is not to be
employed, is a signal for revolt—an act of 'self
destruction. Concede it, and we are no longer
a Government. The States; even the smallest
of them, will laugh at your acts of Congress,
whenever they do not like them, and pluck
ybur holiday soldiers contemptuously by the
beard. Nay, more. You twist disband your ar
mies, because they will have ceased to be of
any practical use. No longer needed to over
awe the negro, their only mission will be to
hunt down and massacre the unhappy Indian.
It will be said, however, that it is only where
the popular sentiment of a State is apparently
unanimous, that the Federal Government must
yield. I know no States as distinguished from
this Union. It is a government of the people,
and acts only upon individuals. If it cannot
seize and hang the State of South Carolina, it can
at least lay its hands upon the rebel Governor,
and all the traitors who are compassing our de
struction. But how are we to know that the
people of a State are universally agreed ? Are
we to take the newspapers, or the noisy dema
gogues as our guide? Is no allowance to be
made for the quiet, reflecting conservatism,
which may be overawed and silenced by the
clamors of the mob ? The present state of alarm
in the South is death to the actual proprietor
of the soil and the slave. Who knows but that
the mere exhibition of force on the part - of the
General Government, would develope a senti
ment that is now smothered? Shall we allow
the men who entertain it, to be ruined, because
we will not give them an opportunity to speak
out ? Shall we abandon them to the hands of a
few madmen, without even an effort to save
them ?
But we are told that it will not do to draw
blood—that the first drop spilled, will be the
signal for perpetual war. "agree that the necessi
ty of shedding blood, particularly abrother'S, is
always to be deplored. We must not play the-
woman, however, in such a crisis as this. Our
ancestors were men who did not faint at the
sight of blood. Torrents of it have flowed in
the conquest and preservation of these States.
We keep up armies to shed it if necessary, in no
greater cause. The scaffold has been the meed of
treason everywhere. Gen. Jackson has some
where said that secession is treason,and its pen
alty is death. But how much blood willit cost?
The way to save its effusion is to show that we are
always ready to shed it, if necessary, in a right,
eons cause. How do we know that it willeost any
more than a few heads in the present case ?
Does any body think to save it by allowing
these States to secede peaceably? If they do,
they are greatly mistaken. For drops, we shall
have oceans. Fora few traitorous head.s,we shall
have hecatombs of unoffending victims. For a
war of a single campaign—for the blockade. of
a port—we shall have bloody feuds along all
our borders—the whole country a camp, and
the whole Union a battle ground. How long
shall we maintain peace on the border, with our
present causes of quarrel greatly exasperated?
The negro will run away more frequently than
before, and there will be no fugitive slave law
to reclaim him. If the owner follows, he
will be dealt with as an invader. The
South will make reprisals.:. If it attempts to
close or embarrass the outlet of the Mississippi,
the stalwart boatmen of the West will hew
their way to the Gulf with fire and sword. If
the feeling of insecurity—intensified, as it will
be—should prompt the seizure of the Northern
trader, or the confiscation of hi goods, we shall
not then bear in silence with the indignities
which are put upon us now, and toler.ttecl, be
cause these men are our brethren. By such a
lawless course, they will put themselves beyond
the pale of civilization—outside of the family,
of nations. New York, and Massachusetts, and
Pennsylvania, and Ohio, will demand an instant
and ample reparation for every wrong, and our;
fleets will thunder at the gates of CharleSton,
and.Eavannah, and Pennsacola, and Mobile, and
,New Orleans, while.our land armies will unbind
the ihficklos of the slave, and pat the weaptoall
of destruction into his hands. And the result wil
be, that after a fierce and bloody struggle, they
will come back again, as Provinces, if not as
States, to be re-admitted, if we shall so long
hold together; with the root of bitterness extir
pated, and Slavery extinguished forever. And
this is the peace which is promised us as the
reward of, our connivance in an act of trea
son! Men who profess to be conservative, and
call -themselves statesmen, may go about the
streets crying "peace ! peace !" —but there will
be no peace here, but the peace of Pandeino
nium. God grant that our eyes may never
open upon such a scene of devastated harvests,
and desolated homes, as is foreshadowed here !
Is there any thing in the use of coercion by
way of prevention and correction only, to fore
shadow such a state of things as this? There
never was a time,and never will be, when force
could be applied more properly, more easily,
more successfully, or at a less expenditure of
blood than now. The provocation is absolutely
nothing. Our sin is that we have chosen to ex
ercise an undoubted constitutional right, by
defeabing them in a fair contest, and electing
the man of our own choice. That man is not
yet inaugurated. If he were, it would be im
possible for him to harm them. The slave
power is intrenched in every department of
our government. There is no offence in act.
The pievance is that the people of the free
states have endorsed the Republican idea that
slavery is any evil, and ought not to be ex
tended. The crime is that we do not think
as they do. It is the idea only, according to a
northern apologist, that amounts to a declara •
tion of war, and severs the golden thread that
binds these states together. It is for a difference
of opinion only, that the South proposes to se
cede from the Union. We know that it is but
a pretext. The very fact, however, of its flimsi
ness is a Providential one for us, if we are pre
pared to improve the advantage which it
gives us. It will be impossible for the mal
contents to find defenders any where upon
such an issue as this, and the hands of the
Government will be strengthened by ,the co
operation of the Border States, and certainly by
the unanimous sentiment of the North, and
the equally unanimous judgment of the civil
ized world. The time has come to crush at a
single blow the serpent of sedition,. whilst it is
yet weak and without sympathizers. I should
despair of the Republic,if we hesitated. Instead
of furnishing excuses to a weak and unfaithful
Executive, for skulking from the performance
of his duty, we ought rather to strengthen
his feeble knees, and encourage him to profit
by the si g nal fortune which has put into his
hands, atthe close of a disgraceful administra
ion, the opportunity of redeeming his past
errors and retiring amid the plaudits of the
nation, in the character of a deliverer, from
the great 'peril- into which he has himself con
'ducted it.
Is there any other course still left to us?
Yes, we are told there is another. While the
people of Rei4.l2SYlyanio _are on tin toe,_stralniug
their Pars ' ilt the direction a the South, and
waiting to hear the first boom of the cannon,
and the roar and the shout of the opening con
flict, a soft whisper of peace comes up to us on
the Eastern breeze, and ten thousand citizens
of Philadelphia,—whether men or women, I
know not,—instead of putting on their armor
and taking down their rifles from the wall—as
did our Fathers, when the first blast of the war
bugle rent the quiet air upon the plains of
LesingtonL.-are thronging our Halls, and, on
their knees, before us, with the beseeching cry,
that we shall lay down our arms, and surrender
at discretion.
Well, this is an easy remedy in most cases of
dispute, but one which it is not usual for the
weak to dictate to the strong, or the vanquish
ed to the victors. It is, however, the commer
cial nostrum. Those, whose business it is to buy
and sell, and deal in stocks and public securi
ties, are apt to think that everything—even to
liberty, and manhood, and self-respect itself—
is a legitimate article of traffic, and to be
rated at just so much current money of the
merchant. The device which we of Western
Pennsylvania bore upon our banners, was
"'Union and Liberty." "Concession before Se
cession" was the pithy but somewhat humble
sentiment, that streamed from the windows of
the great caravanserai on Chestnut street, and
found expression on the lips of orators at Inde
pendence Square. It was not the language
which our Fathers held at the same place. It
was not, I think, the great heart of Philadel
phia that spoke out there. It was not surely the
great bell of liberty, with its glorious device—
the brazen metal which rang out the tocsin of
the Revolution—that gathered that assemblage
together. Judging from its tone, and some
things that preceeded it, I should rather
suspect it was something more resembling
the fire-alarm that starts the sleeper from
his bed, and sends him half-naked and
shivering into the street. That meeting
was a sacrifice of burnt offerings for imputed and
acknowledged sins. Its High Priests were of-
Idol dignitaries. It was heralded by the im
molation of a propitiatory victim—a ram caught
in the thicket—in the person of a gifted Repub
lican orator and scholar, who had been invited
there to lecture on the very delicate and ques
tionable topic of honesty. Its cry was for
peace on any terms—lt brought judges there,
fresh from scenes of domestic confiscation—
their hands red with the slaughter of the
innocents—to disturb the peace of the nation,
by misrepresenting the aims of the Republican
party, and weeping crocodile tears over imagi
nary confiscations of property in slaves. It
lamented over the irrepressible conflict as a
northern sin. It apologized most humbly for
our Pennsylvania vote, and protested that we
meant nothing more than a tariff— in happy un
consciousness of the fact that the protection of
free labor was the very expression of that con
flict, if it exists at all. It could see nothing
right on the satiny side of Mason and Dixon's
line, and nothing wrong on the shady one. It
had no thought for the dark-skinned African sai
for who is thrown into prison and sold into
slavery in Southern ports, for the payment
of fines, unconstitutionally imposed, It had no
bowels for the northern freemen, whose claim
to the sacred title of American citizen, un
like that of Paul in the remotest province of the
Roman Pmpire, is vainly invoked to stay the
uplifted scourge. It pledged itself for a strict
scrutiny, and thorough expurgation of our stat
utebooks, nude liberal indemnity for every runa
way negro who might take refuge amongst us.
if the people had gone there in solemn proces
sion, barefooted and bareheaded, with ropes
around their necks, and girdles of hair cloth
about their loins, they could not have exhibit
ed a more edifying spectacle of penitential
sorrow.
Well, I am as muel3.,a lover of peace as
any man, and would- - g - p4s far as most men
to preserve it. to be purchas
ed, however, ,by, tiu ch.,4sacrifices as these.
If it were, I would ntOtty .. it by an act of
self-abasement.l4), not*alte my chest, and
bow down my. faz44,...a c u L,, and cry aloud
0301 .-. Wit saim4 . . I do rot
admit that we have sinned—l find nothing in
our statute books that I would be willing to sac
rifice as a peace offering to this insatiable spirit.
We have no concessions to make, unless we are
ready to confess that we have sinned in giving ,
the vote of this State, to the man of our own
choice. As a sovereign member of this Union,
we have stood faithfully by our contract, al
though in some respects an unequal one,and will
exnect all others to do the same. We have borne
the rule of the Slave States from the beginning
without a murmur. When we were defeated,
we acquiesced as good citizens. We should
have done so now, if we had been beaten. Be- '
cause we have succeeded, and the sceptre has
passed into other hands, it is now insisted that
we shall not rule this nation , and that it shall
be dismembered, unless we will consent to make
a new Constitution. It cost great labor, and
many sacrifices to make the present one. We
cannot make a better. If it were to be done
anew, I doubtrmuch whether we could make
any at all. The Cotton States are estranged
from us. They have come to love Slavery bet
ter than liberty. They have pulled down our
glorious emblem; and run up in its place the
miserable palmetto branch, with the trail of
the serpent over it. They have blotted out our
National holiday from their calendar. They
have hissed our National anthems on their
stage. They have ceased even to pray for-the Pre
sident of their own choice, who, in an evil hour
for himself, has listened, and fallen a victim to
their wiles and their seductions. They think
that the rule of the majority is inconsistent with
the safety of their idol. It is they, and not
we, who insist that there is an irrepressible con
flict between our two great systems of labor—
that the one wants protection, while the other
is injured by it. They are jealous of the growth
of the Free States, and alarmed by the revela
tions of the recent census. They want to get
away into a government, where the minority
shalt tear rule. We may purchase peace by al
lowing them to govern us, but on no other
terms. To secure it; we must abandon the idea of
a Tariff. No concessions short of this will satisfy
them. I know that trade is timid, and not always
as proud or conscientious as it ought to be.
It must be remembered, however, that it can
purchase no solid privileges at the price of
liberty. Nothing better than a hollow truce
was ever patched up' at the expense of man
hood. They think meanly of us now, or they
would not insult us by their menaces. We
shall give them new reason to despise us, if we
yield to their demands. The Dutch merchants
paid a high price to the Japanese, when they
agreed to spit and trample upon the cross, in
order to secure their trade, and the Japanese
paid them back with the contempt which they
deserved. How will the little sovereignty of
South Carolina strut and swell in vain-glorious
pride, when she finds a great community, of
twice her size, and a hundredlimes her wealth,
on its knees before her, begging for mercy and
for trade, on- any terms! It was not thus that
acquired her renown
and wealth, when Van Tromp and De Buyter
swept the Channel with the broom at their mast
heads. It was not thus that lordly Tyre, whose
merchants were princes, gathered the riches
of the world into her lap. It was not in that
spirit, that proud Genoa manned her gallies for
the empire of the seas. It was not in that
spirit, that her still prouder rival, the Queen
and the Bride of the Adriatic, exacted the
homage of the passing cruiser, and reared the
Lion of St. Marc at the gates of the Imperial
City of the East. It was not thus that Phila
delphia shone, when the spirit of her merchants
was incarnate in her Morris, and the nerve of
her Press, illustrated in her Franklin. It is
not thus that her stout-hearted meehanics,and
her strong-armed working men—that turbulent
class who arc expected to do so much mischief—
think and feel now. I would trust the honor
of the State and the safety of the Republic to
their keeping.
But what is it that these States demand of
us? They have asked for nothing. Why
should we hasten to prepare unsoliciteeofferings?
Why should we wreathe our garlands and offer
voluntary oblations upon their altars, in the vain
hope of appeasing them ? Are these men to
be reasoned with Will anything satisfy them ?
Is there anything in our laws that is wrong?
That is not pretended. Is there anything
that looksuufriemlly? If there be, I should be
willing to rectify it—but not now. We can afford
to be magnanimous ; we cannot afford to be
misunderstood. They would misconstrue the mo
tive and ehe act. It would be taken as a confession
of guilt, and an evidence of cowardice. Have
our past concessions brought us any permanent
peace ? How was it with the Missouri Compro
mise 1 How was it with the Compromise Bill
of 1833? These are the bitter fountains whose
waters we are now drinking. These are the
Dragon's teeth from which a harvest of armed
men has sprung up. The question could have
been settled in 1820. It was only postponed
and rendered more difficult by these concessions.
They have taken an undue advantage of our
love of the Union. They have been encouraged
by our concessions to rise in their demands.
It is our hesitation—our want of firmness—
that has given birth to the existing rebel
lion. If we had put forth our strength at its
i first appearance, it would have subsided at once.
It has gathered head from our delay. It will
go down as soon as the lion of the North
shall awaken from his sleep and startle the
country by his roar. New York and Ohio have
already girded themselves for the battle. Penn
sylvania is still sleeping. All that is now want
ed is the expression of her potent voice. Every
drop of blood shed in this contest will be on
on the heads and the consciences of the timid
advisers, who have counselled peace and advised
concession. It was a philosophical remarkof the
celebrated Junius "that fear admitted into public
counsels betrays like treason." Ido not impute
a treasonable intention to the President himself.
It is to his pusillanimity, his weakness, and his
cowardice, however,that we are indebted for the
mischiefs which now threaten us. The effect
is as fatal as treason itself. Instead of talking
of concessions, the cry "to arms," should ring
out from this point, through every valley, and
along every mountain top in Pennsylvania.
If we hesitate much longer, the programme of
the traitors will be extended fibm Washington
to Philadelphia and Harrisburg. They will
expect the former to surrender at discretion.
What kind of a defence we shall make here, is
more than I can say.
And now, as to the duties of our own great
State in this extremity. No petty Province is
this, whicn we represent here this day. Penn
sylvania—second in rank, and first, as I think,
in position and power, in this great family of
nations—standing abreast of the whole advanc
ing column of the slave States, with one foot
on the Atlantic sea-board, and the other on the
tributaries of the Mississippi—leaning upon the
shoulder of her first-born offspring, the young
giant of the West,' and supported in her rear
by the powerful State of New York—holds a
place in our chart, which has justly earned for
her the proud distinctiina of the Keystone'of the •
Federal Arch. Nor is this any inere,itilelsafty
sam tintiug
Having procured Steam Power Presses, we are
prepared to execute JOB and BOOR PRINTING of every
description, cheaper that it can be done at any other ee
tabbshmentin the country.
RATES th , ALVINETISING.
SyrFour lines or Jegt constitute one half equi.re. Ela
tines or more than four constitute a square.
Mall Square, ono day
•
one Week. , . • •
one month.. ...
three months . "
it six months.,,,_
one year.... .........
One square one day
ono week.... 200
one month . 3 00
" three m0nth5........ . WOO
six months._
410 One year 10 00
Nif-Rusineas notices inserted in the Local column, or
before Marriages and Deaths, FIVE CENTS PER LINE
for each Insertion. _
NO. 12
fa-Marriages and Deaths to ba charged , B regular
advertisements.
designation. It has a higher significance. It
is her place in history. It was here that Great
Britain struck to reach the heart and centre of
the great confederacy which rebelled against
her rule. It was around Philadelphia, as the
Pivotal point, that the tide of battle rolled,
while the scales hung doubtful, in the darkest
hour of that arduous and protracted struggle.
It was to save Philadelphia, that the blood of
our fathers crimsoned the green herbage, on the
pastural banks of the Brandywine. It was to
save Philadelphia, that the same blood flowed
anew, amid the darkness and confusion of that
disastrous morning on the streets of German
town. I have a right to speak of it ;an ancestor
of my own was there. It was to relieve Phila
delphia, that the American army wintered on
the. frozen ground at Valley Forge. It was
to relieve Philadelphia, that the same army,
under the lead of its great chief, turned upon
its pursuers, like a hunted stag, on that wintry
night., when it launched itself amongst the ice
drifts of the Delaware, and lighted up the
streets of Trenton, and the hearts of the Col
onists, with the blaze of its artillery. Pennsyl
vania, with her Western and Northern frontiers
a wilderness, was the Keystone then,Pennsylva
nia, with her Western and Northern Sons—a
mighty host, made rugged by toil, trained alike
to the use of the rifle and axe, and instinct
with that love of liberty which annimated their
Revolutionary sires—Pennsylvania, comprising
within herself the population, and more than
the power of the old thirteen—is the Keystone
still, in war as well as in peace, While she main
tains her . place, that arch will never fall. She
was one of the first to put her name to that
solemn league and covenant which made us one
people. The smoke of battle was then upon
her hands. Those hands will be darker yet, and
redder yet, before she will permit tkat covenant
to be torn, or a single signature ered.
Aside however from these responsibilities,
there are peculiar reasons, which make it her
duty to speak out now—not in the language of
boastfulness for that would not become her
but of stern, and solemn admonition, The ad
ministration of the affairs of this great nation
has been confided to the keeping of her sons.
Pennsylvania is now on guard at the Federal
Capital. She will be expected to stand sponsor;
for their loyalty. It is but too apparent now,
that they have brought reproach upon the
mother that bore them, by the betrayal of the
trust that was committed to their hands. The
President of .the United States, or at least, the
constitutional adviSers whom he has assembled
around him, have been openly plotting the ruin
of this Republic. The denial of the right
to coerce—the deposite of enormous quan
tities of the munitions of war in the hands of the
public authorities of Soeth Carolina—the refusal
to strengthen the defences the National fortses
—the exposure of a mere handful, of
men, to the risk of butchery by an excited
mob, in the face of a community which had
given public notice 9f its intention to throw oft:
allegiance—followed'its by the disgraceful ne
cessity of a backward movement in the face of
a rebellious subject, so contemptible in its re
sources—and the outgivings of the traitors them
selves, as to the complicity of the President,
have settled this question beyond a controversy.
But this is not all. The opinion of the Presi
dent and his Attorney General (now Secretary
of State) are supposed to be a reflex of the opin
ions of the people here. It has been confidently
asserted, and believed, at Washington, that our
own great State will follow the mal-contents in
their Hegira and haul down that glorious ban
ner upon which her own star is one of the fair
est and the brightest. With the estimate
formed by these madmen of the free laboring
men of the North, it is as confidently expected,
that the suspension of commercial intercourse
with them, will beggar our mechanics and ope
ratives—that famine and destitution, gaunt and
haggard, will stalk naked, but armed, through
our streets, clamoring for bread—that our Ware
houses will be sacked and, our printing presses
destroyed, and that we shall be driven again into
I their arms to escape a still greater calamity ;
and the tone of the late Philadelphia meeting,
and the obvious terror and self-abasement which
pervaded it, are taken as the evidences that we
are all trembling in apprehension of these results.
And these, it seems, arc the motives to rebel
lion—these the hopes that animate the madmen,
who would'fire the temple of our liberties, and
reduce it to a ruin. If this be so, it is time o un
deceive them for their own sakes, by teaching
them that Pennsylvania will stand, as she has
ever stood, by the Union of these States—that
upon this question, we shall be, as we have ever
beeh, a united people—and that the laboring
men of Pennsylvania, instead of being the
white slaves—the hungry mob—which they
suppose, are men and freemen—intelligent,
self-reliant and independent, and able, not
only to earn their bread, and vindicate their
rights, but to resent and punish, if necessary,
the insult and contumely to which they have
been thus subjected, with the strong arms
which God Almightyhas eiven them. Unstick
a question as this I would t not insult my audi
tors by any party appeal. I sink all party dis
tinctions in the presence of the great overshad
owing issue which involves the preservation of
that Union, which is our common safeguard,and
our-common inheritair,ee. It is our Democratic
brethren of this State, who are insulted by these
suspicions of disloyalty. I do not entertain
them. I assume that every honest, true-heart
ed member of that party, is as much attached
to the Union as I am. The recent excitement
in Pittsburg, has furnished the proof of it there.
If disunion purposes were charged in the call'of...
the Chicago Convention, it was not upon. and::;
voter of the North. It: was to the Southerriii'-
leaders of that party only, that such treasofie:-"
ble sentiments were imputed. They affiniiipp
the charge, by refusing to co-operate with tiAlif
northern brethren, and rent their party
twain, to accomplish their traitorous purposbs-,
of dismembering the Union. It was that con
viction that palsied the arm of the northern De
mocrat. It was his nnfortunate association with
the apostles of secession, that broke up the
power of that once formidable organization in
the free States. The Republicans took advan
tage of it, and went into the battle with the
device emblazoned on their standard, ".The
Union of. these States must and shall be pre
served."' That was their tower of strength.
What was their labarum. It was by that sign
that they conquered. It was, by the magnetic
force of that appeal to the strongest instinct of
the American heart, that they drew the very
bolts and rivets whiehheld that organization to
gether. I trust the democrtitic party here will
profit by thiS experience. The award of the
ballot-box, was but the declaration of the peo
ple that this Union must be preserved, and woe
to hint who shall undertake to ga insay it,' or. to
make it void.
But it will not be made void. It is not in the
order of Providence that this great nstionSigil
periskon the very threshold of its high, !career.
It Ims just expanded its wing. for a flight of,
centuries: No et an can read the Story of its
hirthrwitbout seeing the Ram of a Emporia-
Q .I. 00
. 3 00
4 0
to 00