ernment. The argument is now met by the
other side saying that we shall repeal section
93 of the Penal Codelor which reason can be
given ; and for which action no other ar
gument is advanced than that the Gover
nor of Pennsylvania, and a portion of the cit
izens of Philadelphia say it ought to be re
pealed. Even Oats is not so, as the Governor
does not so state. Those questions will
come before us at the proper time, but this way
of avoiding the Union resolutions of the Senator
rom Philadelphia will not answer. Their adop
tion may be calCulated to promote harmony and
do good; but, Mr. Speaker, if they do not bring
about that good Which we all desire, because we
all love this glnrious land of ours, dearly and
well, then we assert that Pennsylvania will sus
tain the General Government, and in the lan
guage of Jackson "Crush out disunion wherever,
its head be raised,"—that the Union shall be
preserved and that the Constitution which has
been such a blessing in the past, shall continue
to stand for ages to come, shedding ita be
nign influences over all the world. I should
like to hear, when it comes the " . .direct
question of a vote upon the resolutions of
the Senator from Philadelphia, after these
amendreents shall have been voted down,
what reasons the Senator from York can give
or will give for voting against. }their adoption.
Until then I willwait, hoping that the Senator
from York may reflect further upon the ebb
ject, and give such a vote 'that the resolutions
may be adopted by the Smite unanimously,
and that we may all Stand here irrespective of
party, irrespectjvnof differences of opinion 'in
regard to other quesitioni, in favor of the Union
of these States; the Constitution as it is, and the
enforcement of the laws. I trust this may be
so. I warn the Democratic Senators on this
floor to beware and to think before they place
themselves on the Record on the questions
raised by these resolutions and in the debate
they have elicited. '
Mr. LANDON. It is very agreeable for a
man to speak when surrounded by.those who
wish to hear him ; but not quite so 'agreeable,
however, when a man's sentiments do not ineet
with a frank and cordial response from the pal
pitating hearts of his hearers; as we, perhaps,
have all experience& Yet, Mr. &Ramat, I
shall avow nay,opixiiinus on the
,subject matter
of debate, though no, Torson may be intended
in what I say, except myself ; and I do it the
more freely from thirtoonsidenstion. You will
bear me witness to the fact that I never have
encroached upon the time of the Senate in any ;
of
of the sessions of this body. I think that
thirty minutes would, cover all the time I have
occupied in ereech-making ; and I think 'that
thirty
,minutes will cever..all the time I shall
now occupy. What a lsy aw,''.Dantend to say
• operior e, (fronfthe 'Soul,) • na&milag what I
say. The points - m*4in the , questions before
us have occupied the greatest minds of the na
tion. I Shall not bring. to their consideration
more intellectual strength 'than they ; but
all that a man is accountable for is the
right exercise of what he. has.., I. am in. favor,
first, of defining the
.licieition cif Pennsylvania
upon these matters.' Weare the representatiii
body Of this great State. The eyes of the peo
ple are upon us ; and I, for one, am in favor of
defining what I.eonsid,er to be the calm and de
liberate positiod of the ,people of this great
Commonwealth which
,wp represent._ Pennsyl
vania certainly is a great . State; occupying, as
she does, a sort of breakwater position, holding
on the one side the. North, on the other_ the
South ; containing, within her borders almost .
many people as the whole number of the popu
lation., of the colonies in, the days Of the Revolu
tion ; sending out her currents of influence from
the centre to the circumference of this great
country. Being' the Keystone of . the Federal
Arch, it is eminently Proper that. Pennsylvania
should define her position on the question be
fore the whole country. I mould, moreover,
have her affirm her convictions, ' for this
reason ; that I think her true- position is
misunderstood in certain sections of the Confed- .
eracy. Had you, Mr. Srsauen, taken up a
newspaper, last evening, you might have read
in the speech of a distinguished man lately de
livered on the floor of Congress, the assertion
that "if the worst came to the worst, there was
a large party in Pennsylvania and ether North
ern States, which would side with him." It is
a fact of which I believe we are all cognizant,
that a portion of the country holds a false im
pression in regard to our position ; and we
should endeavor to correct that misconception.
If the idea is entertained in Georgia Mississippi
or elsewhere, that in the event of certain action
on their,part, a like course of proceeding will
be taken by our own State, which never will be
taken, and was never intended to be taken, I
think that we are in duty bound to correct that
misapprehension. Then, there is another con
aideration. Within a few months—l was about
to say weeke—great principles are to be settled
in this country. Pause and reflect for ama
ment. See our country trembling in the bal
ance, uneettled and undetermined which way it
shall go—to the North or the South—whether
in favor of Freedom or Slavery,of a fixed and
settled government or of universal anarchy..
Thus we stand, at present.. In a very short
time the die will be cast and' the country
launched upon a course of prosperity or ad
versity. We should do our part towards set
ting our country right by throwing the weight
of our great influence in the balmace upon the
right side. These being the facto, I think that
it is legitimately proper that we should, as the
representatives of Pennsylvania, elmly and de
liberately look over the matter-say what we
believe and what we wish to have done.
There are three setts of resolutions before us
—the first coming from the Senator from Phila.-
delphia, (Mr. SHIM), the secondfrom the lion
orable Senator from Huntingdon (Mr: WHARTON) ,
and the third from the Senator froth York. The
question now arises, how shall we Vote ? Be
fore defining my position on any of the resolutions,
I would give expression to our friendly feelings en
tertained towards every section of, this Union—
to our feelings of friendship towards every por
ton of this confederacy. I wish that principle
distinctly and plainly declass:din any sett of re
sol Alone for which I vote. - We'are to hold just
as good and kindly feelings towards South ,Caro
line. as towards Massachusetts, notwithstanding
that South Carolina has 'certain things 'within
her domain which we would notlellowship so
well as we would the hastitutionsaif Massachu
sotto ; yet we acknowledge the ties of apolitical
consanguinity. It is in that case the same that
it would be if a• member of our family were to
be afflicted with a fever-sore. We would not
fellowship the fever "sore; but - we would never
hesitate to acknowledge the relationship we
sustain to that afflicted member. South Caro
lina may, as a sister State:tem' e 'Maon har body
politic a loathsome uleeratienaaWe Malin no
relationship with the gangrene d her 'd'e."3,'
but we acknowledge our relaticauthip to her.
W e hold that the prosperity of -South Carolina
is our prosperity. Iluat as the prosperity of any
one of the fifteen Southern States the pros
perity of the Union. It is an old adage that.if
any one member of a body *honored and ex
alted, the glory and honor of one- is thelglory
and honor of the whole; the happiness of
the whole ; and when storms and sorrows
baptize the one there is quiver running
through the whole botl,lllllv Therefore, it
is a matter of sound philosophy and sound .
statesmanship that we' should feel 'interested'
in the extended influence ; the greatness and the
r' cry of every member of this Codederacy ;
b.ame, when we- look to South Carolina, we
ea.n only expres our affection for her. I
would have resolutions airibbilyteg this pain—
alp*, that to` every 'State we gapantee the
, enjoyment of its, conetitutional:nghts. We.
world no ontioni# ja single hair
apart the head of. ayilittate.;aaNhat Are
stioilon gu arantms to each State, we guilninteis:
I would have Pmmaylvarda dam the right
of sir y southern State to 'regulate her own eon
stitWonal inatttktooa--her right to sot so
fleunspluanta daily Zelegraph, Qtrtesban 'Afternoon, Januar!) 15, 1861.
sovereign State. If the people of South Caro
lina, for instance, affirm that two hundred and
seventy-five thousand whites may and shall
hold as goods and • chattels, three hundred
thousand human beings--buying, selling, mort
gaging and crushing them--and if this po
litical right be guaranteed by the Constitution.
Then they may hold them accountable alone,
as they must be to the eternal principles of
Truth, Justice and Equity and to the Great
God. If there is to be any shame, any disgrace,
any ignominy in connection with that institu
tion, they, must have it all on their own shoul
ders--I share none of it; and if there conies
down upon them an avalanche of accoinitabilitYr
before. Christendom, before the universe andlie
fore eternity, that avalanche must settle: : on
'their` heads and not on mine. lam understood, -
am I sir ? If the Constitution gives them , the
right to hold human beings as chattels, I say,
gentlemen, they have the disgrace of it, and I
would like them to have the expense-of it, too,
if that could be. You may have the shame, of.
it—the profit of it—all to yourselves. Theo
there is another principle germane in relation
to this question. - Mole' I concede that they
shall have their Constitutional rights, I wish
the resolutions for which I vote, to diairh for
me my Constitutional rights:' Why, sir, it has
come to pass that white, men arc lost sight ofin
the contemplation of the sable countenance of
Africans—and I think as much of them as of
white men—but it has come to pass, that a rte.
gro Virginia, or in Dauphin county, is con
fessedly of more importance, than either yew&
I would be in *lth
i Carolina. A great hulla
baloo is rase d - if not turn outposse comitatits
to catch fugitive slaves from South Carolina, but
it is considered all the- same if you or I are
tarred and fe.athered in that State. Yet, I
would stop here, by way of episode. . -
We would say to the South, gentlemen, when
a few months ago there was a conference of
clergYnien in the State of rl'eXas, you Vent into
that church, walked up to the pUlpit, and;Coin
manded Bishop Ameato stop in the remarks
being made by that gentlemen, it was
for no other reason under Heaven but that they
did not subscribe to the opinions of the South.
',would say to them in such language as Our
constitutional right would warrant, you shall
not kick me out of Charleston. I would say to
them that if a citizen of Perinvivarda wishes
to;travel in Virginia he ahall beUlloWed to
Here is an article of the Constitution welch I
will read,"thungli the folding of it be superflu
ous, since we have Ipeecnne &nailer with it,
by having it so often thrown in our teeth
"No person held to. service or labcr, in one
State under , the laws Werhof, escaping into ano
ther,, shall in corniequenee of any law or regu
lation -therein be discharged'from such,soitice..-
or labor, lint lie delivered up on the claim
of the party to,Whordsueliserviee'cr labor, may
- -
be due."
All well, sir, but in close proximity to this
article is another, of yet greater significande.
and force, one that eveiy man should tend, One'
that should - be engraved.in golden Capitals and
hung in, our national halls. 'Hear it, and let
the country hear : , • •
I ".The citizens of each State,ahall be entitled;
to all privileges and hrimunities of citizensiri
the•several States."
While the citizens of one:State shall be al
lowed all the.• privileges and immunities of ar
citizen in all the I demand that after =l
have, given. them their Constitutional rights
they shall - give me•inine. I want a resolution
that embodies the principle claiming our Con
stitutional rights.
Again, I want the resolutions to contain this
principle; that we affirm the unity, the indi
visibility and the perpetuity . of this, Union: I
should blush if I 'attempted 'to explain to you,
Mr. Speaker, or to this body, a Constitutional
question, for•do we not all know that whert_this
Government. was fonned, the people, by their .
representative convention ceded to the hands
of Congress certain of their rights? you may call'
it a compact, or a confederacy. I would rather
Call it a coalescence, a conglomeration, a lim
ning together, in certain respects ; for the Teel
pie conceded to Congress certain of their rights.
And whatwere'th6se rights ? The right to is
sue letters of marque to suppress _ insurrection,
etc. For how long, a time? Their were sur
rendered into the bands of `the Government, of
this Confederacy for all coming time. The
Fathers who laid the corner-stone there, con
, templated that the great building of which that
was the foundation,' would rise up from age to
age. I would have no declaration go out from this
Senate that it is
n urhelief that.those Principles
are surrendered for all corning time. Ithas
been affirmed that they were Surrendered , only
during the pleasure of any State. We have fal
len upon iroublons times;. Seas are stirred ; the I
storms and whirlwinds of politiCai fury are rush
ing by us and dashing . over us, and the great
question is, how' are we - to get out of them?
see but three ways in which we can. The first
is not by taking the, position that if all of the,
slaveholdin' g States want to, go out of the Union,
to let them go, in 'the language of a Senator
cm this floor, the 'amount of which was this :
that he had such, a christian feeling for his
Southern brethren that "if they wanted to go
out of the Union 'they might go out, and go
clear to h-1." If we take that position, what
is the' result? the moment we adopt it we ac
knowledge that we never had any government,
and that for seventy-five years the people have
been followina—an supposing they
were governed' by a Constitution, whereas it
was nothing -but a tope of sand. The sooner
we have a company of traitors out of the Union
the better, for themselves and us. You con
cede this principle to day to the Slave-holding
r States, a proposition will soon come from the
Pacific States asserting t,heir right to a separate
confederacy. The north-eastern States will then
swing off, and instead of having one grand
colossal government that 'should be the way
mark of the future and the glory of the
past, we mould have a ,company of little
petty Kingdoms, continually warring upon
each other's interests. Fixed as are our fra
tenni feelings to ` our Southern brethren, we
mist acknowledg as dangerous that principle ,
which Would "lead us to destruction ; and I
I do not' think we can get' out"of it by say
ing that the great remedy is to compromise.—
The Senator from - Huntingdon proposes to cam;
promise; the committee of thirty-three in Con
gress, the United Stet* Senate -Committee on
Resolutions, are all-bending over the seething
vat endeavoring'to cook UP something hi the
way of compromise which will be satisfactory to
all parties. I want to benpright,always, and I
ask the Senate to whom do we prepose to com
promiseto States?—to rabbles?----to Governors?
—who have taken possession of our' forhs and
arsenals, who have defied the authoriti of the'
government,' Pulled down our flag 'and stand
to-day outside of the paleof - the govermnent,
planted - twin the - shores of rebellion. rind we,
the;great North, with - the education and the
vrealth, the • industry and the , lise labor, the
character, the • bone, muscle arid sinew slid
throbbing heart of the country—we are to 'come'
cringing like whipped spaniels at the feet of a
lion. - We are to propose compromise ; is that
the idea When a robber comes to rob your
house and proceeds to batter down your front
door, are you going to.cry compromise ? If any
propositions of compromise are to be enter
tainedi they rimat'isome from the other quarter.
the rebel who is to tielorgiveu. '
- .
Another question is, what do you propose to
compromise? I have'claiined kerb the right'to
free speech `• the South has.filed a demurer, oh
jetted to that right., and avowed ': thit--1
qh•ait speak in measured "terms from"e;roe-
Anntrat thevulpit evettwhere. D 0 :yotx,pro,
powto preyent the .use 9f freesper,h, the
foster mothel4f thefnurse
tEelittit*: 'WO :of ,30T:that4.1iddenethe
homes of men and bearefinponAts bosOni -
ileh treasures of thought. The traveller eittuni•
hag on the deem/ desertisertiehold* the-dis-
tance the long-looked for stream. He may not
see the waters of that stream, but he may map
down on his memorandum its course which he
is able to perceive by means of the luxuriant
foliage growing upon its banks. Wherever
this stream of free speeeh•flows there grow the
beauty and thought and all that is green and
beautiful in human existence--and are we to
concede it or.-compromise it away ? You call
upon • me to compromiSe.on a Set of resolutions
which "; will:: put la padlock my mouth and
prevent the expression of my • sentiments.
,I
say no,
.-The great - God' who gave me a
tiirobbifigheart and grieving brain, gave me a'
tongue to titteetitepulsations of the one and
the throbbing'of the Other... No.compromises' !
Itissaid in the a murder which I
once read, that the blood stains Were in the
ticor,;and never could be washed out ; and Mr.
Speaker, the blood stains of that man who was
beaterr*CleathElii the" UMW States Senate will"
never be washed away No compromise here
PO.PIeaSO anybodyt We have,a certain way . . of
interpreting scriptilre, of construing the Consti,
tutibn , ;- that-way gives Offeneeto our Souther/1
brethren, and they eliiirp-tha.t we shall change
our Opinions irirefererice to those matters.
regard
. to these Inatters,„,de, you propose to.
oliarlgeybartfilin 'conflate* to strangle yoar
moral sensibilities; in; obedieried to the . dictum
:of::YOmiScuithern directore 1-cannot construe .
these matters in any other .way.than that in ;
which- I 'always have ; and I will tell you, flirr- :
ther, the people will say the same. It is aSked
eid; further; that - we shall 'amend our statute
books. I lately toetk MAI* message' of Gover
nor Letcher, of- Virginia; and, if I remerritier
accurately; he sets forth Sidnie 'eight or ten
counts ; that we must erase from our statute
books all that is offensive, is : one count.
Men here are found to te-ecbo it in this cham
ber. My - position is thiswhile., I am willing
that men ite Miasiasippi andthe Sonthern State's
should build up slavery, if such is the wish of
the people there—they must bear all, the dign 7
nation of. it themselves ; but I shall throw my .
influence in-the scalea-for,-freedom: I suppose
that Wehave on' our -statutes • nothing that is
unconstitutional; We, have "sections there
which.. were all looked over and passed upon
by this body only a twelve-month. ago.. Certain
of 'those sectionivare- against - - kidnapping :and
rioters appreheaSione.af =fugitive slaves. Let
them stand where - tbe3 , are -
It
•
is proposed to. yield. .up; a portion of our:
territory in order to quiet or naitigatethe :wrath
of or r; sinithern ;blather* - - ;It . • has "'been .elO-•
Aueutly saiclbere that the normal ;eandition:of.
the land where the waters.ilovi rintramareled;.
Where the dews are inhaled - without restraint,
where Heaven's skies are aridthe sunshine
free it has been eloquently said that the.nor
:33:augtate!or God* Bart h istreV' c iaa'in.faVor of
freedom. When the proposition is madeto
teridtheidask line - clearthraaghto the Pacific,
and with eti'grudginilbak ittheNorth .giving
a small part of territory to the cause of free
-dem; 'and with' 'a 'feeling cif deathlike:al satisfac
tion, all south of-that line tct:- theManitigated
woes and terrors of slavery;:-,,,1 lope,' under
Heaven, that weshallnot,haffleimany : men in
the:Nortli : 4ouPpiov,P .'at such a - Antipowd.
It is proposed' by the re:will:Won t of the Sena- -
ter"ftOM Huntingdon, "Opentheterritoriee td
the inticulnaticiriof elavery;,; Id - ray simplicity;;
1" - thought that the AMerican people had deci
41r-that point. I'theught that we
. vient. to
the American people with that proposition—,
" more slavery or not extension or nen 7
extension of slavery " = that, sir, was my text,'
and I supposed ;it was yeiers . .z.and I now think
that the man who will be. initugurated.Presi-.
deat;ofthese thirty-three States, on the Fourth
day of; March :next, is the „embodied verdict. of
the American people on this toad. If he is
put:there by a minority vote ; 'thank God, it is
a constitutional mimaity___Andrvirill say as a
: certain—gentleman - said, on the floor_ ni: •
House, of ParliaMent, when, on the vote _1;1 7 ,
ing ;taken, he found, himselfinithe minority:.
"May it please your Honor, if you weigh the,
votes and not count them; we carry the point."
demanded that'We shall concede the right
of transit and sojourn, of - slaves With their
masters in Pennsylvania. But concede that
point" on this floor, in this year of our, Lord,
1861, and, ;what paralyzing . quiver will, go,
through the body politic of this State, at least
through the better part of •it ?
cry
:Oncede
that point, and you will hear a cry of condemn
ation come up from the „tens :.of, thousands of
Pennsylvania's intelligent sonS, Who inhabit the
valleys and hills -- 'of`_,llie--:State, as lond ae
Heaven's thunders. I knoW that petitions
haVe come froarXhiladelphia. I could get pe,.
titions signed , by 10,000 persons, that. the
horiorableßenator from Huntingdon, whom
appreciate highly, should be hung. We, - know
- weir how to appreciate - petitions presented from
certain sections. If. Pennsylvania: was to take
the step proposed-by that. Senator, there would
.he a constant influx-of slaves herei - ,,Men could
- then buy and sell human beings, - While on .our
soil:: We need - riot make any-such proposition
as that, for. I tell you that it can never. be car
ried out. Should the Republican party endorse
.that,ite epitaph is written, coffin made and burial
services performed. : It is furtherthat
the subject of slavery Should be taken from our le
gislative halls. But there is a-power behind the,
throne: The people cannot concede this point.
It is claimed that we shall execute the fugitive
slave law.. 1
.. I.ave we,not stood ;by and pressed
down our nervous system: and .upheaving sym
pathies? Have we not stood •by and seen the
United States Marshal seize his captive by the
throat and take him away into, bondage ? Have
we not seen it, and is that not enough ? Resistance
may have been made to the execution of thelew
in certain cases but never so Often as has re ,
sistance been made in the South-,: e the execu
tion of. United States laws: I think it enough
to be compelled to stand by, and . see the deed
done, without being myself Made a miserable
poltroon to execute it. I would say to the Beath,
do witexpeet the Pugitive slave laW to be exeuted
any more faithfully in theftiture, Ibelieve this
tobe the voice of PennsYlyania, aiding up from
each valley; flung down from:each height, our
- Cinnitryond - LibertyGed for the right: If we
cannot, meet the difficultiesi which beset "us ox
eept by. conceding these fundamental.
ciples of our organic nature,- what are we to
do? There is the Constitution;-which reads:
"It shall he the duty of Congrese to. sup-.
press insurrection, to repel _invasion. • ggp
pose : thSt England had ;madeviar ppon us, what
Wouldthen be done? It is not England but part
of. ourselves—the. - Sonthern Stites: '• What is to
be donel Let your Constitution defend the law
Of the' realm,; protect the right and crush -out
rebellieri: know that' the-picture is a dark
one, but the path of *if. bi. - sl‘kit'ys the same.
I remarked that I could net. see out of our dif
ficulties but in three ways: =We must concede_
the right of secession and allow the South togo
when.nd - where they please, or, in the second
place; Must Conciliate their'. wrath by sur
rendering:every principle of dignity and truth;
or, in the thirdplace—:and this is, the manly and
patriotiecoarse—we must maintain the Govern
ment by all.thereseturces . that Providence and
Nature have put Within, our reaelk--trusting - to
the God of empireeLelinging to-the Constitu
tioraleshing.:mirselves to that sacred instru
ment asElyaks' - ilid to the'-niait of his . vessel;
resolved to . "' Sink or swim with this; the ark
of our. National hopes. - •
One"other principle d,'WOuld direct attention
to the duty °four. State government:MU - 10A'
in maintaining : this Union ; that Pefineyliania
with her three - Millions of people, her-vast re
sources of Wealth and her profound iiiitrieitiaur,.
pledgettite Congress 01l the . remources;a4k&iier:
of this great State for the maintenance' of;116';
to - Verna:tent handett down to us.brictur fathers:.
P.0.r,-I.?Fir,thegiemoiordni - *Or I: oth tl frf .4 *
lerioug4 s tti . aW tliat:eittrY - 64; thearri4,l44 ;
ruunedstnrut rulyocatel - byrioWnrit
' • resolutions of the fielAttortforoin
phis. They are contained in full or in a.geruk
stele, and atoll therefare vote for thena.aiWe.
have fallen sir upon troublous times. Storms
and tempest are about us. The pillars of our
country seem collapsing. But let there be no
fear, let no man's heart fail him. Stand for
the truth, for the governmental principles of
our fathers. The clouds shall yet clear away,
and the good old ship Constitution, bound for
the port of univsrsal freedom, shall emerge
from the misty tempest,. the stars arid stripes at
her masthead, a glorious history behind and
an undimmed future before her.
Mr. M'CLURE moved that when the Senate
adjourn it be to, meet :again at three o'clock, P.
- Agreed to. -
On motion of Mr. GREGG, the Senate - then
adjourned. .
SENATE.
AFTERNOON. SESSION
•FRIDAY, Jan. 11, 1860
•
Agreeably to order, the Senate met at three
,o'lock, F.ll.
The farther consideration of the motion to
indefinitely postpone Senate' bd . ! NO. 1-; relative
to, the maintenance of the Constitution and the
Union, was resumed.
Mr- CLYMER:, Ido riot; at this time, wish
,to detain the Senate With any lengthy remarki
in regard to the important matters . now before
this body, contained in the original resolu
tions, the amendment and the amendment to
the amendment. But, sir, representing as .I do,
one of the -largest districts of this State, and
-knowing that there is possibly a degree of unan
imity of sentiment therein which scarcely exists
anywhere else in this broad Conimonwealth,
I feel that I would not he doing justiee to that
constituency, were I not here to state what I
believe to be their almost unanimous opin
ion, without .distinction ; :.of party. Before
doing so, ;I wish to, remind- you, lir. SPEAK4EL,
and the Senator here,that it is the proudest re-'
collection: of this Statethat she was fcamded by,
:deeds of =peace ; :that -Iron' her 'earliest his
,
Cory no wrong, noiriNstlin hatibeencomMitted
upon her soil ; and it is with that recollection
before you that-I intend, ; at tbishour, to appeal
I to the Semite that it, too, shall act by, deedsof
I-mace, and that,it, too f shall commit no act 'of
injustice or of *Fong.. With this, idea as,My
starting point, I implore Senators_ to leave
the murky, atmosphere of mere partisan politics
and individual opinions, and casting them aside
= a filthy garment, to, clothe themselves in.the
purer one of, juitice and, of uprightness, and so
toad iltat discord may not;come within our bor
ders. . It is an-axiom of -,-philosophy and of his
tory that the great-principle whic.h,enter into
the formation or , constitution of any, scheme of
government, are always essential to its preser
vation., ,The one great leading principle which,
entered into the counsels of our Fathers, when
they foimecl the "common band ofbin therhesid ,"
was, that although, in the diversified' interests
.of this wide extended, land, there were alnitist
irreconcilable differences. Yet every one of
them being willing to, yield a little something
of their individual ()Pinions for the benefit of
the whole„ they finally, a spirit of - coMpro:
mise, produced the great charter of our rights
the Constitution of the United States-
That instrument is the child Of CCMPro-
mise. . On its every section and. article is
the stamp -of compromise; and unless it had
been- So,. we should possibly- hive dragged on
a - miserable eXistence • under
. the old Confedera
tion,' and 'finally would have become a spectacle
Such US - now Presented 'to the world, by the
diSoordant States of South Arneries, and Mexieo.
But it was the spirit of Compton - die-that rescued
the old' Confederation from' the anarchy that
was impending, and atitually.existing, and it is
only by
,thiS same spirit Of . 'compremite,. which
`wag invoked by our fathers; and which guided
them to a happy termination and a'fortunate re-;
_Tsar alike spirit of com
promise, that we, ;their children, - taiir transmit
*inestimable boon heritage to our child
rens'. children. IV_Witiier;e
I would state that here to give my
and vote in support of the resolutions o€-the
Senator from York. ; When we come to demand
! Jbstice in'tbe . great court equity'ef the world,
we must be willing; under the common rule; to.
do 'justice . ; 'therefore,. although I do not say
that PennaylVania has 'upon • her statute books
laws . which are tincinsititiitierill, but in the
- Spirit of magnaniinityand of kindness, which
'we,,.as Pennsylvanians, are great enough' to
show to all - quarters, not,' at the' bidding or
dictation of any set of men, (I, would do ;no- .
thing which could he Construed 'as: having.;
been done • froin such a 'inotivei) -bu t, 'from
a knowledge of, ownpower,. and in jus- •
Übe ear own position,' I would say tePennsyl-.
vanis, clear your - Own - record - of all causes' of.
- complaint; fast &What is right, wish your hands
thoroughly and clean, andtlieri appealing toyour
own righteous acts, to your' iivn allegiance to
law, to"year 'devotiOn. to the ConstitUtion, with
its compromises and requirements-then, Sir,
with a strong arm and a' flkni . heart, we can go
to other StattS; end make atiennuidthattheydo
likewiSe. ' But I hold . that as long as we in-al
grudging, unwilling spirit, refuse to do what is
right; we cannot make this - demand • with such
forie and effect as will cause eompliaricewitli it.
The Senator from York proposes that 'we should
repeal certain sections of the Act of .1847,- and
certain sections of the Act of . 1880. I ;believe
we should'do so chiefly for theireasons that the
Executive of the CorrimoMirealth, has stated so
fully and ably in his late Message: I will not
detain the Senate by giving thoSe reasons, since
We have all 'read and knovi them: I believe,
hirther; we should .do so because citisens'; of
this Common Wealth have come here .by
petition, with tlics sands 'of names attached,
and • asked for the repeal of - the 96th and
96th sections of the act of 1860;:andl assert
that more respectable .petitioners, or more
excellent men, have - , never 'sent memorials
to this Legislature. 'lt has been, sneeringly
said here, that it was easy to get signatures ; to'
petitions, at the rate of a' cent per- lniad; Do
Senators, who have insinuated the charge, mean
to assert that men like Mesiirs. Ludwig, Hand,
Struthers; Myers, De Courcy, and other leading
citizens of Philadelphia, would be guilty of
attempting to impose that kind of bought
opinion on this' Legislature 7 - I scout the idea.
I mentioned the charge to' one of the 'Philadel
phia- Committee ; he pronormeed it a ;libel' and
a falsehood ; and asserted that those signatures
Were obtained by themselves, Persoriallyciti:
tens of all parties and avocations being anxious'
to sign - them.. I am in favor of the' repeal,of
those sections, for the reasons . stated.—
I believe; moreever„ that by the repeal we will
reinove the only positive charge that:has been
made against the State ;Of .Penrusylvania by the
southern States... 'appeal to the Republican party,
great in its stien , 4th on this floor; and, if you
Plesise;tillhik . 'Effite;lb'fieliffir riffle , this work;
not 'as' . perliaps;" . nopat the dictation of the
Democracy in the State or out of, it; but for the
welfare of our - -common' ilinuitryi: 4 _lJustice and
equity spiiMl to these , SenatersTtii come up in
this spirit; and I.rtsall fellow tbein, ;whenever,
and :wherever. they .lead :to . the, right. - I. do'
trust that, , at. -the - thresh hold-- of .this _ ques
tion; ! they . will ;he 7illittg Much
for:the -sake 'of our common ,00untry.
The ;nextcresolution proposed by the Senator
from- York asserts as a constitutional principle
that the people of all the ..fitatsia have,equal;
rights the common, territory ,Of: the United.
States. ;This believe. to; be - true constitntlork,
al flottrine-' The resolution furthermore asserts
that.. WO - are, willing and desirens that.Q,ougress ;
should. submit. to. the; people for their; approval,
aims constitutional ;'; amendment lry - Nnich,tho.
1 2 14441 . PflAll:SoOloriii - May;:ixi'eq:oo4y protected
'414%;04#0 3 44- , tOrtitiO* 4 !
Aiaw samitaingler acriernent4hut lstnot
2'd; *hitlx - uilmilkei' be, •
nof the . ""h! • itigrPee.
th . g,seka of e'lla' . ..riaon - 'm!`77,.. ( *:•!t; ; . ; ,welk,„beirsg,
or this „Republic, that these A < . „ 4ui
tableand jest patthanett of tide maitihf
they unwilling, merely because it is written in
a party platform, .that there shall be no more
Dave States—are they unwilling merely from
The pride of opinion to discard a dogma which
entered into the polttical discussions of the
late campaign? Are they willing to ruin
this country--are they determined to say that
the peTle shall not have an opportunity to yote
for a proposition of that kind? If they are, then
they distrust the power that made them, and
I now warn them that if it is not submitted,
the day is not far distant when the people dm
and will be heard in thunder tones, and they
will tellthose to whom I this day appeal that
they .have madly jeopardized the interests of
this Union, and will consign them to an exist
ence, the remnant, of which will not be spent
in. these Legislative halls, or in other-places of
public trust. I assert, and believe the assertion,
that if the measure of compromise,' proposed
by the resolutions of the Senator from York,
should be submitted to the - people of Pennsyl
vania, that it would receive at least one hun
dred thousand: majority ..'';'l have - neglected to
state in the Proper place; that - I am in favor of
the re-establishment or re-enactment of the
law of 1780,, which allowed masters - Of slaves
to come into State' and remain here six
months with that species of property.
The people whom I represent,and who areas
intelligent and upright in character as any•in
the State, ere in faVor of such a'measure. I`do
not Often go to. 'Republican leaders for autbdrity
regard to prineiple, but when I know that
the great •StateBlllB.ll of Ne* York, the greatest
Republican authority, Wan. H. Seward, Who is
Soon to be - in the Cabinet of the President elect,
lias been, and I presume is still, in 'faior - of
Such a law;. lAm willing to go to him for au
thoritY. And when he says that a law of that
kind ought to, remain on the statute boOk of
New, York, it Is with a - :very' bad grace that
the Republican Senators on this floor objet t to
its'beingre-enacted here. In 1838, when ltfr.
Seward was a candidate for the office of Gov
ernor of theStateof New YOrk,M_r: Marcy; be
ing the Democratic candidate, he was addressed
by a committee consisting of Gerrit Smithand'W.
Jay, who represented the anti slaverymeethigheld
at laical asking his opinion as to the propriety
of the repeal of the New York statute, Which
was" similar - ,to ours, saving that it - perinitted
masters of slaves to sojourn in that State; with:
their'propertY, tine months instead' Of six, as
our statute provided. Mr. Seward - made a re
ply, a portion of which, in regard to the con
stitutionality of - the ittatiite,t' I will omit; -and
read that part of the answer which More
pardon:4oy, to the question at itsue. He says
"But, gentlemen, being - desirous to be`Mi
tirely 'candid in this communication,' it is pro
per Tiheadd - add, T ard not convinced it would
be either 'Nviie; expedient - Or hinnane - to declare
tooiii'fellow:citizetus 'of the Southern and south-
Western. States, t_hat if theY travel to or from,or
pass through the State of New York; they shall
not bring with - them their attendants Whom
custom or eduattion or habit - May have render
ed necessary - to them.' I have not - been able to
discover arty good object to,.be attained by such
an act of inhospitality."
lie thus replies to the committee that - he is
not -in favor of the repeal of the law, which
it will 'be perceived gave to holders Of Slaves
the right to reside within that State for nine
months, whereas the law which we ask to be
re=enacted granted the right for only six months.
In dolditionto this authority we have the peti
tion of citizens from different parts of our State
asking for its re-enactment, and we have also
the statement of the Governor that its re-enact
mentwouldleadto good results: Finally, lam in
favor of it on the ground of that good feeling
which is due from one section of this confederacy
to the other. Mr. SPEMEMEL, having thus briefly
assigned my reasons for the support of the prior
resolutions of the Senator from York, I now
come_fo.the_laskof the series which I conceive
to .the gist, .the subdfonce, fiat - Sxgo
ment of ;the. whole. , - •
o :We fast declare bythentour willingness to do
*hat. is right, by the repeal of our. obnoxious
laws; we then propose.a. ; ground of settlement
for;this difficulty:;-and then we, assert in un
mistakeabLso terms, thatif,after all these things
shall •have, failed ; after we have done our whole
duty, there should still remain a determination to
resist the execution. of. the, laws, that we will
stand unflinchinglyby the Executive in. alibis
efforts to maintain the Constitution an& the
lower, and to protect the property of the Uni
ted States ; and I am here to-day. to deny,
for myself,.and I believe for the great Demo
cratic party of. this State, that they recognize
anything .like the right of secession of any State.
I: deny,. I say the right of any State to secede,
and I might. go further ; I. might. tell you that.
I believe that. the Democracy of this State„
with one heart and one feeling,appland the act
.of the,gallant Anderson in his defence of, the
property of the country. If he should,go farth
exatill, andallow ma flag but that of the stars and
stripes to float within the range of his guns, I for
one, should say; "amen" to his deeds. There I
stand. , I say. that South Carolina has had no
•cause for disunion, none for rebellion, and that
it. should be put down by the strong arm of the
Government. Senators I Republicans-! it is not
for the men, who have arms in their hands. that
we ask you to concede something, but it is for the
sake of the greatmiddle States, for the old Mot
her of Presidents-,for Maryland, Kentucky,- 'Ten
nessee, and those other. Southern States which
are not.in a state of rebellion, but are now la
boring under :what their peoplei consider
northern wrong. I ask you in a .spirit of
kindness, forbearance and , justice, to repeal
our obnoxious legislation 'for the sake of those
States whichare desirous to do right.
I ask you' to leave the patriotic men in
those States something to stand on. Re
member that if we refuse to do what cer
tainly 230,000 of our own people believe to be
right, and rush madly to coerce before we offer
....mprornas' e, that by a &pliant of blood we make
secession revolution—and revolution in fifteen
States of this:A:JO:ion I olia God's'name, who is
ready for it-==lf-you refuse to do -right at home,
axe you notgOing to kindle the fires of civil war
around this Capitol and throughout this State?
Come'up to the good and patriotic work in the
right spirit,for the sake of those States who
prefer to rmain :in the- Union'; and • then 1
you may and -will' *have a united sentiment in',
Pennsylvania. Refuse to do it and you may,
as , 1." - • have before stated ; create civil war and
discord at home: ' , appeal to. Senators here, not
latscause of threats made by States( with arms
in` o their'hands, but for the' sake of those
Union-loving States inthe South who are will
lug to unite with Union men of all sections, and
the true patriotic Republicans in the North, to do
that which , is light. and^ just. Let us in this
hour of our direst danger come -to the, support
of all - such men. It is-for them ',appeal to you
Republicmfor then:ll-desire to follow, wher
, ever you lead in theoprith of justice and equity,
which may yet. , bring , :us to a°. peaceful and
just solution of this question. 'Pennsylvania is
too great and too powerful in her politieal, geo
graphical and other 'resources, ever to ; fear to
do right.. She need- not now have any fear.
Mr. FINNEY. ...I wish to, know from the
' Senator whatTennsylvania has done wrong?, o
o loin CLYMER. Twill answer the Sermtor:---
Under the hard letter of the•kao---under the strict
and stern construction which maybe given,te it
by /awyers,. we mayhave done nothing that is
unconstitutional, but. I assert that this does not
sataify - the. hearts - of our own people, nor does it
satisfy the minds of men who: ish to do justice
irrespective of partyolines. ',lt is morally uncon
stitutional.. I think that we ouglat.to go as far
as the manta of the:case : demand I 'say that
•Pennsylvania -does wrong when. she refutes; to;
grant this boon and to satisfy.:•the wisbe*---t i bp•
mmaerealtlemandr—. '.fordits . rep., widehloomesi
jonpdnma,alsposteawyo o manitaknoStiatiblvy at a,
iii Mr. . A CF% Altin4oa .
....
o bjeagoarlile, or whit mina tba : .-. . fron t
Bit ionhi nip fa itit nopeaM - -
Mr. CLYMER. I should have preferred to
have closed 'the remarks I intended to make,
without having been thus interrogated; but,
sir. section 96th referred fo; I believe to be per
fectly needless on our statute book. Ido not pre
sume that it is within the recollection of any
gentleman on this floor that a sale con
templated to be prevented by the - provi
sions of that section of the revised Pe
nal Code has ever taken place Within the
limits of Pennsylvania. If we have no
right to refuse to deliver up fugitive slaves, they
being property, under the Constitution of the
United States, I would suggest to the gentleman
from Blair (Mr. HATT) whther, as a lawyer,
he may not doubt out' right to destroy one of
the ebief• - elements of property—the right to
'dispose of it wherever ' and whenever we
please. I have no doubt • that if we would
repeal both the 96th and 96th ' sections, ex
cept that portiOn relative - to the crime of kid
napping, we mightpritisfy our constituents ;
but if •tire would' go • one 'step further
and show our loyalty and kindness of feeling to
our'Southent brethren by the re-enactment of
the laiv in force froirt. 1780to•I1347; there would
be given such an assurance to the border
States of the South' as Would' cause them to ac
knowledge 'their mistaken- opinions - of Penn
sylvania,-.and to' - edmit that, Republican as
she'is, and was at the last election', she is
just and 'true to them, and will ever remain
so; 'and that the Preident'she has elected, when
he is inaugurated, as he will be on the fourth
of March next, will be jest, true and loyal to
the-South. 'For these reasons, I urge'• the repeal
of the laws specified, and I ask , Senators if the
inducements •I have presented,-and above all
others the common welfare of us'all and the ul
timate happinesvof out' countrymen, are not
SUfficient to, cause them to east their votes as I
:have suggested ? ' ' •
Come up to-day with one heart arid soul, not
because anybody demands it, but because it is a
work of justice, and will rescue us from peril,
such as no nation has ever been thieatened
- with before, and do that which alone, with the
assistance of God, can rescue us now.
Mr. IIETCHAM. ' I caine . herent the begin
ning of this epssion, diSposeckso far as I might
be able fir my humble' way; to contribute what
ever I could to calm the agitation and excite
ment that pervades 'this country, (and at this
critical junction , in our, national affairs), in a
'spirit of entity-and of harinony, to avoid all
mere pciltichl and'partizin conflict and devote
my energies to"the 'high patriotic duty of res
cuing my country from the brink of dissolution
to which histrinakiness has almady driven it.
When the resolutions' were offered by the Sena
tea' krom Philadelphia, Tat once embraced
them. ' I pledged my sings Ore to those resolu
tions for the reason that they are purely patri
otic. Theie-is no traceni mark of the parti
zan about them ; their purpose is, if possible,
to Strengthen the influence of the administra
tion of this'great government. Their design
is if possible, to preserve the Constitution and
the laws of this land—to proclaim the great
heart and commanding• voice of Pennsylvania
on the side of the Union, and against its ene
mies to the bitter end. I caane here in such a
spirit, and hoped, - in the name of patriotism, to
be met on all hands in that spirit. I hoped, sir,
we might'forget party long enough to save our
country. But the firebrand of party dissension
' has been thrown into this discussion, and the
cry of the Democrat is, "our country if but the
Democratic party may live."
'When we call upon Democratic Senators to join
with •uainharmony for a great and patriotic
purpose, they meet us with the Breckinridge
campaign platform. After ignoring the name of
our party, and divesting ourselves of all party
pride• for accomplishing the passage of these
patriotic-resolutions, how do they meet us ? By
holding-out for our adoption such a resolution
as this ;
"That such amendment or amendments may
be speedily, made, to the Constitution of the
United. States, as will permit the citizens of all
the States:equally to enjoy said territories, with
out let,• hindrance or molestation from any
quarter, and thus remove the question of
slavery forever-from the political arena."
What is that but the full-blown Breckinridge,
Dred-Scott-deeision doctrine of carrying slavery
wherever the stars and strips float over Ameri
elm territory ?• It is nothing more and nothing
less than the slav,eholding Breckbaridge cam
paign platform—a full,complete embodiment of
the most extravagant ,of Southern fire-eating
demands.. That slavery is national, and the
normal condition of all our territory, and that
freedom is sectional and limited, is the doctrine
they ask us to adopt.
Mr. &Berm: In Heaven's name for what
purpose is the amendment thrust in here? Is
he not aware that our National existence is
trembling in, the balance, between life and
death? Does he not know that every Southern
breeze comes ladenwith treason and rebellion,
and tells us that the cannon that in other days
thunderedindefenceof ournationanditaliberties
are now in the hands of traitors and turned
against our country and all its glories—all its
hopes—that already the stars and stripes that
for ninety years have borne the battle and the
breeze and never been disgraced, in the wild
revel of treason are trampled in the dust ? Mr.
SPRAICIIR does be not know this? Or will he,
can he, amuse himself by exhibitinglais. skill at
-small party tactics, while patriotism is moving
to prevent the destruction of his country ?
Does he not know our motives, our purposes?
Or does he prize the triumphs- of a party ma
noeuvre more highly than the salvation of this
Union? .
Does •he justify himself by saying that his
amendment embodies the will of the people of
this Nation and of this State?
Does he claim that the doctrines of his
amendment conform to the wishes of the peo
ple and will bring peace and•restore us to our
once happy,-harmonious and prosperous condi
tion
Let us consult the people. By their decision,
by their:verdict, let us be guided. To their will
I cheerfully bow. -.: • _
Mr:SseaxEs:lf ever our time was precious,
it is so - nOw,-and I shall not consume the time
of the Senate in following, step by step, the his
toric events that have finally brought ns to this
unhappy occasion. -
At'the foundation of this government, do-
Ineptic slavery in
. the States was regarded, and
Perliapt properly; as simply:and - purely an elo
inent"of doh:testi° economy, partaking in nowise
of a national character ; and as Such . was sanc
tioned by the conipromiseS of the Constitution.
It never was anticipated that it would ever as
sunie a national importance, or become a promi
nent element-in the politics of country;the: for if
it had, either the Constitution could not have
beerfformi3d, or some certain provision for its
removal would have been - secured.
- But in the course of.tbire, the stbuulus of the
Cotton - ercip,-and the invention of machinery for
its successful culture, change& thk amore com
parativelY harinlen and inoffensive system of
domestic servitude into a gigantic money-ma
king affair; and what in the.lS:igkaihx was but
atteSide convenience, became a;pmminent and
leading element of national .wealthossumed a
potent and exacting finsition. in the internal
"policy and territorial legislation: of: the general
government. It assertal- its rightladicMte the
policy andciinstitation..ef Ake new States to be
fonned: out of our territory. In 1820, it con
vulsed the nation; and Came near breaking up
the government. The Mis_aomi Compromise
was, -- adcipted. . Henry Clay was immortalized
for paying the country. But _eilaapry gained
o.e . then diaired; and agreed to be
conterit.;, - Freedom hook all North: of 36 deg.
30 my 1., was content, and. observed faith
atilue,-.3611.1ptct.
Etinfillitiery;with Abe 'pourer already gained,
taioSiihd aiguld-riatlektkenistikin rest. ED
iblitidapiiiiir4 *determined
[ems ts !MOW PAWL
.1
El