PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Rt/raenUtiittt; , /*'s
post htta been an eventful year, and
will bo, hereafter referred to u t marked
epocji in (hp history of the world. While
we happilypteserved from the ca.
lamitiea’of war, our,, domestic prosperity has.
Entirely uninterrupted,, The crops
in.portions .of. tbqptountry, bave.bren nearly
tijnßl loan,usual; podlbe sacrifice of human.
through, casualties by tea and land, is
wahoUt a parallel. But the pestilence has
swept hs> and salubrity invites the
absent to their homes, and the return of busi
ness to its ordinary channels, tf the .earth
has rewarded the l«,bor of the husbandman
less bountifully than in preceding seasons, it
has left him with abundance for domestic
wants, and a large surplus for exportation.
Ie the present, therefore, as in the past, we
find ample grounds/or reverent thankfulness
to thh God of Grace and Providence, for His
protecting care and merciful dealings with us
as a people.
Although our attention has been arrested
by painful interest in passing events, yet our
country feels no more than (he slight vibra
tions of the convulsions which- have shaken
Europp. As individuals we cannot repress
sympathy with human suffering nor regret
for the causes which produce it. As a na
tion, we are reminded that whatever inter
rupts the peace or checks the prosperity of
any pari of Christendom tends, more or less,
to involve our own. The conditions of
Slates is not unlike thatpf individuals. They
are mutually dependent upon each other.
Amicable relations between (hem, and recip
rocal good will, are essential for the promo
tion of whatever is desirable in (heir moral,
social and political condition. Hence it has
been my earnest endeavor to maintain peace
and friendly intercourse with ail nations.
The wise theory of this Government, so
early adopted and steadily pursued, of avoid
ing all entangling alliances, has hitherto ex
empted it from many complications, in which
r< would otherwise have become involved.
Notwithstanding this, our clearly defined and
well-sustained course of action, and our geo
graphical position so remote from Europe,
increasing disposition has been manifested by
some of its Governments to supervise, and,
m certain respects, to direct, our foreign poli
cy. lu plans fur adjusting the balance of
D»\ver among themselves, they have assumed
to lake us into account, and would constrain
ue to conform our conduct to their views.
One or another of the powers of Europe has,
Irnm lime to time, undertaken to enfore arbi
trary regulations, contrary in many respects,
to established principles of international law.
That taw the [/lined Slates have, in their for
eign intercourse, uniformly respected and ob
served, and they cannot recognize any such
interpolations therein, as the temporary inte
rests of others may suggest. They do not
admit that the sovereigns of one continent, or
of a particular community of Slates, can leg
islate for all others.
Leaving the trnns-allantic nations to adjust
their political system, in the way they may
think best for their common welfare, the in
dependent powers of this continent may well
assart the right to be exempt from all annoy
ing interference on their pari. Systematic
niisimence from intimate political connection
wnh distant foreign nations, does not conflict
with giving the widest range to our foreign
commerce This distinction, so clearly
marked in history, seems to have been over
looked, or disregarded, by some leading for
eign States. Our refusal to be brought with
in, and subjected to, their peculiar system,
has, I fear, created a jealous distrust of our
conduct, and induced, on their part, occa
sional acts of disturbing effect upon our for
eign relations. Our present attitude and past
course give assurances, which should not be
Questioned, that our purposes are not aggres
sive, nor threatening to the safety and welfare
of other nations. Our military establish
ment, in lime of peace, is adapted to main
lain exterior defenses, and to preserve order
among the aboriginal tribes within ihe limits
o:' the Union. Our naval force is intended
only for ihe protection of our citizens abroad,
and of our commerce, diffused, as it is, over
all the seas of the globe. The Government
of the United States, being essentially pacific
in policy, stands prepared to repel invasion
by Ihe voluntary service of pairiotic people,
and provides no permanent means of foreign
aggression. These considerations should al
lay ail apprehension, that we are disposed to
encroach on the rights, or endanger the se
curity, of other Slates.
Some European powers have regarded,
wiih disquieting concern, the territorial ex
pansion of the United Stales. This rapid
growth has resulted from the legitimate ex
ercise of sovereign rights, belonging alike to
all nations, and by many liberally exercised.
Under such circumstances, it could hardly
have been expected that those among them,
which have, within a comparatively recent
period, subdued and absorbed ancient king
doms, planted their standards on every conti
nent, and now possess, or claim the control
of, the islands of every ocean as their appro
priate domain, would look with unfriendly
sentiments upon the acquisitions of this coun
try, in every instance honorably obtained, or
would leel themselves justified in imputing
our advancement to a spirit of aggression or
to a passion for political predominance.
Our foreign comlherce has reached a mag
nitude and extent nearly equal to that of the
first maritime power of lbe «artb, and excee
ding that of any other. Over this great in
terest, in which not only our merchants, but
all classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are
concerned, it is the duty of the executive and
legislative branches of the Government to ex
ercise a careful supervision, and adopt proper
measures for its protection. The policy
which 1 have had in view, in regard to this
interest, embraces its future as well as its
present security.
Long experience has shown that, in gene
ts', when the principal powers of Europe are
engaged in war, the rights of neutral nations
ere endangered. This cpnsideration led, in
trie progress of ihe war of oor independence,
to the formation of the celebrated cohfedera
cy of armed neutrality, a primary object of
which was, to assert the doctrine that free
ships make free goods, except in the case of
article* contraband of war—a doctrine which,
from the very commencement of our national
being, has been a cherished idea of t|\o states-
” '’ ; B ■ ■ .-us’-: n.: - j.-:>;/■<.M>' ~
■f. ' •’«*; W' I* b««i «!! ism
Jt' Mjfe'i-’) -i >i>: .j£i'»'aps t
M. H. COB?!, EDITOR.
YOIi. 1.
men of this com
I her, every mat
solemn treaty
principle; and ii
it would come tc
respected as a
But the refusal <
and in the next
of the French B
spected among
rope. Notwithsi
•try. At one period or a no*
ititne power hasjvby some
stipulation, recognized that
might-have been hoped that
be 1 universally received and
rule as international law.
T ode power prevented this,
treat war which ensued, that
devolution, it Tailed to be ra
the belligerent States of Eu
landing this, the principle is
generally admit
ry.one; so mac
menl of the exi
Britain and Fra
lo observe it fo
as a recognized
mere conctssio
co-operation, he
maratime natio
rights, appeared
inviting and juj
United Stales,
ed lo be a sound and saluta
h so, that, at the- commence
sting war in- Europe, Great
rice announced their purpose
r the present; not, however,
international right, but as a
n for the time being. The
wever, of these two powerful
is in the interest of neutral
. to me to'afford on occasion,
istifying, on the part of the
n renewed effort’to make the
doctrine in question a principle of interna
tional law, by means of special conventions
between the several powers of Europe end
America. Accordingly,*a proposition, em
bracing not only the rule that free ships make
free goods, except contraband articles, hut
also the less contested one, that neutral pro
perty, other than contraband, though on
board enemy’s! ships, shall be exempt from
confislicalion, has been submitted by this
Government to those of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
a convention was concluded between that
country and the United Slates, providing Tor
the observance! oT the principles announced,
not only as between themselves, but also as
between them and all other nations which
shall enter into like stipulations. None of
the other po«ei
lion on the su
ever, that any"(
ulalions has be
they are ackno
security of net
apparent obstat
in the possibilit
bv inadmissible
s have as yet taken final ac
)ject. lam not aware, how
ibjeclion to the proposed siip
=n made; but on the contrary
wledged to be essential to the
tral commerce; and the only
:le to their general adoption is
y, that it may be encumbered
conditions
f
The King ol
ed to our Mint:
concur in our
rights, and to i
subject.
the Two Sicilies has express
ler at Naples his readiness to
proposition relative to neutral
nter into a convention on that
Prussia entirely approves of
treaty to the same effect aub-
The King ol
ihe projeci of c
milled to him.jbut proposes an additional arti
cle providing for the renunciation of privatee
ring. Such ah article, for most obvious rea
sons, is much desired by nations having na
val establishments large in proportions to
their foreign Commerce, If it were adopted
as an international rule, the commerce of q
nation having comparatively a small naval
force would be very much at the mercy ol
its enemy in case of war with a power of de
cided naval superiority. The bare statement
of the condition in which the United States
would be placed, alter having surrendered
the right to resort to privateers* in the event
of war with a belligerent of naval supremacy.,
will show that! this Government could never
listen to such a proposition. The navy of
the first marit me power in Europe is at leas
ten limes as large as that of the United Stales.
The foreign commerce of the two countries
is nearly equa'l, and about equally exposed to
hostile depredations. In war between that
power and the United Stales, without resort
ou our part to our mercantile marine, the
means of our enemy to inflict injury upon
our commerce would be lend fold grea'er
than ours to retaliate. We could not extri
cate our country from this unequal condition,
with such an enemy, unless we at once de
parted from cjur present peaceful policy, and
became a grbat naval power. Nor would
this country jbe better situated in war with
one of the secondary naval powers. Tho’
ihe naval disparity would be less, the great
extent, and more exposed condition of our
wide-spread commerce would give any of
them a like advantage over us.
The proposition to enter into engagements
to forego resort to privateers, in case this
country should be forced into war with a
great naval power, is not entitled to more fa
vorable consideration than would be a propo
sition to agree not to accept the setvices of
volunteers for operations on land. When
the honor or the rights of our country require
it to assume a hostile attitude, it confidently
relies upon the patriotism of its citizens, not
to the military profession,
to augmentMie army-and the navy, so as to
make them fully adequate to the emergency
which calls them into action. The proposal
to surrender the right to employ privateers is
professedly founded upon the principle, that
private property of unoffending non-combat
ants, though enemies should be exempt from
the ravages of war; but the proposed surren
der goes but little way in carrying out that
principle, which equally requires that such
private property should not be seized or mo
lested by national ships-of-war. Should the
leading powers of Europe concur in propo
sing, as a rule of international law, to ex
empt private property r upo.n the ocean, from
seizure by public armed cruisers, as well as
by privateers, the United Stales will readily
meet them upon that broad ground.
Since the adjournment of Congress,'the
ratifications of the Treaty between the United
Stales and great. Britain, relative to Coast
fisheries,'and to reciprocal trade with the
British North American Provinces have been
exchanged, and some of its anticipated ad
vantages are already enjoyed by us, although
its full execution .was to abide certain acts of
legislation not yet fully performed. So soon
as it was ratified, Great Britain' opened to
our commerce jhe free navigation of the river
Si. Lawrence, and to our fishermen unmoles
ted access to the shores and bays, from
V ‘‘l VI
v\S SJl.v;>-
i?t I .t'VW
iTJX i
WEILSBOKOUGH, MOCA COITOT. PA.,
wthich they had been previously excluded, bn
the coasts brher North American Provinces;
in return Tor which, she asked Tor the intro
ductiop.'iree qf duly, into the ports if the
United Slates, of the fish caught oh the same
coast by British fishermen. This being the
compensation, stipulated in the treaty, for
privileges of the highest importance and value
to the United States, which were thus volun
tarily yielded before it became effective, the
request seemed to me to be a reasonable, one;
but it could not be acceded to, from want of
authority to suspend our laws imposing du
ties upon all foreign fjsh. Iq the meantime,
the Treasury Department issued' a regula
tion for ascertaining the duties paid or secu
red by bonds on fish caught on the costs
of the 'British 1 subjects, after the fishing
grounds had been made fully accessible to
the citizens of the United States. I rec
ommend to your favorable consideration a
proposition, which will be submitted to you,
for authority to refund the duties' and cancel
the bonds thus received. The’ Provinces of
Canada and New-Brunswick have also an
ticipated the full operation of the treaty, by
legislative arrangements, respectively, to ad
mit, free of duty, the produdts pf.lhe United
Stales mentioned in the free list of the treaty ;
and arrangement, similar to that regarding
British fish, has been made for duties now
chargeable on the products of those Provin
ces enumerated in the same free list, and in
troduced therefrom into the United States ; a
proposition for refunding which will, in my
judgment, be in like manner entitled to your
favorable consideration.
There is difference of opinion between the
United Stales and Great Britain as to the
boundary line of the Territory of Washing
ton, adjoining the British possessions on the
Pacific, which has already led to difficulties
on the part of the citizens and local authori
ties of the two Governments. I recommend
that provision be made for a commission, to
be joined by one on the part of Her Britannic
Majesty, for the purpose of running and es
tablishing the line in controversy. Certain
stipulations of the third and fourth articles
of the treaty concluded by the United States
and Great Britain in 1846, regarding posses
sory rights of the Hudson’s Bay Company,
and properly of the Puget’s Sound Agricultu
ral Company, have given rise to serious dis
putes, and it is important to all concerned,
that summary means of settling them amica
bly should be devised. I have reason to be
lieve, that on arrangement can be made on
just terms for the extinguishing the rights in
question, embracing, also, the right of the
Hudson’s Bay Company to the navigation of
the river Columbia p and 1 therefore suggest
lo your consideration, the expediency of ma
king a contingent appropriation for that pur
pose.
France was the early and efficient ally of
the United Slates in their struggle for inde
pendence, From that time to the present,
with occasional! slight interruptions, cordial
relations of friendship have existed between
the governments and people of the two coun
tries. The kindly sentiments cherished alike
by both nations have led to extensive social
and commercial intercourse, which, I Irtisl,
will not be interrupted Jor checked by any
casual event of an apparently unsatisfactory
character. The French Consul at San Fran
cisco was, not long since, brought into the
United States District Court at that place, by
compulsory process, as a witness in favor of
another foreign Consul, in violation, as the
French Government conceives, of his privi
leges under our consular convention with
France. There being nothing in the trans
action which could imply any disrespect to
France or its Consul, such explanation has
been made, as [ hope will be satisfactory.
Subsequently, misunderstanding arose on the
subject of the French Government having, as
it appeared, abruptly excluded the American
Minister to Spain from passing thro’ France,
on his way from London to Madrid. But
that Government has unequivocally disavow
ed any design to deny the right of transit to
the Minister of the United States ; and, after
explanations to this effect, he has resumed his
journey, and actually returned home through
Frqnce to Spain. 1 herewith lay before Con
gress the correspondence on this subject be
tween our Envoy at Paris, and the Minister
of Foreign Relations of the French Govern
ment.
The position of our affairs with Spain re
mains as at the close of your last session.
Internal agitation, assuming very nearly the
character of political revolution, has recently
convulsed that country. The late Ministers
were violently expelled from power, and men
of very different views in relation to its in
ternal affairs have succeeded. Since this
change, there has been no propitious oppor
tunity to resume, and press on negotiations
for the adjustment of . serious questions of
difficulty between the Spanish Government
and the United States/ There is reason to
believe that our Minister will find the present
Government more favorably inclined than
the preceding ko comply with our just de
mands, and tp make such suitable arrange
ments for restoring harmony and preserving
pence between the two countries. :
Negociations are pending with -Denmark
to discontinue the practice of levying tolls on
our .vessels and their cargoes passing through
the Sound. Ido not doubt that we can claim
exemption as a matter of right. It is admit*
ted oh all hands that this exaction ia not
sanctioned, not ■ by the general principles of
the law of nations, but only by special con*
ventions, which most commercial nations
have entered into with Denmark. The fifth
article of our treaty of 1635, with Denmark
provides that there shall not .be paid,-on the
vessels of (lie United States and their cargoes
when passing through the Sound,' higher du
ties than those of the most favored nations.
'V-ssi'l
ii**t
1.-V-
•n jiji JiU nr‘! v!1 hiho-.--. ->1 ' ’ ' •'• i.i ,ilarr.i ,W nu f L f!
‘,‘TWII AtHTATiqH ,0^ TH>
; *
■' v
'■ft v3Eo;r.:l -B
Vi<-uiHki ;I: fl
.B”
■ ■' ■; “ib 1-'
tu ■ ' Vv
.**■? uc
Tliis may be regarded as ao implied agree*:
meat to submit to the tolls daring the contin
uance of the treaty, and, may embarass the
assertion of our right to be released there
from. There are,'also, Wher provisions in
the treaty which ought to- be modified. It
was to remain in force'for ten years, and un
til one year oilier either parly should give no
tice to theolher of intention (o 'terminate it.
I deem it expedient that the contemplated no
tice should be given to the Government of
Denmark.
The naval expedition,dispatched about two
years since for the purpose of establishing
relations with the Empire of Japan, has been
ably and skillfully conducted to successful
termination by the officer to whom it was in
trusted. A treaty opening certain of the
ports of that populous country, has been ne
gociatetJ: and in order to give full effect
thereto, it only remains to exchange ratifica
tions, and adopt requisite commercial regu
lations.
The treaty lately concluded between the
United Stales and Mexico settled gome of our
most embarassing difficulties with that coun
try, but numerous claims upon it for wrongs
and injuries to our citizens remained unad
justed, and many new cases have been recent
ly added to the former list of grievances.
Our legation has been earnest in its endeav
ors to obtain from the Mexican Government
a favorable consideration of these claims, bu t
hitherto without success. This failure is,
probably, in some measure, to be ascribed to
the disturbed condition of that country. It
has been my anxious desire to maintain
friendly relations with the' Mexican Republic,
and lo cause its right and territory to be re£-
spected, not only by our citizens, but by for
eigners, who have resorted lo the United
Stales for the purpose of organizing hostile
expeditions against some of the States of
that Republic. The defenceless condition in
which its frontiers have been left, has stimu
lated lawless adventurers to embark in these
enterprises, and greatly increased the difficul
ty of enforcing our obligations of neutrality.
Regarding it as my solemn duly to fulfil, ef
ficiently, these obligations, not only toward
Mexico, bui other foreign nations, I have ex
erted all the powers with which 1 am invest
ed to defeat such criminal proceedings and
bring lo punishment those who by taking a
part therein, violated our laws. The ener
gy and activity of our civil and military au
thorities have frustrated the designs of those
who meditated expeditions of this character,
except in two instances. One of these, com
posed of foreigners, was at first countenanc
ed and aided by the Mexican Government it
self, it having been deceived as to their real
object. The other, small in number, eluded
the vigilance of the magistrates at San Fran
cisco, and succeeded in reaching the Mexican
territories; but the effective measures taken
by Government compelled them lo abandon
the undertaking.
The commission to establish the new line
between the Unitad Slates and Mexico, accor
ding to the provisions of the treaty of the
30th of December last, has been organized,
and the work is already commenced.
Our treaties with the Argentine Confeder
ation, and with the Republics of Uruguay
and Paraguay, secure to us the free naviga
tion of the river La Plata, and some of its
larger tributaries ; but the same success has
not attended our endeavors to open the
zoni The reasons in favor of the free use of
that river, I had occasion to present fully in
a former message ; and, considering the cor
dial relations which have long existed be
tween this Government and Brazil.it may be
expected that pending negotiations will, even
tually, reach a favorable result.
■ Convenient means of .transit between the
several parts of| a country are not onlyjde
sirable for the objects of commercial and per;
sonal communication, but essential to its iex
islence under one Government. Separated
as are the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the
United Stales by the whole breadth of the
continent, still the inhabitants of each are
closely bound together by community of or
igin and institutions, and by strong attach
ment to the Union. Hence the constant and
increasing intercourse, and vast interchange
of commerical productions, between these re
mote divisions of the Republic. At the pres
ent time, the most practicable and only com
modious routes for communication between
them are by the way of the Isthmus of Cen-.
tral America. It is the duly of the Govern
ment to secure:these avenues againct all dan
ger of interruption.
In relation t!o Central America, perplexing
questions existed between the United States
and Great Britain, at the time of the cession
of California. ’ These, as well as questions
which subsequently arose, concerning inter
' oceanic communication across the Isthmus,
were, as it wes supposed, adjusted by the
treaty of April 19,1864; but, unfortunately
they have been reopened by serious jfnisun
derstanding ns to the import of some of its
provisions, a Readjustment of which'is now
under consideration. Our Minister at Lon
don has made efforts to accomplish
this desirable object but has not yet found it
possible to bring the negotiations to a termi
nation. I
As incidental to these questions I deem it
proper to notice an occurrence which hap
pened in Central America near the close of
the last session of Congress. So soon as the
necessity was perceived of establishing inter
oceanic .communications,across the Isthmus
a company wis organized, under authority of
the State of Nicaragua but composed for the
most part of citizens of the United Slates,
for the purpose of opening .such a transit way,
by the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua,
which soon became an eligible and much
used rout in the transportation of opr citizens
and their property between the Atlantic and
So' ipsiPfilifi 1 )T.
> r - _., V' >;• V" ..
.j.am:: .\ucv \- r JsW&mss.uv
'■f^j
iAT MOROTSG, DECEMBER 2t, 1854.
1 '■
W. p. BA&EX, POBLISBEH^^y
Pacific; "Meanwhile, and in anticipation of
ihe completion and importance of this (ran*
sit way, a number nf adventurers hod taken
possession of the old Spanish port! .at the
mouth of the river San Juan, in open defi
ance of the State or States of Central Ameri
ca, which, upon their beboming independent,
had rightfully succeeded to the local sover
eignly and jurisdiction of Spain. These ad
venturers undertook to change the name of the
place from San'Juan del Norte toGreytown,
and , though at first pretending to act as the
subjects of (he fictitious sovereign of the
Mosquito Indians, they subsequently tepudi
ated the control of any power whatever, as
sumed to adopt a dislincj political organiza
tion,and declared themselves an independent
sovereign Stale. If, at some time, a faint
hope was entertained that they might become
a stable and respectable community, that
hope soon vanished, They proceeded to as
sert unfounded claims to civil jurisdiction
over Punta Arenas, a position on the opposite
side of the river, San Juan, which was in
possession, under a title wholly independent
of them, of citizens of the United States, in
terested in the Nicaragua Transit Company,
and which was indispensably necessary to the
prosperous operation of that route across "the
Isthmus. The company resisted their ground
less claims; whereupon they proceeded to
destroy some of its buildings, and attempted
violently to dispossess it.
At a Inter period they organized a strong
force-for the purpose of demolishing the es
tablishment at Puma Arenas, but this mis
chievous design was defeated by the interpo
sition of one of our ships of war, at that
lime in the harbor of San Juan. Subsequent
ly lo this, in May last, a body of men from
Grey town crossed over to Punta Arenas, ar
rogating authority to arrest, on a charge of
murder, a captain of one of the steamboats
of the Transit Company. Being well aware
that the claim to exercise jurisdiction there
would be resisted (hem, as it had been on pre
vious occasions they went prepared lo assert
it by force of arms. Our Minister of Central
America happened to be present on that oc
casion. Believing that the captain of the
steamboat was innocent, fur he witnessed the
transaction on which ihe charge was foun
ded, and believing, also, that the intruding
party, having no jurisdiction over the place
where they proposed to make the arrest, would
encounter desperate resistance if (hey persis
ted in their purpose, he interposed, effectually,
to prevent violence and bloodshed. The
American Minister afterward visited Grey
town, and, while ho was there, a mob, inclu
ding certain of the socalled public functiona
ries of the place, surrounded the house in
which he was, avowing that they had come
to arrest him, by order of some person ex
ercising (he chief authority. While parley,
ing with them he was wounded by a missile
from the crowd. A boat, dispatched from
the American steamer Northern Light to re
-lease him from the perilous situation in which
he was understood to bo, was fired into by
the town guard, and compelled to return. —
These incidents, together with the known
character of the population of Greytown,
and their excited state, induced just apprehen
sions that the lives and property of our citi
zens at Punta Arenas would be in imminent
danger after the departure of the steamer,
with her passengers, for New York, unless a
guard was left for their protection. For this
purpose, and in order lo insure the safety of
passengers and property passing over the
route, a temporary force was organized, at
considerable expense lo the United Stales,
for which provision was made at the last ses
sion of Congress.
This pretended community, a heterogenous
assemblage gathered from various countries,
and composed, for the most part of blacks
and persons of mixed blood, had previouly
given other indications of mischievous and
dangerous propensities. Early in the same
month, property was clandestinely abstracted
from the depot of the Transit Company, and
taken to Greylown. The plunderers obtained
shelter there, and their pursuers were driven
back by its people, who not only protected
the wrongdoers and shared the plunder, but
treated with rudeness and violence those who
sought to recover their property.
Such, in aubstace, are the facts submitted
to my consideration, and proved by trustwor
thy evidence. I could not doubt that the
case demanded the interposition of this Gov
ernment. Jusiieq required that reparation
should be made for so many and such gross
wrongs, and that a course of insolence and
plunder, lending directly to the insecurity of
the lives of numerous travelers, and of the
rich treasure belonging to our citizens, pass
ing over this transit-way, should he perempt
orily arrested. Whatever it might be in oth
er respects, the community in question, in
power to do mischief, was not despicable. It
was well provided with ordnance, small arms,
and ammunition, and might easily seize on
the unarmed boats, freighted with millions of
property, which passed almost daily within
its reach. It did not profess to belong to any
regular Government, and had, in fact, no re
cognized dependence, or connection with, any
one to which the United States or their in*
jured citizens might! apply for redress, or
which could be held responsible, ini any way,
for the outrages committed. Not standing
before the world in the attitude of an organ
ized political society', being neither compe
tent U> exercise the rights, nor to discharge
the obligations of a Government, it was, in
fact, a marauding establishment, too danger
ous lb be discharged,.and too guilty to pass
unpunished, and yet incapable of being trea
ted in any other way than as a piratical re
sdrl of outlaws, or.aj camp of savages, dep
redating on emigrant trains or caravans, and
the frontier settlements of civilised Slates.
Seasonable notice was given to the people
IT!
'• 'i <*.
i. 5 v
1/. t'<
nt-.'W
NO.m
!>
of
them to repair the Injuries they bad dooe to
our ciifemy antl to makesritabje apology
for their, itjsulf if WnWeri;a6 j that «
a
n^yy,ii4, ; .
s lW*ofrwar ~*• "to re-.
PO# tho.depwind*,arid (o iq^iymtL.cop-,
PWdKfc npf, those Miunaing toibayf ■
ity over, them, manifested pny ffiffiitfnn ~W
make the or eveb-io offer
ezeusefor their .cofldua.hewaroedihemp bjf
a puhliq proolaraatipn,,lhki .if ; tbeydid noj (
give, s?iiffcc|tqn within o( tinwf specified, bei,
would bomhard thp lowD. Bythisproceduro.
hp afforded thcm.ppporlunity, to . provide for
their personal safety. To those, also, who
desired to avoid loss of propety, in the pun
ishment about to. be inflicted pn the offending
town, he furnished the means of removing
their effects, by the boats of bis own ship,
aod of a steamer which he procured and tea--
dered to them for that.purpose. At length,',
perceiving no disposition on the part of the
town to comply with his requisitions, he ap-'
pealed to the commander of her Britannic
Majesty’s schooner Bermuda which was seen
to have intercourse and apparently much in
fiuence with the leaders among them, to in*
terpose, and persuade them to lake some
course calculated to save the necessity of re
sorting to the extrem| measure indicated in
his proclamation; but that officer, instead of
acceding to the request, did nothing mors
than to protest against the contemplated bom
bardment. No steps of any sort were ta
ken, by the people, to give the satisfaction
required. No individuals, if any there were,
who regarded themselves as not responsible
for the misconduct of the community, adop
ted any means to separate themselves from
the fate of the guilty. The several charges,
on which the demands for redress were foun
ded, had been publicly known to all for some
time, and were again announced to them.—
They did not deny any of these charges ;
they offered no explanation, nothing in exten
uation of their conduct; but contumaciously
refused to hold any intercourse with the com
mander of the Cyaue. By their obstinate
silence they seemed rather desirous to pro
voke chastisement than to escape it. There
is ample reasons to believe that this conduct
of wanton defiance, on their part, is imputa
ble chiefly to the delusive idea that the Amer
ican Government would be deterred from
punishing them, through fear of displeasing
a formidable foreign power, which, they pre
sumed to think,; looked with complacency
upon their aggressive and insulting deport
ment toward the United Slates. Thu Cyane
at length fired upon the town. Before much
injury hod been done, <he fire was twice
suspended, in order to afford opportunity for
an arrangement; but this was declined.—
Most of the buildings of the place, of little
value generally, were, in the sequel destroy
ed; but, owing to the considerate precautions
-taken by our naval commander, there was
no destruction of life.
When the Cyano was ordered to Central
America, it was confidently hoped and expect
ed that pq occasion would arise for “ a resort
to violence and destruction of properly and
loss of. life.” Instructions to that effect were
given to her commander. And no extrema
act would have been requisite bad not the
people themselves, by their extraordinary
conduct in the affair, frustrated all the pos
sible mild measures for obtaining satisfaction.
A withdrawal from the ■ place, the object of
his visit entirely defeated, would, under the
circumstances in which the commander of tho
Cyane found himself, have been abandonment
of all claim of our citizens for indemnifica
tion, and submissive acquiescence in national
indignity. It would have encouraged in
these lawless men a spirit of in'spleoce and
rapine most dangerous to the lives and prop
erty of our citizens at Punta Ajrenas, and
probably emboldened them to grasp at the
treasures and valuable merchandise continu
ally passing over the Nicaragua route. It
certainly would have been most satisfactory
to me if the objects of the Cyane’s mission
could have been consummated without any
act of public force ; but the arrogant contu
macy of the offenders rendered it impossible
to avoid the alternative, either to break up
their establishment, or to leave them impres
sed with the idea that they might persevere
with impunity in a career of insolence and
plunder.
This transaction has been the subject of
complaint on the part of some foreign powers,
and has been characterized with more of
harshness than of justice. If comparisons
were to be instituted it would not be difficult
to present repeated instances in the history of
Slates, standing in the very front of modern
civilization, where communities, far less of
fending and more defenseless than Greytown,
have been chastised with much greater sever
ity, and where pot cities only have been laid
in ruins, but human life has been recklessly
sacrificed, and the blood of the iflnooent
made profusely to mingle with that of the
guilty.
Fussing from foreign to domestic aSuire,
your attention is naturally directed to the
financial condition of the country, always tv
subject of general interest. For complete
and exact information regarding the finances,
and the various branches of the public ser
vice connected therewith, I refer you to the
Report of the Secretary of the (Treasury,
from which it will appear, that the amount of
revenue during the last fiscal year, from all
sources, was seventy-three million five hun
dred and forty-nine thousand seven hundred
and five dollars ; and that the public expend!-
turce for the same period, exclusive, of pay
ments on account of the public detit, amoun
ted to fifty one million eighteen thousand two
hundred and forty-nine dollars. During the
same period, the payments made in redempt
ion of the public debt, including interest and
premium, amounted 10. 824,3139,880. To
the sum total of tho > receipts of that year ia
to be added a balance remaining in (lie Treas
ury at the commencement ihereof.amounting
to $21,942,602 {.and at the close of the
same year, a corresponding balance amoun
ting to §20,137,967 of receipts above ex
pendituros'also remained in the-Treasury.—
Although,.in the opinion of the -Secretary of
the Treasury, the receipts of the current
fiscal year are not likely to cqualin amount
those of the last, yet they will; undoubtedly
exceed expenditures by at leastBlB,ooo,ooo,
[OO.NCt,UI}EtJ QX TUU FOURTH SAGE.]