For the Agitator. A BO EVER RUFFIAN SONO. y ooTAfiPB a. warn. H/rt W tfe So&ii W&&4Sjrj -' -* Tis cchuedo’-er jnoflntoto ,wd plain— W’ell bury UieiS valleYt’'Suh*(rtefti cn, Atxfdknceo’Ct (be gravel of tia alnin. . We're ehvtered byiFranhlln thotrwtof,'' . ' A noWe good ruffian i» b?! . Wife Brooks and Herbert to help him, ~ , He’ll silence (he tonga*? of d l6 free.. t We’re a gqod'Bbrder Ruffian to cheer of, ..A Gtitreromsot leaguedin the spoil, ’ Wmiee Watch-erdrd Is "death to the freemen," s«ii .i Ahd “aTawry o'er'all Urt free eoU.” ' m •’ Hirk, hark, tnl (he news of the morning 1 — • ‘ 'Another Fred State tnan id chains Where, where » the law that will barm us, When pteudo Democracy reigns, -..Hush my bran beya a'few-moments, , Repose on your arms without fear Booh*n4h will charter ua .over Td finish our murderous catecr, He’s a fine old fellow 'Us said Bf'Fiotce and by Atchison schooled, And when he’s elected to lead ns, -The North shall forever be ruled. , Srom the Richmond KUOnirer. What the Sonih Gains by the Repeal of the jJSissonrl Compromise, The repeal of the Missouri restriction is vindicated by every consideration of right and Justice. But there are persons of such sordid impulses and narrow vision, that they appreciate a measure of public policy io pro portion only to its yield of visible, palpable and, digestible- product. In the judgment,of ■uch individuals, the Kansas-Nebraska bill is worth nothing as an act of atonement to the Constitution and reparation to the South.— They respect it not at all for the great prioci pies which it enunciates and incorporates in the policy of ihe government. Insensible to the liner moral results which constitute the atm,of the highest and truest statesmanship, the gross appetites of these politicians- reject ihe really precious advantages which the South realizes from ihe repeal of Ihe Missouri restficiioo. Bolts, for instance, appreciates tne true value of that measure about as much as Hetiogobulus would have relished the nec tar and ambrosia of the Olympian repast.— Talk to him of vindicating the integrity of the Constitution, of restoring theSnu'h 10 its past equality and dignity in the Union, and you simply provoke a contemptuous chuckle with all your fine phrases. Luckily for the satisfaction or the confuta tion oi such individuals as Mr. John Minor Bolls, the Kansas Ncnraska ad is not desti tute of immediate visible and tangible advan tage lo the interests of ihe Soulh. The repeal of the Missnun restriction, besides offering alonemem and reparation for an affront upon the South, opens the Federal Domain to the Free Expansion and Development of Negro Slavery. h is manifest iron) the history of the count ly during the last twenty years, that the Consti tution, in ns protection of the rights of the Soulh, indeed, tne powers of the common government are perverted from their benefi. cient purpose ana are employed as the active agencies of oppresssion and spoliation against the slaveholding Slates. The South then, Das no other security but its own capabilities ol defence. It is essential to the protection of its rights that n should maintain a power m the government, equivalent, at least, lo a negative on oppressive, iniquitous and uncon stitutional legislation. The abohiionisis have ever had control of a majority of the popular vote. They now hold indisputable ascendency in the House of Representatives. In the Senate even the South is in a minority of one Siale ; though fortu nately a conservative sentiment is still su preme in that branch of the federal legislature. The day is not far distant however, when the sixteen free States will be represented in (faeSenate fay the pofiticaf associatesof Wilson and Seward, and when Congress will be under (heahsoluleswav of abolisiomsm. The South may turn to Ihe Executive, but with scarcely a stronger hope of protection. Fremont may not be elected; but the triumph of his parly will be postponed only for a single term ; un less, meanwhile, the South recovers its power in the-confederacy ; and establishes a coun terpoise to the ascendencv of abolitionism. This, fthen, is the onlv salvation for the South—to recover a self-protecting power in the Senate. For, if left to its own impulse, abolitionism will descend upon slavery with increasing force and fury of attack, and will ultimately subjugate the South or expel it from the Union How can the South possess itself of this protecting power’ How recover its ascend ency in the Senate" Oregon, Washington, Minnesota and NebrasKa, all Free States in embryo, will counterbalance (fie accession to the Sou'h by the division of Texas, even tnough the North should observe its obliga tions under the treaty ol annexation. Utah and Mexico wili in ah probability send lour anti-slavery voles into me Senate. So much on one siq- I'tie only present cnance ol accession to the strength of the South is me admission of Kan sas into the Union wim a pro-slavery consti tution. In two years, at the farthest, that ter ritory wilt assume tne sovereignly of a Slate, and to alt probability will adopt the institu tions of the South, Then the South will ro cover its equality m the Senate, and will be competent to the protection of ns rights,— I hough incapable of directing the policy of the government to the end of slavery propq pandism, (which the South desires only for >ne purnose of self defence,) ii will be fully equal to the defeat of measures of freesoil aggression. VVnh Kansas (o back it in (he Senate, the Soum can compel the fulfilment of the Texas treaty, by resisting the admis sion of other Free States, With Kansas to back it in the Senate, the South can slay the nutrcn of abolitionism, and maintain its own rights and independence for an indefinite penou. ® ut Kansas would have been a free slate if intt Missouri restriction had not been repealed; and instead ot augmenting the power of the oum, would have recruited the ranks of ah o i lonism. Besides, then, thepositive advan ce of an accession of strength which the south gams under the operation of the Kan. as Nebraska act, we must consider the evils verted as well as the wrongs redressed by ihe measure, if we wou |d appreciate the full TJ. e of Its service to slavery. In thb one t» ‘IT"?* 'I 16 * 10 P ea the patriot are flat* red-by the prospector sectional equilibrium, and a consequent continuance of the Union. rp it ip •* \\u u Stfofltea W X ovitxiidm.-. 4$ .'ftftfx of JFm&dm anir ttit of fgealt&g Stefovm $ led;,. YOIi-J. , In the other ha. traces a rapid succession,of fearful effects,- from-;the .'eggrdad&ement of the ami-slaverypowet to the ultimate -subju gation of the South, or disruption of the eon* federacy/ In this connection we need scarcely advert to that other vital' consideration, that with’ Kansas’as a Slavs' state the flank Ofthe South will 'completely'covered, from the-Gulf of Mexicoiff the frontier of Nebraska nod lowa, and that thus the’ institution will be secure from external attack and impregnable in its isolation; - while, oh the contrary, should Kansas be wrested from out grasp, it will be come the osyHim of the missionaries of free soil, who wilt thence direct their eftonsdgainsl Missouri, with irresistible effect, and' will so propsfgate the poishn’df abolitionism, ond "So prosecute ihe business of kidnapping, that within a very few years Tennessee will 'be come a border state, and the very centre of ihe southern column be pierced by the inva ding forces. ' It being thus a matter of supreme moment to the south that Kansas shall enter the Un ion as a slave state, (he Soufh should hot dep. recate the repeal qf the Missouri restriction, in virtue of‘which the inestimable advantage' is secured to slavery of perfect protection and free development. We would invite the particular attention of our readers to the following article from the Philadelphia Ledger a paper well known as being devoted to ihe cause of Democracy under the garb of neutrality. Let our “greasy mechanics,” “ small-fisted farmers,” s. V “Bepeatediy have we asked thei North ‘Has-not lhaexperiment ofbriiversal liber* ty FAILED ?' ■A're not the evils of; Fhbb'&o- Otar*-'irfrommA'BtßT And'do'toof moil thinking then among you propose to : kobveri arid reconstruct it ? Still no answer. This gloomy silence is another conclusive proof; addqd'tq many other conclusive evidences We have Tuf dished, that free society in the iong run is an impracticable form of sodief|; It'is everywhere starving; demoralizing and in surrectionary. ' We repeal, then, that policy and humanity alike forbid the extension of the eoils of free, society to new people and coming gen erations. .Two opposite and conflictidg fonns of so ciety cannot, among civilized mefa co-exist and endure;. The one must, give away arid cease 16exist. The older becomes universal. If free society be unnatural,. immoral and unchristian, it must full and give away to slave 'society—a social system old as the world, universal as man.’’ Anolhbr paper' published in Virginia the South■ Side Democrat , a. journal distin guished fur its faithful support of Mr. - Buch anan thus expresses its honest indignation at the slanu about freedom and whatever belongs to it. The editor says— “ VVe have goi Lo haling everything with the-prefix free, from free negroes-down op through the whole catalogue— rued, farms, free labor, trek society, free will, free thinking, pees children and fees schools—all belonging to the same brood of damnable isms. Bui the worst of all these abominations is (be modern system of free schools. The New England system of free schools has been the cause and prolific source of the infidelities and (reasons that have turned her cities into Sodoms and Gomor rahs, and her land into the common nestling places of howling Bedlamites. We abom inate the system because the schools are free.’* The Muscogee Herald , a whole-souled! Buchanan paper, published in Alabama, has' the courage lo utter its sentiments in these 1 words: “ Free Society ! we sicken of the name. What is it but a conglomeration of greasy MECHANICS, FILTHY OPERATIVES, SMALL FISTED farmers and moon-struck theor ists?' All the Northern and : espaclollyGhe New England Slates aVfe devoid of society titled for well bred gentlemen. The pre vailing class one meets with is that of me chanics struggling lo be genteel, and small r— —— ...i.,, .In their own drudgery ; and vel who are hardly fit for association-»-i>h - Southern genleman’s body servant. This is your tree society which the Northern hordes are endeavoriog lo extend into Kansas.” Let any candid man reflect on this lan guage of the Muscogee Herald, and if he wishes to prevent the lower classes of nor them society—the greasy mechanics and filthy operatives and small fisted farmers of the free Slates, from finding a home in Kansas and in the great |West, he will do as the Muscogee Herald and 1 all the noble and chilalric supporters of Mr. Buchanan in the South are doing ; —he will work and vote to elect that great son of Pennsylvania, and se cure what our gallant Southern friends desire; he will make Kansas a Slave Stale, a .home fitted for well bred gentlemen,” not a com munity where the prevailing class is mechan ics struggling to be genteel, and small farm ers doing their own drudgery,” as no gentle man farmer in the south ever does, and ns no gentleman farmer ought to do anywhere, or would do, if the progressive doctrines of while as well as black slavery were adopted in our country. Senator Downs, of Louisiana, puls the mailer in a clear light, in one of his fine, bold, Democratic speeches, he lately said : “ t call upon Ihe opponents of slavery to prove that the q( the North, ate as happy, as contented, or as comfortable as the slave of the South. Jn the South the slaves do not suffer one.tenth of theevils endured by the while laborers of the North. Poverty is unknown to the Southern slave, for as soon ns the master of slaves becomes 100 poor to provido for them, tie- sells them to others who can lake care of them. This, sir, is one of the excellences of the system ol slavery, and this the superior condition of the Southern slave over the Northern white la borer.” la-not Senator Downs right? Can't our While Working men see that if they were slaves they would always be taken care of? Can't they understand, that if one muster should become too poor to keep them, he could sell them to another, of course who would buy and. take care of them? What pan be plainer ? Is not every working man a thing to be.taken care of? And how for* lunate the society, where working men, white as well as black, can be sold to,a benevolent roaster, who will lake care of them as long as they can earn money for him ? We might extend this matter indefinitely. VVfe could show by any number pf extracts how honest the Southern Democrats are, pro claiming the principles on which they support their party, and how they rely on the favorite spn of Pennsylvania to fulfil the pledges of Cincinnati Platform, and open the Tetri lories of the West to the institution of Slave ry ; an institution which they prove is good alike for black and white mechanics laborers and farmers, placing them in the happy posi liorr of slaves on an equal footing with (hem, tO'be bOuahtaad sold and properly cared for, without being spoiled by free wages, or free schools, or any of the evils and Mies of free society. p i rr I J I I IJ-. () i'w!' ' t ■* ’» »• ; j. '■ Democrats! stick tb yoiir party"ond secore ifie blessings- of slavery lb ’ yourselves 1 and your children frdraihe Mississippi 1 to Ihe Pacific, ‘ " 1 ■ 1 11 . 1 The Richmond Enquirer^ Jhe leading Bu. chanao organ of the South, in a late num ber, gives utterance to the ,following signifi cant sentiment. Slavery is but “ that social station in which the, will of the superior srafids for law to the inferior.” The right of the Weak to have guardians oi; masters, is not , a less sacred right than that of the wise and- prudent to command. It is clearly the duty of pociely id reduce to Slavery {as we have defined Slavery,) its weak-end dependent members, as, to invest prudent ones' with o'ffice and command. This we shnu’d call outspoken, plain and significant. We like an opponent all the bet ter,.vvho will fairly and plumpjy “ face the music,” anti speak out his, real sentiments without concealment, mystification or timidi ty.. “The right of the weak, to have guardi ans or masters, is not a less sacred right than that of the wise and prudent to - command.” Who are the "weak" in the sense of the Enquirer 1 Not the rich, but the poor man, who has his bumble cot, and,earns an honest living by honest io!t. This is the mao who needs a master to look utter him, and to lord it over him. Let our yeomanry who till the soil, our mechanics who ply (heir daily skill in useful employment, and our honest day laborers reflect how happy they would be with a master, and an overseer I Whaljl a glo rious institution slavery is! It is quite worth while to blockade the Missouri and kill forty or fifty free slate men to establish it in Kan sas. “Itis as clearly the duty of soiciety lo reduce to Slavery its weak and dependent members, ns to invest prudent ones with office and command.” Bow your necks, ye men of toil, submit to your fate. You are "■weak" and you need a strong hand over. It has been supposed that freedom is better than slavery, but new light has burst upon the 19(h century. Poor men and workingmen were made lobe slaves. Hurrah for the “ peculiar institution.” Lei us have it in Kansas, and if it is a good thing there, it is equally good in Pennsylvania and all over the land. Good times are coming. The great mission of this country is to extend and perpetuate slavery. True. Thomas Jef. in a lel.ter id Mr, Warvillb, under date of February 12th, 1788, said : “ You know that nobody wishes more ar dently lo see an abolition on only of the trade, but of thecondilion of Slavery, and certainly nobody will be more willing to encounter c„, ihat object.” Jefferson was mtstaKen <« un, «ip. WB> He lived in olden limes. He had not seen the beautiful working of the system. The Brookes and Herberts, and the border ruffians, and the high price of human chat ties, have proved conclusively that every body should love and advocate slaveiy. That every vote given for Buchanan and Breckinridge, is a vote given for Slavery and a Slaveholder. There is but one issue lo be decided at the coming election, and that is Freedom or Slavery. There is no middle ground in this renewed struggle for Freedom. The question is— shall Freedom or Slavery he restricted to their present limits. That Fremont and Dayton are the only candidates, and the Republicans the only party in favor of restricting Slavery to its present limits, and forever prohibiting it in all the Territories of the Union. Where do you Staptd ! On the side of the enslavers of Kansas— on the side of that oligarchy that is aiming not only to enslave the Press and the Free dom of Speech, but to enslave the Free White Laborers of the North. 0 R. Are you standing on the side of Freedom —Justice—Humanity, and the rights of the Free La borer ? YOUR VOTE WILL TELL. Tiir Difkbbhnck. —While slaveholders in the pay of the Democratic party are per ambulating our Stale, showing the beauties of shivery and the righlfulness of slavery extension, Pennsylvanians dare not go to a slave State and hold a Republican mewing to advocate Republican principles. Is ibis the liberty we are to have? lathe constitution to be a dead letter in the South while it is en forced in (he North ? Talk of sectionalism, what sectionalism is meaner, what tyranny more relentless than the despotism which ex ists in the fifteen slave Stales ?—True Ameri can. Setting Him Right.—“ I stand,” said a Western stump orator, “on the broad platform of the principles of ’9B, and palsied be my arm if I desert um I” “ You stand on noth ing of the kind I” interrupted a lihle shoe maker in the crowd; “ you stand in my boots, that you never paid me fat, and I want the money.” The principal arguments of the Buchanan party in (his campaign may be thus enume rated : First argument—" You lie.” Second —“ Go to fi—l.” Third—" I’ll bet you ten dollars,” A question has been raised in one of our Courts, whether p blind man can be made li able for a,bill payable at sight. The. lawyers arc puzzled. m or, liin; /< >i'7s t»V*c. ant spoken. Freemen Remember, Remember, Remember, Remember! PUBLISHERS is PROPRIETORS. Emblem. , Thb t)udHiniprg for ipipchfer have erected a. pole near the residence of F; P.Blair,in Maryland, and crowned it with the skpll and horns of an old Buck. Blptr takes these followers of Mr. Buchanan down in rich style in a letter recently addressed to his neighbhfi! '■ - o -• -•- <*4 ■» < » />, VVhat an'emblem to be exaltedaboveihe flag of the country and on the hickory tree which has given its name to one ofthe great est heroes! Of all aninjals the deer is the most timid, and ahhonghthehead o[ the buck is at one season o( the year armed yyith a multitude of points as sharp as spears, if never confronts an enemy ihat it can'escape with flying feel. The grand nailers are the mere emblem of warlike prowess, and evidence only o£ that speqies of-gallantry that dis tinguishes the stag,' and giyes to a .class of gentry of our species, thS. name of bucks, young or old. , “ The old buck, isf a sort of old bachelor, like his fellow of .(he woods.nddicted to no male, and whose insigna of horns have, time out of iriind, been held to characterize his pursuits. Is this an ensign to be exulied above that of llje country and chosen to ex emplify the virtues of one who aspires to ihe Chief Magistracy 1 If ihe crowning vinue be attributed to the coronet which distinguishes the buck’s head, and which now takes the place of the liberty cap on democratic ban ners, it should, be remembered ■ hat it is a vir tue that comes and goes wiih the seasons.— An old buck’s honors begin to bud and grow in the balmy spring lime—they are in the velvet in June, and throughout the summer. Thissmooih covering is slipped ofTin October. In November the vitality is blighted and in March the cro«n of -tealher-beulen antlers drops from the old buck's brow , and he hides, droops in solitude, abandoned by all his fel lows; The hunters of the Alleghenies nnri of our frontiers, will imply this piece of natural hisiory, and interpret its avgvry. Regularly Sold, During the month of January, 1850. two gentlemen from New York, one ol whom had been in California nearly a year, and the other just arrived, were overheard in con versation at the Sutler House, Sacramento. The new comer was lamenting his condition, and his folly in leaving an abundance at home, and especially two beautiful daughters who were just budding into womi)nho"d when he asked the other if he had a familv ! “ Yes, sir, I have. I have a wife and six children in New York—and I never saw one of hem !” After this reply the couple sat a lew mo ments in silence, and then the interrogatory again commenced : “ Were you ever blind ?” “ NO, sir.” “ Did you marry a widow, sir V' “ No, sir.” Another lapse of silence. “ Did I understand you lo say, sir, that vou had a wife and six children living in New York, and had never seen one of them I” “ Yes, Sir—l so staled it.” Another and n longer pause of silence.— The interrogator again inquired. “ How can it be sir, that you never saw one.of them?” “ Why,’’ was the response, “ one of them was born alter 1 left.” “Oh ! ah I’ 1 and a general laugh followed. After that the first New Yorker was espe cially distinguished ns “ the man who has six children and never saw- one of them.” . The Corporal.—lt is said that during the American Revolution, an officer not habited in the military costume, was passing by where a small company of soldiers were at work making repairs on a small redoubt. The commander of the little squad was giving or ders to those who were under him, reln'ive to a slick of limber which they were endeavor, ing to raise to the lop of the works. The timber went up hard and on account of this the voice of the little great man was often heard in his regular vociferations of “heave a way? there she goes ! heave ho!" The officer before spoken of, stopped his horse when he arrived at the place, and see ing the timber scarcely move, asked the com mander why he did not lake hold and render a little aid. The latter appeared to be some what astonished, and turning to the officer with the authority of an emperor said ; “Sir, I am a corporal.” “You are not though, are you 1” said the officer. “1 was not aware of it,” and taking off his hat and bowing; said: “I ask your pardon, Mr. Corporal.” Upon this, he dismounted from his elegant steed, flung the bridle over a post, and lifted till the sweat stood in great drops upon his forehead When the limber was elevated to its proper station, turning to the man clothed in brief authority, said : “Mr. Corporal Commander, when you have another such a job, and have nbl men enough send for your Commander in Chief, and I will come and help you a second lime.” The Corporal was thunderstruck —for it was Washington. —Revolutionary Anec dotes. At one nf the Fremont gatherings in New- Hampshire, a rough-looking countryman drove in with a rude rattle-trap of a'wngnn, marked “ Fremont,” but with a pairtof fine horses. "Such a wagop as that would, of “ course, be for Fremont,” said some Demo cratic byslander.s, “ but your horses are for “ Buchanan, are they not ?" “No Sir , mv “ horses are Fremont horses, but,” said he, “ I have a mule at home that goes for Fill “ more, and a jackass far Buchanan !” The inquirers sloped. Every nation has hadatsomo period in its history, sortie auperatittonp regarding storms. Many ofthese are very curious and worthy of rdpieiifih'n. , ’ ~ In ancient times, the Greets, as well aa the Romans, regarded the lightning as the minister of the Gods. The Thracians men aced, the ihu der clouds with.arrowa, and at tempted >o combat the dread artillery of Hea ven. By the Romans, persons killed by lightning were supposed to have called down upon themselves the special indignation of th« .Gods, „ D j were buried, in unfrequented places, lest the ashes of others shpuld be. pol luted by their presence, or sometimes thpir remains were suffered to lie where they fell, without, receiving any interment whatever. Even a spot of ground struck by lightning was hedged in and avoided, under the belief that Jupiter had either set upon it the mark of his displeasure, or appropriated it ttaaa, cred to himself. It was unlawful for any man to approach such enclosures. Th.e Ro, mans supposed caverns to be secure places of refuge during thunder storms, and some pf them were accustomed to Wear the skin of a seal around their body as a protection against lightning. During tempests, it is said that the Emperors of Japan retire into a deep grot to,.in the centre of which, is a reservoir of water intended la extinguish the lightning. The Tartars as soon us the first warning thunder is Aeard, expel all strangers from thetr duellings, wrap themselves in long black woolen plonks, and sit silent and immoveable till all danger is past. The Chinese suppose they can protect themselves by the presence of mulberry or peach,—a superstition similar to that of the Roman Emperor Tiberius, who never failed to wear a chaplet of laurel, un der the belief that lightning would not strike this kind of leaf. In our own country and , in Europe at the present day it has been very 1 generally supposed that a feather-bed or n mattress offers a secure retreat during storms of thunder and lightning; but it has of late years been proved that these simple means are deserving of little reliance. Birds, des pite their feathers, are frequently killed by the destructive meteor, and a dash of light ning has been known to rend mattrasses com pletely in fragments, without injuring those who were sleeping upon them at the lime. The only certain means, known at present 01 • securing life and property, is the presence of lightning.conductors. NO. 13. Eloqdest Passage. —Senator Wilson, of Muss., made an eloquent speech before the working men of New York, Saturday eve ning. We give a single paragrrph :—■ Anri these same men threaten that if we eleci John C. Fremont, ihe man who has pro claimed free labor to be the bulwark of free iiislmuiioiis— thev threaten that the Union of ihese Slates shall be dissolved, and the Gov ernment broken up and scattered to the four winds. He W"uld tell these men lhat if Fre mont were elected—ns he believed he would be—(loud and continuous cheers) —(hat Sla very should not advance a single inch (br iber on the North American continent, if we place, ns we mean 10 place, the reins of Government m ihe hands of John C. Fre mont. we make prociamalion to the country and ihe world, that Slavery shall be biolled from me sod of Kansas, where it is sought to be placed by Ihe red hand of violence, mat ihe fool ol ihe slave shall not curse Ihe.spit of Utah, New Mexico, Oregon, Minnesota ; nav, we witl go iVfbpiwAPdidPs dure that wherever ihe waves, ns stars shall glitter only on ftcu men, It mnv wave from Quebec, the-Gibraltar of the West, it may float in ihe Arctic seas wnere Kane first engraved the Christian symbol of the cross upon ihe icy cliff’s, as Fremont in scribed u on ihe Rocky Mountains —(loud cheers) —n may wave over ihe Cordilleras of Mexico, over ihe mountains and plains of Ceinral America, or over ihe Moro castle, bui it should wave only over free men for ever. He would have his Southern brethren 'o understand that he did not wish to inter fere with the institution of slavery. It was their responsibility. The world, humanity, God would hold them to account lor it, but God, ihe world, humanity, would also hold us m account if we permitted the fool of the stave lo press any portion of free territory. “They Ask to be let Alone."—“ Tha venerable Josiah Randall, of Pennsvlvania, who has known all ihe Presidents,” we are told by ihe Democratic papers, has made a speech in Tammanv Hall, and uttered what ihey call ihe “eleventh commandment”— lhal is, lo “ let Ihe south alone.” “ All they a.'k is to be let alone’’ says the vener able sage. While the south are hesitating at no means lo extend the institution of slavery over fiee territory, “ all they ask is to be let alone.” When Ihey are marching into free territory, and seizing unon the ballot boxes and driving the free voters from the polls at ihe p.unl of ihe bovvie knife, and themselves voting instead, without a shadow of right to do so, " all they ask is to be let alone. ' — When they sack and pillage and burn the houses of quiet, freedom loving cinzens and ihen murder them, “ all they ask is lo be let alone.” When they beset the highways, and rob and plunder northern emigrants, and send them bock whence they came, “ all they ask is to be let alone.” When, by and by, in fulfilment of a threat often repealed, they attempt in call the roll of (heir states on Bunker Hdl, “ all ihey ask is to bo let alone.” —Sandusky Register. Liberty. —What a high valuo we ought io sei on Liheriy, since wiihuul it nothing great or suitable to the dignity of human da lure can be possibly produced. Slaveiiy is the fetter of the longue —tho chain of the mind, as well ns the body I it embitters life, sours and corrupts the passions, dumps the lowering faculties implanted with in it, and stifles in the birth the seeds of every thing that is amiable, generous and noble. Reason and freedom are our own, and giv. an in continue so; we are to use, but cannot resign them without rebelling against Hint who gave them. In the vicinity of Cape Cod two apple trees and a mullen-stalk are called an orchard. Captain Boreas owns five plum trees, and is looked upon as an aristocrat. One year ihov don't bear, and the next they can’t—the school boys using the fruit for buflets t > lull owls with. Groat country, that Cape Cod. Lightning.