From the Blur Count; Whig. Wllmot’s Endorsement In tile Pennsylvania legislature. We baye shown that when Mr. Wilmol in- his frmous Proviso into Congress in 1848, his democratic colleagues in ihe House stood by him, and when he renewed, in 1847, the motion to attach the Proviso to the three million bill, it bad not become undemocratic to vole in favor of the prhibition of Slavery, it was only after Buchanan, in his struggle after the Presidential nomination then ap-, preaching bad led the way against the Vi il mU Proviso, that Mr. Wilmot began to stand atone among the Dcmocratte'Kepresentatives from Pennsylvania, upon the okf Jeffersonian platform of Slavery restriction. . The Legislature of Pennsylvania, which was chosen at the general election In 1846, end which met? in 1847, took early 1 action upon this question, and it is gratifying to-turu, back to the records of that body, and see how emphatically il sustained Mr. Wilmot, There are Whigs and Democrats rn those .. days and their party, fights were as bitter as any that have happened since; but upon this \qiestion they were united. Nearly every ■ Democratic member of both bouses recorded his vote in favorof the Wilmol Proviso. Mr. Piolett a democratic member of the . House from Bradford county introduced into that body the following preamble and resolu tions ; “ Whereas , The existing war with Mexico may result in the acquirement of new Terri tory ; and Whereas, Measures ore now pending in Congress having in view the appropriation of money, and the conferring of authority upon the Irealy-power to this end, therefore Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed and our Representative be re quested to vole against any measures what ever by which territory will accrue to the Union, unless, as a part of the fundamental law upon which any compact or treaty for this purpose is based. Slavery or any invol untary servitude shall he forever prohibited, except for crime.” On the 26th January this preamble and resolution were called up and passed unani mously, by the folloWing vole : Yeas. —Messrs. Allison, Anderson, Bents, Bingham, Black, Blair, Boughner, Bowman, Briedcmhal, Bull, Burns, Bush, Bushnell, Clarke, Colvin, Connor, Daly, Dickenson, Dickson, Donaldson, Edie, Evans, Fasset, Fausold, Fernon, Fenstermacher, Forsyth, Fox, Geh ley, Gould, Graejf, Gratis, Haly, Marris, Hasson,Haymaker, Hunter, Hilands, Ives, Jacoby, Jackson, Kaufman, Keatly, Kerr, Kinear, Kline, Klingensmith, Knox, Krick, Ladley, Laughlin, Levan, Leyburn, Lockhart, Long, Mackay, Mather, Matthias, Montelius, Morrison, Myers, McA'bee, Mc- Callisler, McCurdy, McCurley, McKnight, McKinn, Noble, Patterson, Pauling, Pearce, Perry, Piolett, Phillips, Pomeroy of Mercer, Pomeroy of Franklin, Reynolds, Ross, Ru pert, Sanborn, Sharp, Shelly, Sipes, Souder, Thomas, Thompson„!Trego, Vliet, Warner, Weller, Wertsner and Cooper, Speaker —9s. Nays— None. Democrats in italic. . Every Democrat present voted aye, and every democratic member of the House was present but one. The resolutions were sent to the Senate and called up in that body on the 27th. At the late Harrisburg Convention, Mr. Gibbons staled that he was Speaker of the Senate at' that session ; that Mr, Bigler, then Senator from Clearfield, afterwards Governor and now •U. S. Senator, came to him on the morning of the 27th, and asked as a particu lar favor that the Speaker would award the floor to him that morning to enable him to call up the House resolution. The Speaker did so; Mr. Bigler accordingly called the resolution, made a speech in its favor, urging, its immediate passage, and moved to suspend the rules to pul it on its final passage j and the yeas and nays having been called, the resolution passed by the following vote: Y eas— Messrs. Bigler, Boas, Carson, Corn man', Crabb, Darragh, Darsie, Gillis, Harris, Hill, Hoover, Johnson, Jordan, Levis, Ma son, Morrison, Rich, Richards, Ross, San derson', Smith, Smyser, Williamson, and Gib bons, Speaker —27. Navs—Messrs. Anderson, Black, and Potteiger —3. Thus it will be seen that Mr. Wilmot re ceived the strongest possible endorsement of his course from the democrats of Pennsylva nia, every democratic member in both Houses of the Legislature, excepting three, having voted to sustain him. It.is worthy of note, also, that the Legis lature that win'er was TVAtg’in both branch es ; yet this resolution was introduced in one branch by a democrat and urged through in the other by another. David Wilmot, true to his has occupied the same ground qver since; but the parly which then endorsed him has falsely deserted the noble stand it had took, aposta tized from ll.e faith of -its founders, and shamefully renounced all the good which it did in its-better days. J How Scruggs Cooled Down. —A pro slavery individual by the name of Scruggs, got excited n few days since and marched about the streets with a loaded double-bar relled shot gun, swearing that he would ex terminate the whole race of d d Aboli tionists. Mr. Haller, a glorious young Buck eye, look a revolver, and catching old Scruggs by the collar, ordered him about his business. Scroggs didn’t like the looks of either Mr. Haller or his revolver, and prom ised to be very good and quiet if his life was spared. In facutbe fire-eaters are modifying their (one amazisgly, and quite a number of the termer pro-slavery men are becoming in i«vor of making Kansas a free Slate. They see that the best interests of the Territory can only be subserved in this way. Never was the Free-State parly stronger or in better spirits than at present, —Chicago Tribune. This Scroggs is the father of the belle of Leavenworth—the young lady who offered her hand as a prize to the man who would bring her the scalp of an Abolition woman, Scroggs owns the dilapidated saw mill at (he lower end of the levee—the only saw mill in Leavenworth, and was one of the criers at the land sale last fall. —Pittsburg Gazette. Stringfellow has left the Squatter Souer eign. He says it did not pay expenses. THE AGITATOR. US. D. C0bb,.... Editor. WELLSBOROUGH, FA. Thursday morning, may 7. 1857. *,* All Business,and other Communications must be addressed to tbe Editor to insure attention. Republican Nominations. , For Governor, . . DAVID WILMOT, Of Bradford County, For Canal Committioner, WILLIAM MILLW ARID, Of Philadelphia. For Supreme Judge), JAMES VEECH, Of Fayette County, JOSEPH J. LEWIS, Of Chester County. The Tioga County Bank BUI passed finally on the 28lb ulL.and now awaits the Governor's signature. The new firm of Bowen & Bollards have jnst replenished the Empire Store with a fine stock of New Goods, comprising a full assortment of Dry Goods, Shelf Hardware and Groceries, which they are selling at (heir usual reasonable prices. Their advertisement was handed in 100 late for insertion this week, but their goods recommend, themselves. As will be seen by advertisement, ROE has pro gressed np-townward with his Dry Goods and Gro ceries. We always knew that he was progressive In liis tendencies. He has piled his new Store In Roy's Building fuU'of New Goods—so full that we haven't room fur half of bis advertisements this week. However, it you want anything he has it. Wc take pleasure io saying to oor readers that Mr. H P. Erwin has just opened several cases of Ready-Made Clothing, unquestionably th o finest and best assorted lot ever offered in this village. The garments are out of the best and most durable' fab rics, and custom made . The lot comprises light goods tor Summer wear as well as the heavier styles —all firmly put together, and all of the latest cut. Those wishing to examine something a little out of the ordinary course in the Clothing line—something a little better call on friend Erwin. Personal. —J. bTIHaII, Esq., of the Schoharie Republican , has favored our sanctum with his gen. iai presence during the week. He endures the de. privations and hardships of an editor's life remarka bly well, but he has not come off scatheless in the three years' battle with fortune since we saw him last. We suppose his philosophy has thwarted the sinister designs which Fate is supposed to have up* on the peace and potatoes of the craft. Be that as it may, friend Hall is a jolly good fellow, A. 1., on a good story, and barrin* his “ pbllylix,” a first rale Black Republican. May he always have paste in his pot, marrow-bone in his soup and a dime in his pocket. There Is a rafting flood in Pine Creek at last, and the aspiring young men of this place have entered as apprentices to the dangerous and difficult trade of inland navigation. It is desirable that they should have the largest kind ot experience in •* doable trip, ping," as such exercise is capital for young men about town. Apropos of the “ Fresh,”—it was rumored about town a few days ago. that the Academy enterprise must come to a stand ibr the want of a Spring flood. Providence has removed that difficulty, and the people are looking confidently for prompt exec, ulive action on the part of the Trustees. For the blessed sake of education and for the sake of the good'name of our town, let the'enterprise be vigor ously carried forward. Rev. N. L, Reynolds was duly elected County Superintendent of Common Schools for the ensuing term, on Monday. Mr. Reynolds takes the field with a large experience to aid and direct his efforts. Wo predict for him a merited popularity in the discharge of tl|e somewhat delicate duties of the office. The retiring Superintendent may have failed to remove the prejudice existing in the minds of the people against the office; but he has most assuredly exerted himself to promote the interests of Common Schools in this county, and to the utmost of his strength. He has encountered difficulties ol which those most disposed to censure, perhaps and proba bly have but a faint idea. That he has labored be yond his material remuneration we think no candid person will deny. Wo commend the liberality of the Directors who have raised the salary of his sue cesaor to a remunerative sum. Properly. If rational creatures may sink into the condition of mere chattels, retaining none of the rights and privileges of man's estate, may they not reasonably ask to be relieved from all the responsibilities under which rational beings are supposed to lie, and thus dwell upon the plane of the brute creation—without hopes or aspirations, to eat, work' and die, as the cattle to whose level they are degraded ? We think they may. The advocates of negro slavery contend that the negro is • incapable' of taking care of himself, and thcrefbrethat to enslave him is a work of philanthro py and humanity. They thus do virtually deny his responsibility, moral an - civil, because in denying his capacity to govern himself and to provide for himself, they place him on a level of the insane and the idiotic. These last named unfortnnatesare ab solved from all moral and legal responsibility the mo ment they pass into the charge of their conservators. Therefore, when an insane person commits a mur der, criminal Uw does not take hold of that person, and because the law had previously declared him or her irresponsible—t neapoble of self-government . Now, is not this the exact status of the negro slave in the eye of the law ? Our democratic press and stumpers insist that the negro is better off un der a master than as a freeman; and this declaration certainly carries with it the idea of incapacity and irresponsibility on the negro's part. Thus he is re ally, in a slave State, by the laws of that Slate, put down in the class of insane and idiotic persons, as a being, while as a chattel he is ranked with the horse and the ox. Now it follows sequentially that, as the madman and tho idiot may kill, born and destroy without in curring the penalties of the law “in such eases made and provided.”—as the form-loving lawyers delight to have it, —why, in the name of common sense and common jnslice, should the slaVe perish at the stake or on the gallows for the same crimes, more properly speaking, terrible accidents 7_ We apprehend that the responsibility is the same in both cases. Suppose, for example, that Mr. A’s cow breaks into Mr. B’a cornfield and destroys the crop utterly, —how does the law indemnity Mr. B. for his loss 7 Ur. B. is directed by the statute to bring a soil against the owner of the unruly cow, should he re fine to make his neighbor whole. That la his priv ilege. I But suppose that A, himself, should enter B'e., garden and destroy it,—what remedy haa B.? Ho v THE TIOG A CPUNTY AG IT ATOR. bridge an' action;against Ai, or g?ls him indicted, or both. . ; In Doth cases is very properly held responsible for tbe and to. one hejs indicted for an in* fraction of the law. The cow violated no law, be* cause on irresponsible creature J but her owner did not-escape payment.of damages .on that .-account; and of punishing Hie cow, AV, ehattel I - Certainly the cote was blameless, for she could not take care of'.hereelf, and so the law de creed that cows should be chattels and at the same time made (heir owners responsible'for their tres passes and sins./ This was wise. Now, if oxen and Dorses possessed reason and judgment ? could plan and execute; • in- shorty were brutes a little more humaoj who, of our farmers and stock-raisers, would not treat them with a little more consideration ? • Who would not concede to them broader liberty of action 7 Why, men almost idol ise a horse, or dog of more than ordinary -intelli*' gen cel They even bccorae-afTecliouately solicitous that the favorite dog or horse shall be well treated and oared for. And this is right. The negro slave, in the eye of the law, is nothing more than a dog, or a horse. They are bred with an eye to Mlock, the same as horses and oxen. They arc bought, sold and speculated in the same. They are fed, clothed and worked the same, and when they die they are comfortably buried—as a man of ordinary feelings might bury his favorite horse. They are human in nothing os viewed by the law; and if one be tortured out of existence by a cruel master, the law virtually leaves the slave remediless, because no slave is competent to testily in any case wherein a white man is . defendant. This is a step below our laws for tho prevention of cruelty to ani mals. Ucrc, then, we behold the slave through the spec tacles of the Law, in a nominally Christian land. He is placed on the level of the unreasoning brute, but unlike the brute the law does not consider him irresponsible. It bolds him to a strict accountability (or his acts, even as it docs the free and sentient subject, while it declares that he is entitled to nei ther the rights nor privileges accorded to these sub. jeets. Suppose the slave commit larceny—who is held responsible ? Not the master, truly. The slave, the unreasoning chattel, is held responsible. If a horse dash out the brains of his master the ma. jesty of the law is not thought to have suffered in sult ; but if the human chattel, stung by unbearable injustice, (urn upon his master and strike the ty rant down, the stake is forthwith driven and (he 'fagot piled. Now is this just, or is it infernal and monstrous 1 To hide this glaring injustice men will say that the slave knows better than to kill, burn and de stroy. Granted. Wc believe him to be a sentient being, and far more amiable than the knaves who traduce and villify him. And believing him to be a man, degraded from his proper estate by the, ava rice of the few, we soy that no other man can hoy, sell or own him. No man can show his title deed to his ownership of any other man. Primarily, man oiyes deference to his God, alone, thence to the highest and best interests of humanity, and thence to himself, or the nobler aspirations of his nature- The moment he defers to man as a master, he puts off the robes of manhood and sits down upon the brufe plane. Man docs not voluntarily do this in. dignity to his Selfhood. Force must ever be the agent of such degradation, and slavery was the first born child of Force and Greed—fit offspring of such an infernal union! ' Slavery renders mao morally irresponsible. When you do this you leave him at the mercy of unbri dled passions. Von make him a reckless despera do when the occasion presents itself. Put shackles upon a freeman's wrists and crack the whip anon Valley Road with the Philadelphia and Reading, came up this morning. The House Committee reported it with the amendment, the effect of which would have been to com pel Mr. Culver, the present President of the Reading Road, to resign his office. " Upon this a warm debate sprung up. Mr. Getz look the floor, calling Mr.- Smith, of Cambria, to the Chair, and made a strong appeal to the House to strike out this proviso. Mr. Thorne made an able reply, taking the ground that it was contrary to the policy of Pennsylvania to permit those who are not citizens to hold office and control Railioad Corporations, It was especially improper to permit a man who was not a citizen, to con trol the destinies of a Corporation worth up wards of 820,000,000, however pure that man might be in character and conduct. Mr, Foster replied, and Mr. Morehead re sponded. Mr. Calhoun followed, and made some al lusion to the grips, signs; and pass-words of the American party, declaring that he knew nothing of them, but wished information from the gentleman'from Indiana. Mr. Morehead replied that if the gentleman from Armstrong wanted any information in regard to these signs or passwords, he should apply to Gen. Foster! This retort provoked a good deal of laugh ter, The hint at the Generates acquaintance with Sam was rich and racy, although I be lieve it consisted only.in intention, and not in actual affiliation with him. The General during a very able speech in favor of the striking out of the proviso, al luded to Frederick Douglas. This brought Willislon, of Tioga, to his feet; and be made a speech in which there was a wide play of irony and sarcasm. He run a parallel be tween the black Douglas and Stephen a Douglas much to the disadvantage of.(be latter. The difference between Frederick Douglas as a chattel, at the South, and a freeman in the North, we happily hit off. He declared that Douglas had been' unlike the present Democratic President. Douglas bad turned his face to the North, and his back to the glorious South, as the gentleman from Montgomery county, (Mr. Longaket) would turn it; but Mr. Buchanan had turned his face (o the South, and his back to the Norlh. The whole speech was e fine specimen of po litical irony, and excited much merriment both upon the floor of the House, aad ia the lobbies. -• The proviso was finally stricken out by a iar«e majority# The Senate has been engaged all morning upon private bills. Its proceedings have pre sented no points of interest.. Susquehanna. * Two questions to the slavery agitators, who are so horrified late decision of the Supreme Court, are well put by a cor respondent of the Providence Post , as fol lows ; 1. Are (he blacks enrolled in our militia ? if not, why ? 2. Are the blacks excluded from our jury box ? and if so, why ? To which we would add. That if negroes are “citizens** why are they not allowed to vote when they arrive at the age of 21 years ? We find the above in a slavery-shrieking news-paper published in a neighboring county, and beg leave to answer its questions, Yan kee fashion, by asking a few more ? 1. Are white women enrolled in our mili tia ? if not, why ? 2. Are while women excluded from our jury box T and iif so, why ? 3. Are white\women allowed to vote when arrived at the age of 21 years ? and if not, why? Y "4, Arenative born white wom€rt*“citizens” capable or'sueingjn the U.’S. Courts, or are they also “possesse(Tor'no-rights which white men are bound to respect?” —Montrose Re publican, The New Cent. —We are informed by Col. Snowden, Director of the U. S. Mint, that in about three weeks 9 time this much de sired coin will be.distributed to the public.— About a million are already completed, and two millions more will be finished before the mint commences paying them out. It is then to be hoped that the present cumbrous copper coin will disappear. Col. S. informs us that, since the establishment of the U. S. Mint, no less than 1800 tons of copper cents have been coined, making of distinct pieces one hundred and fifty millions. Of these a large number have bebn lost, converted into “wash ers’* for machinery, or otherwise taken out of circulation. 'We had supposed that, the Spanish money had ail either found Its way to the mint or beerTrelurned to Cuba and the ports on the Spanish Main. Col. S., how ever, informs us that he estimates the quanti ty still in the country at ncPless than two and a half millions of dollars. —North American. Mr. Wilmol’* letter of Acceptance. Towanda, April 22,1857. Gentlemen : On my return home, after an absence of two weeks, 1 found your com . municalion informing me of my nominally as a candidate for the office of Governor, by a Convention of the Freemen of Pennsylva. nia, opposed to the leading measures of ih a late and present National Administrations, which assembled at. the State Capitol on the 25th ultimo, together with a copy of the dec. laratioa of principles promulgated by that Convention. 1 accept the position to which ; f am CbHed by the unsolicited suffrage of the body whose organ you are ; profoundly grate, ful for so distinguished a mark of the confi. dence of fellow-citizens, yet painfully sensible of my inability properly to meet Ua responsi ble obligations. I The approaching election isfone of no or dinary interest. Important questions of State policy, affecting-the public welfare and pros, perity, are not alone involved in the issues' presented. As*one of the largest and most powerful of the sovereign States of out con federate Republic, the. honor and interests of Pennsylvania are deeply concerned in the principles that animate our-National Govern, menl. She cannot, with safety to oar inde. pendence and the liberties of our people, be indifferent to the momentous questions of na. tional import in progress of settlement—ques tions touching constitutional powers of the Federal Government, and vitally affecting the dignity and rights of free labor. Nor can she without dishonor withhold her protest ogainst the wrongs inflicted upon her sons in a distant Territory, under the license of Fede, ral authority. The dearest rights of freemen, secured by plain constitutional guarantees, are ruthlessly violated on the soil of our na tional domain. American citizens are made the victims of a tyranny unknown in the deg, polism of the Old World. The annals of civilized and ‘Christian nations furnish no ex ample of cruelly and outrage on the part of a Government toward its people, such as has been ensured by the people of Kansas; uo. less they be found in persecutions of the Hu. guenols under Louis XIV., of Prance, and of the Protestants of the Netherlands, jfy the Duke of Alva, under Phillip 11., King of Spain. Indeed, the barbarities to which the people of Kansas have beeen exposed, were of a character so inhuman as to provoke in credulity in the minds of a large portion of our citizens. Thousands have been deceived into the belief tba|, for partisan purposes, fictions were substituted for facts; although no events in American history are better au, thenticated than are the murders, robberies, arsons and lawless rapacity inflicted upon the free settlers of Kansas. These outrages had for their object the subjugation of that Terri, lory to the curse of Slavery. We speak of quiet being restored to Kansas, because armed bodies oflawless men do not to day infest her highways and plunder her people—be, caun her towns are not sacked, and the cab, ins of her seniors in flames. This peace is deceptive and insecure, jit will be broken the moment that the people of Kansas make a vigorous effort to recover their rights, of wjitch they have been fraudulently and vio lently deprived. The purpose of her enslave, menl is inexorably pushed forward. A sys, lem of,ingeniously devised fraud, kindred to that employed in the usurpation under which she now groans, is being carried out for the consummation of this great wrong. To this end also the power of the Federal Govern, menl is basely prostituted. Wo are given words of fairness, but persistence in support of the wrong. Every appointee of the Presi dent in Kansas is an active co-worker in ths scheme for her enslavement. The Issue.— The evening Post says the following are the-issues i presented by the ruling parly, through the President’s Inaugu ral and the Supreme Court Decision. They will be pronounced upon by the people, portly through their Legislatures and State elections, and finally disposed of one way or the other by the Presidential Election in 1860 ; Shall Slavery or‘Freedom be the future national policy of the country 1 Has a negro a soul to be saved and rights to be protected, or is he a beast ofburden ? Has or has not an independent State of this confederacy _a right to say that there shall be no Slaves brought within its borders! Has or has not the General Government the power to prohibit of the present and inequable system of Slave representation in Congress 1 Principles of eternal truth and justice, which lie at the foundation of a Christian divilizalion, and upon which repose thS rights of humanity, are defiantly assailed by the power that controls in our National Govern* ment. Those truths, declaratory ofthe natu ral and inalienable rights of man, contained in the Great Charter of our liberties, are con demned by our highest judicial authority as unmeaning and false. The sanctuary of our Courts of Justice is closed against an entire race of men. The poor and downtrodden are not allowed to petition for a redress of their wrongs, in those tribunals of human Government that should most nearly repre sent the beneficent attributes of the Creator and final Judge of all men. In view of these incontestible facts—ofthe wrongs perpetrated against the rights of American citizenship, and the dangers to which our liberties are exposed—thus presen. ted in its true aspect—the contest before us ■assumes a dignity rarely given to human af fairs, and imposes duties npon our citizens as high and solemn as ever appealed to the hearts and'consciences of men. The ques lion is before us—from its demands there is no escape. Decide we must, either for the right or,for the wrong. Sooner or later the verdict of this great Commonwealth must be pronounced on the issues forced upon the country by the advocates of human bondage. History will record that verdict to her endur ing honor, or to her everlasting shame. The repeal of the Missouri Restriction, and the attempt to force slavery upon Kansas by fraud and violence, precipitated upon the conflict between tho antagonistic systems of free and servile labor. In the is sue of this conflict is involved the democratic character of our institutions of government, and the independence, dignity and rights of the free while laboring man and his posterity. Slavery is the deadly enemy of free labor. The two cannot cq-exist on the same field of enterprise. Either labor will vindicate its right to freedom, or it will sink into depend ence and- dishonor. Free labor is clothed with intelligence and power. It staods erect in the dignity of a true manhood. It sus tains by its energies all the noble institutions of a refined and perfectly developed social life. It is the source of our prosperity and national greatness. Slavery is tabor in igno rance and chains-?—a brutalized humanity, stimulated to industry by the lash of a master. If makes the laborer an article of merchan dize, without aim and without hope, In place of an intelligent citizen, ready lo defend with bis lile the honor and interests of hi* country, slavery gives to the State an igno rant savage to be held in subjection, ft enr dangers the social fabric by converting l!5