....
....
. .„ . - "'•-• , •:""!,....-t.n.7.:'-',-;• . .
..• . ,
' i •-.......- =----'--,--=:- '
- . . . ~.
•
..----._ -,
, ..,..: . ',
. .. • '
441 . A
-- - '
Pli
—.....=-_ .
, ... .
• ,
. •
• 4, •
• .
____-4.4. i ~...4' ‘._ k ‘- t I' , -I v. ~...
...-...7 • 4 . ...
...,. --'-',;--
~ ''z'z, 0 1, --..,.. -4.,. , -1 4 .1 11116..-31.,' •-•,---...
... , ~..„..
--‘,. t•. r
..--,..,..- . . ',.!,, .>.;.... -....., , z , 4. - - , - --..-: , -kz . - .4. --'-'-' . • .-.-.. - . ~,,, N..... %. ~.
....,- .., z" , , ,, ...---z- - • 4 ,-,- -- . ~...--,.:' 4:- 4 ... R -.-. , s , 4 - 7. ;.-..,.. , i _-- :::,' 4 •,4% .. , sji i i i P
~.: r
- • -.--,.
' &I.
- , ,:s
-4,4.-,
,
_ - . 4 - - .i , -- -..--,.. . ---..-- • ,--..,.:.- '• --,---- .-....-• , -,---. -•,„, ---,_.,—._-
__l -. _. z- " ' ' -4 AI - , . • , 4
...-.4' 0 /1 11111: : : / -.. •„;1,
0 4 4 I
, ...: ~..- -_,...! . . ...-, ..,...
%.
4.: ..... , ~.. , .4' _
`--.....,___ .- " • ,-,.....--,..' ....V --- • : ~4= „ -4 - 4 , 4 -,--. 4? . 4 -'-'''-= -- ''
1 4kozmists4 0-, • 4 ~...- * .:•0. ...-.. ,„..0 -.
41 •'\ - , -Illt i % • --- -,,, ,
..) 4,-.
%
k 4
,
• t... •
---------..-- .--,--,...-.--,':-:-;'' ~..,-.--,-,..,:,- .4:-;:- -,-, • ..- ...:, , ~_. , ;,,, -.-_--,-.._-_, - ,7.:-,z=__ ...t k... - .....0 .4.-. 41 .
_,... ,
*"... - I ' ;"
-, 4 -: j #: -, k -'' =••
. -,-. - L--- - t--_-- - __- , . ._. - - --7 - ,--- - . '.‘ - ' IR.. -.„lllimik
.. • Nktif
, .
. ---------__. .•••‘-- ' , ' ' -
..
BY GEORGE BERGNER
PEASYLVANIA LEGISLATURE
REPORTED EXPRESSLY FOR THE TELEGRAPH.
ROUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
' WEDNESDAY, Feb. 10, 1864.
The House vas called to order at 11 A. 3i. by
the SPEAKER
The Journal of yesterday was read and ap
proved.
EOM=
Mr. SMITH, (Cnester,) on leave given, read
in placa•an act authorizing the commissioners
of. Cheater county to borrow money t:1 pay
bounties to volunteers.
On motion of Mr. SMITH, (Chester,) the or
ders were suspended, the, bill considered, and
Passed finally.
NATIONAL GRANT OF Lama FOIL EDUOATIONAL PUR
.POSRS,
Mr. NEGLEY, on leave given, presented the
following report from a ailed:l committee:
To the Speaker of the House of R.epressntativta;
The select committee appointed to confer
with .the board of commissioners having ie
charge the lands granted by the United States
to this Commonwealth, respectfully report:
That, in performance of the duty assigned
them, the chairman of the committee .waited
upon the Governor and the Auditor General
—the other member of the board being absent
from this city—m.(l*as informed by those two
gentlemen that no Salo of the land scrip for the
lands granted had bue.o orderel by the board.
Inasmuch, however, as the question of the
disposition of this land scrip will be before tkie
Legblature at the present session, and fis it is
desirable that all the iti.ormation on this sub
ject that can be obtained should be beioie the
:Legislature, the cotnmittee do not think they
:are going beyond the sphit of the resolution
under which they were appointed to recommend
.the adoption by this House of the following
ireiOhltiOnS:
Resolved, That the beard of ct.mmissioners ap
pointed by the act of April 1, 1863, in relation
to said lands, b.: requested to.communicate to
this House what rules and regulations, if any,
have been made by them respecting the man
ner in which the Surveyor General shall dis
posebf said land scrip, and whether any mea
sures have been taken to sell E eh laud scrip.
Resclred further, That the said board -be re
quested for the present to 'postpone tiny pro
ceelings for the sale of said land scrip.
JOHN H. NEGLEYO,
P F. SMITH,
OWEN RICE.
'rho report of the committee was accepttd,
:and the accompanying resolutions were twice
read and adopted.
:NON-PATSIEST OF D2UIAGES TO DI9LOYAI CITIZENS
Mr. KELLEY offered the following resolu
tion, which was twice read:
WHEREAS, There is reason to believe that
the ra bet invasions of Penney lvania w e, in a
great measure, brought about through the
connivance at.d by the encouragement of dis
loyal persons in our own State;
Assd soliveas, Claims for damages done during
those invasions are now being presented to
this Legialature ; therefore,
Resolved, That the select committee to whom
are referred - all matters in. relation to claims
arising out of alleged losses from the rebel
raids of 1862 and 1363, be instructe d to report
as part of their bill—if they report • a bill—a
clause requiring the parties presenting claims to
furnish positive proofs of their loyalty.
Mr. BOYER. I desire to know from the
gwai;leman o offers• this 'resolution, what
ttie %standard of loyalty is to be. Is a test-oath
to be Ittlininhtered by the committee.? Ara
they to make claimants swear that they are
loyal? or must the claimants bring positive
testimony ?
Mr. }KELLEY. I presume that the commit
tee understand what loyalty means; and it is
for them to decide.
Mr. BOYER. Well, Mr. Speakei, under the
interpretation which has been given here be
fore, I emphatically deny the right' of that
committee to say who are "loyal." Some
members of this louse, have been in the habit
here of calling meu disloyal who are just as
loyal as themselves ; and I have no doubt that
the same discrimination would be made by
that committee. I hope this House will not
stultify itself to such an extent as to adopt a
resolution of this kind.
Mr. SHARPS. Mr. Speaker,
the resolution
which has just- been offered strikes deeply at.
the interests of the constituents whom I repre
sent t n this floor. I tell• the author of that
resolution that I represent no disloyal constito-'
ency here. The persons whom it is intended
to pay for the damages which they have sus-
Lained at the hands of the rebels are loyal
zene ,t Pennsylvania, according to the highest
standard ^f JoYalty in times past. I have no
objection to an inquiry into the anteceilenta of
these men ; but, 31r, 1 have reason to believe
that thlei resolution !las been introduced for the
purpose of embarrassing the action of the com
mittee. I desire that these thaws of citizens
of the. b >refer counties shill come fairly and
squarely before this House. J. do. .not desire
that any compensation. shall be given to any
disloyal citizen—because there are none each
within the limits of the district whiChd have
the honor in part to represent.
I know, sir, that it beg k become very fashion
able now-a-days to cast imputations upon the
loyalty of -citizens, without-any grounds for so
But, sir, if the mpinbers of this House
could walk with me throUgh the beautiful val
ley of the Cumberland, to which the provisions
of the contemplated bill will principally apply,
and should see there for himself the sufferinge
which that loyal constituency have expe
rienced at the hands not only of the rebels, but
of the troops called into service by the State
of Pennsylvania and the General Government, .
I am confident that there is not a single gen
tlemari„upon this floor who would withhold his
hearty support from the bill.
Now, Mr. Speaker, how aro we to inquire
into the loyalty of these citizens. The resolu
i,ln. intimates that certain disloyal citizens is:Lai•
t e d t h e - rebels Over into Pennsylvania to carry
off the yerortY of her citizens. The idea is
preposterous. is unfounded in fact. Toere
is not the slightest scintilla of testimony upon
which to base such a foul imputation upon the
loyal citizens of Pennsylvania. I say, Mr.
Speaker, that it is contrary to the instincts of
human nature, it is gjapsed to all klulTlan rea
son, to suppose that any man would make such
a fool of himself as to invite into the peaceful
home where he lived a band of vandals, who
would lay waste and destroy not only his own
property, but the property of all his neighlans
I hope, Mr. Speaker, that tide TO 10100111
will-not rn
be -pressed by the gentleah'Who has.
offered it. I hope, for his own sake, and .the
credit of annsylvania, he will not anew to go
forth to the world oven a suspicion that there.
is any citizen within the limits of our State so
base,. so dead to the voice of patriotism in his
heart,•as to be guiltyt•of having lent, even: in
the remotest degree, -either-aid or sympathy to
the insurgent Torces mho have invaded this
State.
Mr. COLEMAN. I am not familiar With
the facts in reference to this matter ; but it
SUMS to me that there was, at leasf, one reel
'lett cf that neighboihood— ; a man by the name
of Fitzhugh—who was concerned in inviting
the rebels into Pennsylvania—who was arrest
( d and who escaped. He, I understand, was a
ri sidont of our State. lam not poiltive ; he
may possibly have been a Marylander; but my
impression is that be was the Mr. Fitzhugh
who managed Mr. Efoglies' furnace down there,
and that this man guided the rebels in the first
invasion - by . Stuart. .
Mr. KELLEY. The gentleman from Frank
lin (Mr. t_znesrs) says he represents no dis
al constituents. I want to ask the gentle
man whether'there were not men in biscounty
who were charged with leatling the rebels into
this sectien—with bringing them there and
(Meeting and guiding them. ask whether
therawere not men in his county charged with
that—whether one of these men has not been
sentenced to be shot, and another to be im
prisoned for ten years. I ask the gentleman
whether this is not the case.
While I am uptin the floor, I may say, in re
ply to the gentleman, that it is well known that
there are disloyal men in the State of Pennsyl
vania. That cannot be denied; and it cannot
be denied that to them we owe the rebel inva
sion of Pennsylvania at different times. To
that we owe the battle of Gettysburg, taking
place upon the soil of our own State. And,
sir, I for one will suffer my tongue , to be torn
out by the roots before I will vote to award a .
single cent of damagrs to any such man who
has sustained losses by what he has invited and
brought upon Maisel.
Mr. SHARPE. I will state for the informa
tion of the guptleman from Washingtowcounty,
that the ci;izen who has, been condemned for
leading the rebels through Pennsylvania,' is
not a citizen of Franklin county. I think he
came from the county of Washington.
Mr. KELLEY. I will not deny that we have
come disloyal men in Washingtou county,—
But the gentleman, in admitting that, , admite
the whole- thing—that there are disloyal men
inthe State,of Pedneylvania, which he denied
in Into at first. • •
Mr. RICE. Feeling, as .I do; that the ques
tion of a-mares loyalty- or disloyalty is a sub
ject not for, legislation,
.butrfor judicial investi
gation, I move that this subject be indefinitely
postponed.
Mr. REED. I would like to ask the gentle
man -from Franklin - whether the Fitzhugh
charged with this crime of leading the rebels,
was a citizen of Washington county, Pennsyl
vania. Washington county, f Maryland, as I
understand, gave him birth; put bis residence,
if I mistake not, was Franklin, Pennsylvania.
Mr. -- PURDY. Mr. Speaker, the question has
been aeked,.. - how tuft:proposed to ascertain the
loyalty of indiviiinals under this resolution? 1
believe, sir, that I have, heretofore, taken no
part in these general insinuations of disloyalty
against the Democratic party in pennsylvania;
but, sir, a resolution of -this kind,.if passed,
would bring down the opposition of this corn
mittee upon every single member upon this
side of the House. For, sir, it. Is well known
that there are those in . this Slate who make a
universal charge of disloyalty against every
Democrat in the Stale of Pennsylvania. It is
this, sir, which I stand hero to-day,to protest
against; for I would not screen any really dis
loyal man—any man who would lead the rebels
into the State of Pennsylvania.. But, sir, the
question is 58 to the discriminating power of
this committee. Who are to be called "dis
loyal f" Are they these men whom youipresses
Charge with disloyalty—whom stump orators
charge with disloyalty? Are these tie be termed
"disloyal," and to come within the Operationte
of this resolution ? If sp,..there is not a Demo
crat in any one of the counties affected by the
reselution, who would receive One cent for
property destroyed by the invest= under Gen
eral Lee.
Now; sir, it has been asserted that General
Lee came into the State of Pennsylvania be
cause he was invited herebydisloyal citizens
- within' our borders. Sir, if Gen: Lee i t hed been
a man so incompetent as to follow are' invita
tion from a certain citizen, or a - half . a dozen
citizens of Pennsylvania, and hazard the great
army which he had under him at the time he
entered this State, upon such an invitation,
then, sir, he would not have held the power
that he has held upon the Potomac.
This charge of disloyalty is made, I Say, in
discriminately. Now, I wish to ask ' -what is
meant by this universal charge Of disloyalty?'
for I feel disposed to meet that question here
and now. Do you 1:11113311, when you charge dis
loyalty against the Democratic party, that those
men are dieloyal who have been standing up
for the, last forty years, pleading-tor the Con
stitution and the Union? Do you mean to
stigmata* as "disloyal" those,who in 1860,
when the waves of sectional fanaticism were
threatening' te.sireep :over the country, stood
up manfully and plead for theCOnstitutiirn and
the Union, and for tile, preservation,ef the lib
erties and nationality of the American people ?
Do you mean to brand as disloyal those men
who, in 1860, were styled "Union-savers,"
"Dough-faces" and ". lickspfttlerr," because
they stood by the Union and the Constitution ?
If so, then I am ready to admit that the whole
Demccratic party in this State, and throughout
this Union, are disloyal men.
But, sir, I think if you will search ihe re
cords of the country you will find that these
men, who are so indiscilininetely termed "dis
loyal," are, and eVer 'hive been,.the
leg citizens of this country, and they are so-to
day. They are the men who have struggled
during all the sectionalcontroversiee that have
distracted this land, to preserve the Constitu
tion and the nationality of this rePriblio, and
to stave off these sectional issues which have
finally culminated in'civil war. •
But, sir, I will come further down,ija point
of time. Laboring as they did - h . ) prevent this
sectional conflict which has been drenehing
this land in 1?leod and wasting our, -treasure,
when it came downlo the actual hreakjog out
of the war, what did three men propose to do ?
The first thing they - did was to ask for a corn
promiea, to endeavor if possible to ;slay this
revolution and this dreadful expenditure of
blood and treasure which was, about to be
brought upon the country. They asked for
that compromise, honestly, with the hope of
staying this revolution. But, sir, when that
matter of compromise was passed over and de
feated, what position did they then. take?
They then asked a pledge from the National
Government that this - war should be for the
preservation of Thal:Triton- keilthe recovery
of the property of the United"Shateeitiad - for no
other purpose.
. Sach a resolution received the approbation
of Congress; and it was Abe% plittferni upon
which this country started in the Ware These
men who are to-day:taMe4 - 4 70,49' 9 4 , era the
HARRISBURG, PA., THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1864.
•
men who, upon the faith of that, resole tioc,
entered in and took part in the prosecution of
this war.. Sir, if, you will review the history
of the past two years, you will find, by a refer
ence to the muster-rolls of our armies, that
these men Stood side by side with those who
'now claim all the loyalty. When the cars left
your depots they marched with thkm. They
stood side by side with them upon the battle
field; and they are, many of them, sleeping
upon those battle-fields in one common grave.
Then, sir, I say .I hurl back this insinuation
of disloyalty upon citizens of this State who
lave ever labi:/rektspreserve title Union—who
at the breaking4it of, this war, entered into
it and who are to -Jay asking for the preserva
tion of the Union and for the maintenance of
the Constitaion and the laws. Sir, I say that
we are the loyal Party to day,.if it is brought
to the proper test—because we are not in favor
of mobs;:are not in favor of the destructidn
'of civil liberty. We are in favor cf maintain
ing the Constitution and of having the Prod
dent of the United States stand by that instin
ment, and conduct the affairs of the army and
of the Uovernment in accordance with it. In
so far as he does this, we will stand by him. I
can pledge Myself and pledge the honor of
those Whom I represent, that tv will stand by
him in so far as be acts honestly for the presor
vation of this Union and maintenance of the
Constitution.
But, sir, what is the meaning of the term
"loyalty?" • I will; define it In a few words.
rclaim that a loyal nian'is a man who Is
loyal to the COlliailitrOn—who is loyal to the
Glovernmenfof Our tatters; but, sir, that man
who bases his claims to loyalty upon his ad
herence to the ideas of a 'Articular, individual
- - who basest his :claim to loyalty upon the
theory that if a man supports the doctrines of
a certain platform, or.the Particular notions of
a certain Pitsident or a certain Governor he Is
loyal—l say that such a man•knows nothing
about loyalty. •••
There is no test 'of loyalty in this country,
save that which brings a man's actions to the
touch-stone of the Constitution and the lawsof
his country. .
Theis men in' thoEe Southern
'Counties who are called disloyal—have they
not Volunteered - in our armies? Have they riot
paid their taxes ? 'Have they - not done every
thing that good citizens should do to support
the Constitution' of the - United , States ? And
Vin.,all.tbe"epeeithee;_ and In all
the argumente.of_the party represented on the
other aide, is,not•thibset forth as -the:primary
ob)eeb , which4lidt lie r lnview ? 131 r,
presume these men have paid taxes in common
with the rest of 'us.- - I presume that, if a man
wants to pract ce medicine; he must take out
a license, and pay ten dollars for that exalted
privilege, or lf he wishes to practice law, he must
take out a beans° at a cost: of ten,dollars.• If he
wishes to publish a newspaper, he must pay ten
dollars for the license to-do so. if he gets sick
and,sends,for a lihysician, a man is brought
who has it,aklltis liodase. If he dies, and is to
'be hurled, in a.. place where a • written permit for
a burial is iequired, a stamp must be stuck
upon the permit by shiCli - he is buried! They
pay all these Gies, air. It Seems to me that
thvy, need to pay but one more, Once they are
taxed upon the writs which 'busies them ; and
that is to, place l a stamp tax upon the cradle,
and then, they will be stamp-taxed - all the way
from the cradle clear down to the grave. If
one of them wishes to put a "poor DM'S plas
ter" upon his back, he is obliged to di& a one
cent stamp"upon the. back ,of that plaster to
order to make it draw. .They par all these
taxes cheerfully;.. 411 all they ask is that the
Constitution of the United States' and the I ib
ertiei of the American people shall be main
tained.
Now, sir, if this resolution proposes to strike
down:these meh—to•allow oertain.partizans to
draw a tett of loyalty.upon them—it would be
a shame and a disgrace to pass such a resolu
tion. If it merely means to • assert that there
Is any man• who is so abandoned as to have
invited-4nd encouraged rebel raids in that sec
tion, then, sir, Such a man, by the Constitution
and the laws—by the laws of this State and the
United States—is liable to punishment; and let
him be punished. He may even be liable to
have his property confiscated, and to be hung
for treason, And, air, that is the disposition
to be made of suolieitizens. But let no reso
lution be offered here to impeach Indiscrimi
nately the loyalty of a large portionof the citi
zens of Pennsylvania. '
Mr. SHARPE. -Mr. Speaker, I desire to an
swer the question of the gentleman on the other
aide in regard 't )the nativity of Mr. Fitzhugh,
who has been referred to. That gentleman is
not a native of Pennsylvania; he was born in
Washington county, Maryland. It is true that
for three Or foUr years he was engaged as a
clerk in Franklin county; but we do not claim
him as a citizen He is very meanly related—
a nephew, I think—to a very distinguished
gentleman, who used to be an oracle in the
eyes of gentlemen upon the other side of the
House. I refer to Garrett'Smith. It appears
that•the ideas Of Garrett Smith have not run
in 'the blood of the family; they seem, at
least, not to have entered into the veins of
Mr. Fitzhugh. He is a black sheopin the abo
flock-feenr6Which he has descended. But
I hope that the gentleman will not charge his
paternity upon the county of Franklin, be
came we disclaim and disown him as a citizen.
Mr. COLEMAN. In the remarks which I
previously made, my design, was simply to ob
tain.information. I did not intend any charge
against Franklin county. I suppose that all
counties have some "black sheep." Bat, as
the gentleman has brought np the matter, I
may remark that there is another man, by the
name of Thomas Logan Who guided the rebels
through our Stge. Franklin county stands
charged also with having him as a citizen. I
do not know what'are the facts. But the reso
lution of the 'gentleman from Washington
mintemplates that there might be instances of
that kind. Mr. 'Fitzhugh may own property in
Franklin oountY and so may Mr. Logan ' • and
they may come in and present claims , for dam
ages. The intention of the gentleman from
Washingtoirwlii;llitiPpose, to meet cases of
this kind. 'hid no idea of- intending to
charge the Whole Democratic party with any
thing of that kind. That seems tome absurd.
I have no idealhat it was the intention of the
author of the resolution in any way to itopli
cats politics in this matter. If that should be
the case, I Should certainly vote against the
resolution. -
Mr. M.' MURTBIS. Mr. Speaker, lam a
little surprised at the scope which has been
given to this discussion by gentlemen on the
other side of thiSHouse. Why, sir; I did - not
understendltfirgintlinnan from Washington as
offering this Proixosition as any party question
at al!. Ido not :myeelf like the shape of the
reeolntion. For instance, itprovidekithat this
committee mast hive "peeitive proof. ".• Now,
sir, I think'that in -that '
respect-theeresolution
hrobjectionable. 'Now- this committee are to
fioe,Ppeeitlve picof'. or a man's loyalty, I do
- I.r
not see. And for this reason I would prefer to
see the resolution put in some other shape.—
But, Mr. Speaker, I am in favor of the passage
if a resolution of some kind or other requiring
these men who live along the southern line of
the state of Pennsylvania to establish their
loyalty before this committee, before they
shall come in and make a claim on the Com
monwealth for damages. As I raid before, I
do not think this committee ought to be re
quired to have "positive proof," because I do
not see how that cats in all cases be obtained,
butthe.resolution should be so shaped as to
prOvide that the gentlemen making claim on
the State of Pennsylvania, for damages done
by the rebels, should, give some prom of their
loyalty before they come here and warns to in
demnify them for damages committed by the
rebels.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I believe that there are
men living aloof; the southern line of the State
of PennsylVania who do SyMpathite with the
rebels; and, 'sir, if you will look at the conduct
of those southern counties during this rebellion,
from its beginning to the present time, yon can
lay. your . Anger on instances of men living in
those Wird& counties who, by their conduct,
have given encouragement to the rebels. How
was it, Mr. Speaker, with General Jenkins,
when he came to Colonel M'Clure's house but
a year or so ago? General Jenkins is a general
in the rebel army. He went to Colonel
M'Clure's house, and was received by Mrs.
M'Clure with great kindness and hospitality.
He asked-:Mrs.. M'Clure what had become of
ColonelleCiare. She said to him: "General
Jenkins,: Colonel M'Clure has gone away."-
-"Yes," said the general; "I know that. Colo
nel MSClure left his 'house, madam, yesterday,
on a black mare." "How do Von know that?"
asked. Mrs. M'Clure. "Why," replied Jenkins,
"we got it from some of our constitutional friends
in Franklin county."
I do not pretend jr) say that this "constitu
tional friend" was a-v Democrat; but, sir, there
is the fact that a rebel general was put in pos
session of the information that Colonel M'Clure
had escaped from his house.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I say that this resoltition
ought to be amended in some way. I would
not direct this committee to require positive
testimony; I think that is impossible. But,
sir, the men making claims oh the State of
Pennsylvania for damages sustained in conse
quence of the invasion of the State by the reb
els should establish their loyalty..
Why, sir, what do the gentlemen on the
other side mean when they stand here and say
that this resolution charges them - With - Want or
loyalty. It does not make any such charge
against members of the Democratic party. If
there are any rebels in the Republican party,
they are to be put to the test. But, sir, I hope
that the resolution will pass in some shape,
and that, when men come hero and ask the
State of Pennsylvania to indemnify them for
these losses, we shall know whether they are
true citizens or not—Whether they are tainted
With. this foul charge of treason—whether they
are contributing to the support of the Govern
ment, or whether their sympathies are with
the rebels in the. South. I think that a resolu
tion of this kind in some shape or other is very
proper ; but I do•not like the shape in which
the resolution is at present.
Mr. KELLEY. Mr. Speaker, lam willing to
insert the word•"satisfactory" In lien of the
word "positive;" so that it will read "satisfac •
tory proof."
While I am on the floor, I will say to the
gentleman from Northumberland (Mr. FORD!)
that in offering this resolution,l did not intend to
charge the Democratic party as a mass with
disloyalty, and I do not see bow the gentleman
can put such a construction upon it. He must
have very tender feelings in reference to this
matter. I have noticed that there is a great
deal of sensitiveness manifested by gentlemen
on the other side of the House, whenever any
mention is made of loyally. Perhaps the gen
tleman remembers the time when members of
a New York regiment destroyed his press, be
cause they considered him a disloyal man; and
doubtless he feels a little sore on this point.
While I am on the floor, I will say that my
ideas of .loyalty are these: That a man shall
support and defend the Constitution and the
Union at all costs and at all sacrifices. A man
who is willing to sacrifice everything and to do
everything in his power to maintain, preserve
and perpetuate the Union of these States as ce
mented by the blood of the patriots of the
Revolution, is, according to my idea, a loyal
man. It is not for a man to stand up and
quibble on certain constitutional points, saying
"this is not constitutional," "that is not con
stitutional;" "this way of conducting the war
is not constitutional and that way is not con
stitutional," but a man must go for the Union
at all hazards, if he would entitle himself to
be considered a loyal man. I claim, Mr.
Speaker, to be as good a Democrat as any gen
tleman on the.other side of the House; and I
think, sir, that the time will come when I can
prove that I has% been a truer Democrat—at
least es true .a Democrat as any gentleman
nom the other side or any Deinocrat in the
State of Pennsylvania.
And while , I am_up, I may say that the con
dpct of certin members in the co ordinate
blanch of Ibis Logislature has given aid and
comfort td the rebellion and -strengthened the
arms of the rebels.
Mr. QUIGLEY. I call the gentleman to
order. He has no right to reflect upon the
other branch of the Legislature.
Mr. KELLEY. If lam violating any rule,
I am willing to be corrected; I am not posted
in reference to questions of order.
Mr. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I agree with
the gentleman from Blair, (Mr. Bi'Mtarrene,)
that this resolution is not, in its original shape,
such a one as ought to receive our concurrence.
Yet, I think as he does, that some -proof of
loyalty ought to be given by every man coming
from Franklin county, or Cumberland county,
or wherever the footsteps of the invader have
been. Every such claimant should be required
to show that he has been loyal and true to the
State Government and to the National Govern
ment, in this great crisis of our country's fate.
Now, sir, it is very well for men, after this
thing has passed away—when there is no
longer fear from the rebels—it is very well for
them to come up here. with lip-service to the
•republic, and say "we are as loyal as you are"
—to maintain that because you say here, in
the legislative halls of the State, you have been
true to the republic, and that you represent a
constituency entirely true and loyal. Why,
Mr. Speaker, if the
. gentleman from Franklin
county does not know, within hie own con
stiturney, men whOm he would not trust as
true and loyal, he knows a county separate and
distinct from any in this Commonwealth.
There are -all over this State men who have
given aid and comfort to the enemy—who have
stood up serving the cause of the rebels, say
ing that we were fighting an "abolition war,"
when we were fighting simply for the Consti
tution and the rightful-Presidontrepub
..
lie. Mr. Speaker, from the very, inception of
this war—from the very moment when the
first Stale undertook to secede, there has been
through every section of the North a party—l
do not say that it is the Democratic party, and
God forbid that I should ever believe it to he
the Democratic party—bnt there has been It
faction—small if you chooee, but ever active,
ever insidiously at work to sap the foundations
of the loyalty of our people—to make them
believe that they should not sustain the Gov
ernment in the war undertaken ,for the pre
se!vation of our liberties. If the gentlemen on
the other side of the House desire to deny this,
they must stint their eyes to the whole course of
the history of this war. Why, sir. in the city
of Philadelphia and in the city of New York
and in Schuylkill county, there -hove been
manifestations which. no man in .his senses
could deny. Do gentlememon the other side
of the House mean to deny that there has been
disclosed in Schuylkill county and In Carbon
county a secret order syriapathizing with the
rebels—a secret'order conspiring to prevent men
from enlisting
. in the 'service of the Republic?
Do they mean to. shut their eyei to the fact
that, weee the rebel army was In Pennsylvania,
their aim was Schuylkill county and:the coal
mines, because there they could strike the.
deadliest blow at the fortunes of ,onrcountry
in this War ? Do they mean to deny that the
rebels intended to occupy the coal-fields, to
prevent us from supplying our factories and
our navy ? But it is all very well to come here
and say "we are loyal; you cannot bring any
proof to the contrary;" but, sir, when the his
tory of this war shall be written, a very differ
ent tale will be told. Then will be traced the
actions of men who from day to day, from
month to month and from year to year have
followed with abuse everyitct of the Executive
of this nation—have beslimed him with every
thing in the way of traduction that they could
be guilty of. The history of this war will show
in Pennsylvania—in every county of this Com
monwealth—men who are not loyal, however
their representatives may come here .and say
that they are.
And, Mr. Speaker, shall we sit here as repre
sentatives, and vote money to such men to pay
them for their property? • When our soldiers
were in that region, they had not a word of
comfort to give them. Why, sir, the men from
my county came home and told me that when
they were in that region, they felt as though
they were in the enemy's country. They had
no words of sympathy from those people whose
homes they had gone to defend. They felt as
though they were in the South. And, Mr.
Speaker, enact we -vete_ money to compensate
these men for the damages which they Drought
upon themselves? I hope not, sir. I hope
that in some modified shape this resolution will
be adopted.
Mr. SHARPE. Mr. Speaker. lam glad for
one reason that this discussion has sprung up
this morning. Of all my constituency, there
has been reference made to but three persons
to whom the taint of disloyalty has been at
tached. One of these is that man Fisher, who
has been already tried by a court .martial ; the
other is Mr. Fitzhugh, whose. antecedents I
have explained. The gentleman from Leba
non (Mr. Comas) alluded to Mr. Logan, and
it is due to the House that I should also state
something about him. - -
Mr:Logan, unfortunately-for Pennsylvania,
is a native - of this good old Commonwealth ;
but years before this rebellion arose, the Com
monwealth of Pennsylvania had cast him off,
and since that time he has been a citizen of the
State of Maryland.
If the antecedents of my constituency, Mr.
Speaker, are to be read over for a period of
years, and it is expected that lor other gen
tlemen who represent that constituency, are to
vindicate the sins of a generation of them, I
shall sit down in my seat in despair ; and I put
it to any gentleman on the other side of the
House whether he could present as fair a record
in regard to the antecedents of his constituen
cy ae I have doneupon this floor. There are
but three instances in which the taint of dis
loyalty, or of open sympathy with the rebele,
has been traced to any individuals living with
in the limits of my district ; and - those indi
viduals, I have already informed the House,
do not belong to my constituency.
Now, the gentleman from Philadelphia has
said that we ought not, to vote money to dis
loyal citizens of Pennsylvania. I agree with
the gentleman heartily. I have no disposition
to vote money to disloyal people. If I under
stood the gentleman correctly, he said some
thing about the regiments from his city having
been received coldly, without sympathy and
without cheer, by the constituency whom I
represent. I will state for the information of
the gentleman from Philadelphia, that whole
regiments from that city had been fed by the
private charity of my constituents, because the
military authorities of - the State of Pennsyl
vania' had neglected to provide the necessary
rations,for them. If that, Mr. Speaker, be giv
ing cold Charity to those who Come to defend
our homes and firesides—if that be a failure to
extend cheer and comfort to.them—then, sir,
indeed I represent a' disloyal constituency.
But, Mr. Speaker, there is no man who has not
lived among the people with whom I live, that
can conceive of the privations, the trials and
the annoyances Which my people have suffered,
or of the liberal bounty which they have ex-
tended to those who came from other sections
of the State to defend their tenders.
How, Ido not wish gentlemen on the other
side of the House to understand that I have
any objection to limiting the provisions of this
bill to the loyal citizens of Pennsylvania. I
object to the resolution, Mr. Speaker, bemuse it.
strikes me as an impossibility to discriminate
ae to the loyalty or disloyalty of claimants un
der this bill. If it were possible to do so—if it
were possible to get at the - correct standard of
loyalty, and this thing could be accomplished
with justice and satisfaction to all parties in
terested in it—l would have no objection to
the passage of the resolution.
The gentleman from Philadelphia says that I
must represent a very happy constituency if I
dispute that there are many individuals living
within my district whom I would be afraid to
trust. I can say, Mr. .Speaker, from an inti
mate knowledge of my constituency, acquired
during a residence of twelve years in their
midst, that there is not a single man whom I
would be afraid to trust with the Constitution
of his country in his hands. There is not a
single man living in my district who would vie=
late either the letter or the spirit of the, Consti
tution of the country under which he has lived
and prospered; much less is there any one who
would lend - aid•or extend . courteous invitations
to the rebel hordes to invade his home anti:the
homes of his friends. • • •
Now, Mr. Speaker, I hope this resolution will
not pass. It would only serve , to embarrass
the action of this committee; and it would
lead, perhaps, to very' unhappy consequences in
the discusawn of the,Measure, :400;1 ; At reach
this House foi dienuaidon. ' I thex ifo depre-
PRICE TWO CENTS.
*ate the introducti,n into this measure of a test
which - will place it in a partizan shape before
this Rouse.
Those of my constituency who are most
deeply interested in this measure. I would state
for the information of the gentlemen on the
other side, are members of their own party.
Tha Democracy of my county are poor men
in the main; they have no property to lose. It
is net for the Democrats I am pleading, upon
this floor, but it is for thoseivbo adhere to the_
political principles of the gentlemen on the
other side, and whose interests I have at heart.
Mr. PURDY. Mr. Speaker, this di-cession
took me by surprise. I had no idea that a res
olution of this - character would be introduced
here. I have listened with considerable inter
est to the arguments which have been offered
in defence of the resolution, IT gentlemen on
the other side. One gentleman repeats to us
the remarkable statement that when -a certain
officer of the rebel army .was at Col. M'Ciure's
house, he informed Ma. ld'Clure that some
"constitutional friend" had told him that Col.
M'Clure had left on a black horse. lam WA!,
sir, that the gentleman mentioned this particu
lar circumstance, because I want to use it as a
correct illustration of the two parties that are
now joiniog hands to sneer at the Constitution
of the United States. There are men, sir, in
the State of Pennsylvania who do sneer at the
Constittition; and when this rebel officer made
this remark about "our constitutional friends,"
he did it in a sneering manner, as much as to
say that there were men in Pennsylvania who
did stand by the Constitution, and who still
thought that the provisions of that instrument
might be extended over this entire country. It
was done, sir, in a sneering way; and that
rebel officer was disposed to sneer, as every al
cer in the service of the rebel government would
sneer, at the defenders of the Constitution bore
in Pennsylvania.
But, sir, if there are to be charges of dis
loyalty, was it not disloyal on the part of the
servants or the wife of Mr. M'Cluro to enter
tain this rebel officer so hospitably? If it had
been the house of a Democrat at which he
had been thus entertained, would not the cry
of "treason" have gone up against that house
hold ?
Now, sir, in speaking upon this question,
another gentleman says that he is a good De
mocrat—as good a Demoerat as any other man
inthe Stste of Pennsylvania. I know it is the
custom for men" who have always been oppostd
to the Democratic party to allege now that
they are Democrats ; and I do not blame them
for it, because there is honor attached to that
name. The Democratic party has ever stood
by the Constitution and the Union, and there is
not a man so abandoned and destitute of truth
as to deny that great fact. Ido not, therefore,
blame the gentleman for claiming here that he
is a Democrat.
But when he says that he is willing to stand
by the Constitution and the Union as a tt-kt of
loyalty, I say, sir, I will take him by thehand,
and I will meet him half-way now and forever
hereafter. If to stand by and sustain tha
Constitution of the United States is what he
means by loyalty, I say then if he will do that,
he is a loyal man; and so is every man whom
I represent upon this floor. •
But, sir, how is 'tide test to be made? It is
to be made by a partizan committee. And
whom are they to call disloyal I presume
that the, gentleman from Washington holds
his seat upon this floor by hia electioneering
against what he calts the "disloyal" party—the
Democratic party.' And when he speaks of our
exhibiting sensitiveness upon this floor, I say
we are sensitive, because we have a conscious
ness that we have stood by the Constitution
and the Union—that we have ever been in a
strict and legal sense the loyalists of this coun
try. And the reason why we ere sensitive
that the papers and the orators of his party
have made an indiscriminate charge of disloy
alty against the entire Democratic party.air,
he knows it, and when he rises here and a4us
why we are sensitive—why we raise this ques
tion—we answer him by saying that we suppose
that he would do with this committee, as mem
hers of his party do through the press - and
through their - speeches—making a charge
of disloyalty against every man who
differs with them in politics. But,
sir, if this committee which is to be ap
pointed, is to be a partizan committee, and is
to go into those counties and examine who
are disloyal men, who do you suppose would
escape the charge of disloyalty? Wbat evi
dence would a man need to give of his loyalty?
I presume that if a man there should say, "I
will relinquish my Democratic and constitu
tional sentiments—l will endorse Abraham
Lincoln's proclamation—l will hereafter he an
abolitionist "—I suppose that that would be a
sufficient evidence of loyalty. ' But,
if he said, on the 'contrary, I oppose
Mr. Lincoln's.emancipatiou proclamation, "I
oppose his scheme to , inaugurate in the South
ern States a system by which one-tenth of the
population shall control tho rest"--he would
tamale) termed a "disloyartinan. Sir, if that
be "disloyalty," I say here, and I will say
everywhere, I am disloyal; for I do not believe
that those acts are constitutional; and -Ithere
fore oppose them. But, sir, neither the gentle.
man from Washington, :nor: any member of
this committee, is to ha a judge of my loyalty.
I sin willing to go before any. legal itibutial of
'this State, or of the United States, to hate my
loyalty tested. I will swear to day and to
morow, and every morning and noon while I
live, to support the Constitution, and toi favor
the preservation of the Union without any
conditions—negro or no negro; and such is
the position of the Democratic party. t Sir, I
say that the evidence which would be neces
sary to-establish a man's loyalty would be for
him to abandon his politics and to Support the
party in power.
Now, sir, as I said before, if there are men is
those districts who are disloyal and who have
invited rebels upon our borders, and who have
encouraged them when they have come, I say
that the laws of the - United States would deal
with such men. Convict them, under your
statutes, of treason, hang them; A:naivete what
property they have, instead of giving them
more. Youhave the law 'to& it; and ou can
ask no more than that; unless -ym wis h to rob
a man.of hia rightagmn something short of a
conviction—upon a mere suspicion, or a charge
of disloyalty from some newspaper, or some
stump orator. "
But, sir, the gentleman from Washington
has alluded to me in another particular—that
of having my press mobbed by a-New York
regiiment. Larktojad the gentleman has men
tioned that fact. It is true; and.l. am not the
only man in this Combionwisltli 'Who, while
suppor ti n g the Consultation, MIS 'hid his press
mobbed.: Sir, Adnis.-the ileliktlODlEM would
have done better to have ,omitted -that part of
his speech; for ituelt - transiietions are something
that will blister- forever upon tlre'cheek of his
party. The Democratic partyhas been in power
CONZERVED on rows= mkt._