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dilates fur political station, to carry out ion orsome oialt olthem, may d 'peod
21
our principles and effect . our objects', upon the action and' exertions of even
let ns unite asone man inftheir sbrport, , this. association; at any rate it is the
:and victory "must eventually erowit - ,?ur i - dutyuf every freeman, to seek that in. 7,
. exertions. "l'is trae we may some- i formation that will enable. him to act
,here u • t h e dome where the gifted find :
uses, times he deceived and cheated, but we I understandingly ; and then to act as
r ' 't :the Mind ever wanders orer Intellect's
1
bia:* l'' '- lw sorrow or cafe overpressed, should not thereby become dishearten- i conscientiously As lion his ads depend
t ed ; there was a Judas' .Iscariot among I the 'happiness and prosperity of the na
,,,vai the eagle, n o i rom m e t e d and free? 1 the disciples of our Savior, a Benedict.; tion. - t We know not, sir, what effect
who 's' ,the home, where the-mind in its I Arnold in , the army of Washington, and i the formation'of this association and the
t-. : . , va ,I we may mention as last, and least, and : discussion of inipbrtant questions by
„,_rfryet known by a elood . nvereast, I Most deipicable, a -David IL Porter members, may have in arousing oth
,l, ose eising in-joy and in lightness,
{anion; the Democracy ofPennsylvania ; -, ers to action, to form other associations,
re ' wM•rest•l %viten ages are past !
nai'' il ; . . • •• • yet the Gospel of Christ prevailed— I nor how extensiveaud enduring may be
w ay/ten the mind ba bright lonians i s 1
•;.T.;
,known? , the American colonies. became, •free ; its effects. '- ,
--
.
Piler thews thin the Put it ba.lt ! and Pennsylvania will be disentbralled. -It will -be expected that I shall say:
a, .1.1 the sue, either pippin. or waning, And thus it ever has beer, aid ever wilt something for the consideratiori) of the
ol d him for ever his splendors_ are - be Where honesty and truth are' the ba- association "upon each of the subjects
i
u oTirs t - ~ , sis of action, and the happiness of man- named, expressi of - thi
[From the Tribune.]
The 'Tome of the. Gifted.
ST %BS. J. NV, Itaacua.
iielt our Country's 1401.1(1 banner is wa
lla:v. [gave birth,
A high o'er the soil that loa'd Freedom
Iv %saves of the ocean are joyfully .laying
r shores of our COuntry, the dearest of
Earth I
r 'math that sky whose imperial splendor
nig graceltilly o'er bright Italia's fair
'lO [der,
e orange and fig-tree grow gracefully glen
where the Rhine onward unceasingly
fl.m!
N'here tike oak aid the myrtle are We
r'.nr4[spa,
brgncigfea for ever o'eibraieEnalonfee
streams', rushing-onward, are joyfully
Lind known alike to Oppresion and toil!
the dark Shatnreck's green trees
t•sliag. )-
:nd der / ths Emerald Isle of ( the wave,
..loutsfor their cop ntry are ewer n;
Srarts patriotic; the good a malls braire?
. the dim glories of cities departed
known nought fur ages but time and
[hearted,
ieeifs of th' valiait, the mod, noble;
F = an :stied alike from time's recordi away I
thew have known and the gifted have
atti•he.l,
.arala Mind's firmament ever have been;
a still rolls onward, and dooms all to
, • (and glen.
liegilled soon pass from hived mountain
?a, tvhat rett, to abide there for ever,
;tre vikions of purity fade not away;
maMinJ in its grandeur and beauty
I r,:, never,
; (Intl:Ming know aught of decay.
e is that rest? and will others ere
(the brow ?
Chose who Pave' intellect stamped on
15: it ii ours the blest gift to inherit,
-pless brightly our visions its glories
mho,.
ucte . i3 that home I -By some fosm-eres-
i• 4 IJUAIILI,
fmtlarver.4 eve, blooming -know nought
eh . the dark shade of some giant-like
(wish sway'
121
k home where bright pleasures ne'er va
ot ye if Earth hath a plans of abiding
cre sorrow ne'er mingles with visions of
1,. ‘jne'er
Liloty's bright sunlight 'thrlt shadows
here Pleasure is mingled with nought of
121,.
, .
:3! not beneath yonder skies' brilliant
!Ntre [the blest ;
.a:faund fadeless homes for the pureand
:now tnat the elitne where all blessings
wlll , etuster
Heaven, t h e borne where the gifted ftbd
. ..-z
OVAIDI, PL:
tl?ess of J. L. Webb, "g(li
irereZbep re s the 6; Dem . ocrale
socialm ofSnifh . fi
IC 15 E11111! SE QV EST OF TIES Ana C Vqlo
e invitatio n to address you at -this
r brat moving after the adopiion of.
Consniution, was by me unsought,
cced, and tetuctatitly ~ccepted :
I cannot be insensible of‘ht huuor
oy conferred, and. for it Bender. to
EiY grateful acknowledgemerits.-.
'asuciation . is formed, Presi- .
tut a noble purpose—the very
'luscribed :upon your banner, to
- "Democracy " is synonymous
the " rights of man," it is in itself
ramee of equal privileges to the
family. The objects of Your
Eiou, are, to Obtain anfl diffuse,
political information, and to con
political action. In a goverti
hke ours, where the sovqeignty
' 3 --where of right it beloOgs—in
kOPle.; and where every voter is
41 .ttuent part of that sovereignty.
a right, but a duty, of each
Ttfor the accomplishment of thed!
,". A. concentration 'of effort is
tae eirective. To meet an 4 in
vietis,irkeeive and impartin
uon, corujuces to the bringing of
into possescon of
t 'eful knowledge enjoyed by ail
MY, tends to arouse a spirit .of
4.and call into action the latent
!• of mind'. What then; tan be
•ennobling, thin an assemblage
t oluentd, to receive and impart
'dge, guided by the polar star of
lie truth Let. our principles
in honesty and justice ; let our
h e the extension or knowledge
P e rpetuation to "the latest ages ,
" I reentnelled rights of pan; and
may be selected as eau-
MI
kind the citjeets sought.
Iri the discharge our • duty as an as
sOciation, we shall' be called upon to
speak and act in reference to measures :
those most immediately before us as
;'Pennsylvanians, and requiring speedy
action, are' retrenchment, reform and
the payment of our debts. that
' bears the name of a freeman. - of Penn
sylvania, can sit undiatUrbed fora Ant>.
I merit, while the Keystone is charged,
I with any semblance of truth, with be
,
ing a - repudiating state ;? aye, or bank
rupt? 'What Pennsylvanian does not
feel the blush of shame tinon, his cheek,
when toldihat the greAt . Commenwealth
of which he is a . citizen, With . all. her
we kith and resources, is either
duntvill
ing, or L unable topay:her debts ? I hope
Mr. President, there is not one citizen
j of this great state—certain I am, there
' is not one worthy of.,being
such a citi
zen, that will advocate the damning
her,sy of repudiation: not one sir, but
will say, lettreforin be extended to eve
ry-public department; letretrenchment
extend to every branch of expenditure,
and let Pennsylvania redeem her plight
ed faith; yet, let justice be done,.tho'
the Heavens should fall. Our Own im
mediate Representatives are men of the
right stamp to aid in this praise-Worthy.
_undertaking; men selected from the
yeomanry •of the county-.--from the
producing classes, men, who knoti
the value of industry and economy—
. men whose feelings and sympathies
will be found on the side of their jiidg,.
•
anent a. 1,1 to tt e scale of justice ; snd I
have no doubt fir, but their voices and
their votes will be found en the side of
Pennsylvania'? honor. Let as cheer
them On'rn the•geod work; let them
know that the people of. Bradford, and
especially, .that -tve, - the democrats of
Smithfield, ( for This is our
. duty,) ivill
use our Utmost exertions to sustain them
In. sustaining the interest, the honor,
and the justice of Pennsylvania. We
shall be called upon in the course of
the coming 'year - to vote for a chief ex
ecutive magistrate ofthis State. ;From
present indications, the choice of the
democracy will fall upon the Hon. Hen
ry A. 141uhlenburg, or the Hon. Francis
R. Shunk—either of them, •Mr.
Presi
dent, as we have goOd • reason to be
lieve,. may be relied on to exert the
eminent' talents which all admit they
''respectively poetess, to redeem, and
sustain the honor and. the interests of
- the State and the people. They have
both rendered eminent services to the
state, and have. hitherto been found
faithful; and either of them placed in
the Executive chair. ,would, represent
' the majestic and. magnanimous Charac
ter of the . Lion, ccimpared with- the
treucherous, cunning, pilfering, fox 7 like
character of the . present incumbent.—
And
,whetber the choice of the conven
tion 'of delegateS„ Met to - Select a candi
date for. that' honorable station falls up
on etther of the gentleafeit already nam
ed, 'or any other of like 'diameter. it will,
be our duty sir, to yield an undivided
support to that candidate for'the sake of
our-principles, and •, - the state. Other
and grave questions of a National -char
acter will be presented for our consid
eration And discussion, in - reference to
which we shall be called upon to act:
Perhaps among them the following may
be- considered preentinent :—.. - The.
.Taritt," the "current-v," the oidistri--
bution of . the proceeds of the 'public,
lands," and tlae ..'abnitionef slavery.'"
These are subjects which will be dis.
_cussed before the people ; they are sub
jects which will .be made the pivot of
action bk i many, - therefore- are proper
subjects of investtgation and discussion.
Let it not be said that .because we are
but a handful vf people. and Mir resi
dence re - Mote from the seat of Govern
ment,' that our deliberations and our ac
tions,are of no weight iii prepondera-.
Ling the great scale - of - decision in na-•
tional matters ; no . but' leOts re
flect- thatthe great Miss votes 'which
make Up. a decision upon any of - these
questions, arc composed of units.; and
we know. Mallow decidedly,. the decis
[of decay 1
Regardless of Denunelation,from any. Quarter.,--Gov. Pornis,
*.
910VirgyrDk..9 1131:24,111 , 7011BM 00ZWIFirst - inai IMIEBTAYLEIIs 13119 Ilatrfick
ay.. my views there
on. Much has been spoken and writ
ten, and many charges, criminationt,
and recriminations have been made, and
and there has been ,much instability of
action on the subject of a tariff, The
, extremes of opinion on this subject ; are,
114 a high protective tariff" on the one
side ; and free trade" or no tariff on
the other. A middle course, and one
which seems to have received the as
sent of reflecting men of 'alt parties, is,
a tariff for .revenue, so adjusted in its
application, as to afford incidental pro
tection to the domestic manufacturers
of thtise articles which enter into the
daily consumption of the people ; the
raw material of which - is, the growth or
produce of our own country. A tariff
might be so high as to amount to a pro
hibition of importation of the foreign
article at all : this, it will be seen,
would afford no revenue ; and it is
thought by some. would exclude whole
some competition, and enable our manu
facturers to tax us to the extent of their
Pleasure or cupidity, for the necessa
ries of life. Others think that a saluta
-ry competition would 'immediately
arise between our own manufactories,
which would reduce the prices to the
lowest possible standard, and render us
entirely independent 'of Europe for all
throe articles of which the raw material
is producedfin our own country. What
the precise result of such a Measure
would be, 'sin some measure left to ,
conjecture, and could only be definitely
knoWn by the test of experience.
There are probably butifew who ad
vocate the doctrine of a tariff lie high,
as to amount to. prohibition ; and yet
-there is - difficulty, at least in my mind.
.in fixing upon the preci to standard of a
tariff which will afford protection, and
not ultimately amount to prohibition.—
If American goods are cheapest, pur-
Chatiers will prefer them, andif there is
a full supply, foreign goods will remain
unsold ; if not sold, no more will be
imported- such is the inevitable laws
of trade. It is contended, however, by
the advocates of a high protective tariff,
that its results, are to make goods cheap
er, but how that can be, I confess I can
not discover. If American manufac
turers can afford goods cheaper than
Europeans ccula do if there was no
tariff, it would meal that Americans
neetW no tariff to enable them to do "so.
It is urged, however, that American
manufacturers need protection while
their establishthents are in infancy,
"Which is not-necessary after they have
acquired experience, and their works
are in successful operation; this may
be true, and if so, is an argument in fo l .
vor of a- temporary tariff, and is also an
argument fer its repeal, after our own
manufacturers have become experienced
in their business; ai in that case it
must either become inoperative, or aid
the manofacturers, to impose an unwar
rantable burthen upon the people. The
foregoing remarks must 'be understood
as applicable to those species of goods,
alobe, which the people of the United
States have the means of producing by
being is possession of the. raw material
independent of other nations. That a
tariff produces an increase of. price on
'those article's *filch are the sole
_pro
duction or growth of foreign countries,
is, I believe, 'universally admitted, and
cannot but . , believe, Mr. President,
that the general tendency of the laying
of imports andduires,. is to increase the
price of article' upon which they
are laid, and also of similar articles the
growth or production of Or own coun
try; That the increased price, is paid
by the Consumer, is incontrovertible.—
Whether it is better, for theeountry at
large, that prices should be co ingreaeed
under all the attendant circumstances.
is the grave question to be decided.
The advocates of free, trade insist that
the layineof imports is an 'arbitrary in
terference with' the lay rti: of „trade and
Ahe rights of the 'people, who ought to
be left free to purchase as cheap as they
can; untrambelled by legislation—that
the effect of taxing :the Accessories of
life, 'is to draw. as much' revenue from.
the pohr, as from the wealthy; thereby
imposing the burthens of government
unequally, in proportion to thh ability
to pay. and the protection afforded by
the government to the *pert) , of its
citizens, ,Were we, Mr. President,
'called upen r io act merely as -members
of the human family _ and citizens of the
world, and about tbl.commencii legisla
tion in reference to the whide, the doc
trine of free tride e is that which would
commend itself to common sense, com
mon honesty, and .the rights of
is that doctrine of all otheri which
would leave men . tnpurtiue happiness
in tile paths of their own 'choice. Bali
as it is, we must act wnh reference to
surrounding circumstances. There are i
so ; many questiOns that Ipresent them
eelves in the inveitigation i this sub
ject, so multifarious'are,itshearings up
on the interest of community; that for
myself, sir. I ireely confess!, I have ma•
ny times doubtectas to the course pro.
per Co be,porsued in relation thereto by
our government, so as beet to promote
the interest and happiness. of the peo
pie. My present views with the rea
sons upon which they are based, may
be found in the foll Owing synopsis.-
'We are emphatically an Agricultural
people. Foreign corn-laws measurably
shut out our surplus produce from mar
kets abroad. We have means of manu
facturing most of the necessaries of life
within our own .borders. The eipen
see of government must be paid. Di
rect taxation. fbr the support of govern
'pent has always been deemed objec
-tionable. The , constitution authorises
Congress Wray duties and imports and
and a tariff, for revenue is as little ob
jectionable to the people as any other
mode of raising it. By laying imposts
in such a manner as to afford incidental
protection to the manufacturers of the
necessaries of life, the nymber of
producers of those articles is increased,
agricultural labor is lessened to the
same extent, a home market is produc
ed for our surplus produce, and the ten
dency of the , whole is to turn the bal
ance of trade between the United States
and foreign countries in favor of the
former. Therefore a tariff sufficiently
high to raise revenue forffte support or
government, adjusted in such a manner
as to affordiincidental protection to do
mestic manufacturers of articles of ne
cessity, moderate upon such articles as
;enter into general,use. and are not of
the growth or produce of our own
country. and high upon such .articles
of luxury and- 'show as are used only
by the wealthy, and are not grown or
produced here, is the true policy to be
adopted by the government of - the
ted States, and should he stable and en
during:, fluctuations in a matter so
nearly allied to the intereeta of the peo
ple, are destructive and-ruinons. This
subject, in all its bearings, will be open
for discussion by the members of this '
association, and here I leave it. The
questiOn of currency is the next in or
der, which calla for °lir consideration :
a vexed question, and one of abiding
importance. Much as this question
has been agitated, and notwithstanding
the many •hobbies it has furnished for
politicians to speed their way to power
upon, yet there is a perfect agree
ment among all reflecting and candid
men as to what is needed. The diffi
culty of arriving at it, produces thadis
cordancy. A currency perfectly sound
of uniform value throughout the United
States, so placed that the government
could not use it to buy patronage, nor
individuals to engender a spirit of ,
reckless speculation, adapted in quart-
tity to the legitimate business of the
country, always accossib!e • for prudent
purposes, and for nothing else, is just
such a currency as all prudent men
agree that we need. How is a curren
cy thus sound, uniform and guarded, to
be obtained? And , what is the duty of
the government in: relation to the cur
rency ? , Upon both these questions
there is a great diversity of,opinion.—
The constitution invests Congress with
power "-to coin 'Money. to regulate the
value thereof, and of foreign
_coin."
It is contended on the one hand, that
these ,speCific powers, -together wide
the power to collect and dishurse the:
governinent - revenues in the constitu
tional coin. are the extent of the poor- ,
ereand duties of the government. On
the other hand it is contended,. that as
congress has - power to " regulate com
merce" and " provide for the general'
welfaret" and as hothof these - require
a currency, it'is therefore the duty of
congress to provide one, and that it hag
full'power to create a .Bank, or emit
other paper, issue's, to any needed ex
tent. I • 1
The con - attritional dower dean;
to create!' bank. has.beep 'double,
many able men both r in and out o
.
J
gress ever since that instrument was
adopted. The decision of the Supreme
court ,of. the, United States, which de
clared such a 'bank constitutional, was
to say the least, a rather circuitous mode
of arriving at that cenclusion.i It was
in substance, that as congressis , by the
constitution empowered to" make -all
laws necessary and proper" for carry
into effect the 1 specific . - powers vested
in the governart of the United States;
therelore e if cengrees deemed a Bank
necessary to aid in carrying into effect
the vested powers, then such bank was
constitutional. Congress being. the sole
judges of its necessity. It is not our
business to'quarrel, With' judicial decis
ions, when made by the proper gritty
nal—they must be submitted '
,to;- but I
confess, that if the reasoning of the Su
preine court o n
‘ that subject be sound, I
do not see what power can be withheld
from congress; should they declare they
deem its exercise necessary under the
clause of the constitution referred to.
Experience; has taught us, that the
system of Banking. heretofore, and still
existing,Titi this country, whether devel
oped by national or state institutions.
is neither more nor lean than a legalized
system of gambling and swindling.—
The losses sustained by the people, by
means of the defalcation of Banks, have
'been enormous ; millions on millions
have beellowrimg from the hadvarnings
of the poor by means of their delinquen
cy. Let any intelligent man who has
not turned his attention to the subject,
examine the list of hundreds of broken
and suspended banks, within the last
twenty-five years, and the millions of
their outstanding issues, and he will be
astounded at their number and amount,
'and' he will with •difficulty persuade
himaellf, that great and intelligent men
Who are faniiliar.with all these doings.
can still the advocates of so rotten,
so . corrupting, and so debasing a sya.
tem. Nothing, Mr. President, nothing
but the great-agricultural resources and
universal industry of this country'
~and
its citizens, could have borne up against
the continued stream of swindling and
robbery which has . flowed -from these
Institutions. But bow are these evils
to be remedied without a return to a
1 specikeurrency ? Some seem to think
there is no other remedy. and therefore
advocate a metalic currency. alone, (al ,
though I believe the number is few.)—
Others seem to suppose there can be no
efficient remedy, and therefore advo
cate the old swindling system. and
amidst the dispeters attendant upon it,
'their` motto is. „ let every man take
care of himself." This might do sir,
if overtaken ;by.a troop of highwaymen,
but with legalized institutions, it is real
ly too debasing. It is a financiataxiotn
that .. the price of property depends up
on the amount of currency in circula
tion ;" the price however increasing or
diminishing as the particular species of
property becomes plenty or ecaree, or
in other words is measurably dependent
on demand and supply. If there were
no debts it would be comparatively of
little consequence
,what amount of cur
,rency- was in circulation. or what the
price of prop erty; it is Are expansion
and contraction of amount of circulating
medium alai' worlts the evil. He . who
'sells hie property on credit, when mo
ney is plenty and prices' high,. and col
i'lects hissdehts when money is scarce
1
1 and pricesi , low. becomes rich by the
1 operation ; While he who - runs in debt
I
when prices are high, and is nompelled
to pay when prices are low, grow poor
or is ' ruined. - 'therefore a, uniform
amount of currency in proportion to the
, business of the
. coun try , is , the only -,re
-1 medy for the evils which the people are
suffering; . from the fluctuations to which
they have been subjected. and the on
ly means of preventing their, frequent
recurrence. .To return to a specie cur
rency alone, while the people ate, so
generally in debt as they, now are, would
be ruinous to millions,': To continue the
rotten system of banking, will be to
l'bring.-a frequent repetition; of the evils
which we are sufferini, and the last
state of our financialk condition will tie
worse than the first. -The "_system of
Banking under the autiiiitity of the
states, is at war with the idea ofa curren
cy of uniform value throngbont the Uni
ted States,..and in my opinion prohibits
the mites from iisuin&Bille of
.cre
dit " and by what ineansjheisitite legis.
latures possess - .the'right la authorize
others 16, do, whatthe states them
selves are prohOted ,frOm doing, 1
I.
could never discbier. _
We nitult.hoWever submit to the pow.
ers that_be, and bow with deference
,to
deeisiorra ,l authori)ively Made. ~The
safety of a national instittifion". too Serve
as a regulation of the,tate institutions;
to restrain their issues &e.; is refitted
in its own theory as it has proved shoe.
gym
d
con-
MEI
MEM
tr.lq 11049DUKV94
01;6 in, practice. ; :Hundreds of. state
Banks have gone , down spreading
diStress and ruin , among thehOlclers
of their Worthless promises, during
the most: palmy . days of the United
States Bank. Besides if the state in:,
stitutions' were sound, well reatficied,
and well managed, what need 'ora
ragulatior If they were not thus
sOund, restricted, and;managed; what
e!idenee' have we that a larger institu
ter, established upon the same princi
ples would be!' Sad experien'ce, has . '
taught us the fallack,of thus believing.
- 180 long as the diversified views of
statesmen, now entertained, continue
to exist, - and politicians deem it for their
interest to keep up an eieitement upon
the subject of the currency. it is to be
feared that no remedy for existing evils
will be established. Waiving the•Con
iffilutional objection. that, "Congress
havi no right to establish a paper cur
rency," and admitting. their duty' 113 f
provide one; and it appears to me that
a system accomplishing all the objectie
designed, and remedying all the grim.
ances complained of would be easy;
Simple and abiding. Admitting the
constitutional objection above referred
to p ; and admitting that. the. States pos
sess the power , of authorising a paper
circulating medium. arika system equal
ly simple and efficatious Might fbe
adopted with the single ekception, ( that
it would not be so uniform-in Taint
throughout the United Stains in conse-
quence of its local character. I
.do
not' suppose; sir. that either systethe
will eien be tbOught of beyond the
bounds of this assoctatiOn, nor have I
time,- or room, to exhibit them • now,
even in their general features ; but it is
my intention irpermissiOn be granted .
to introduce both into this association
at some future : / day. for consideration
and discussion. I have been so prolix
Upon 'both the preceding subjecti,
that a few words upon the two remain
ing ones, must suffice. The distribu
tion of the proceeds of the public lands
among 'the states, appears to me to be
impolitic, unwise, and uselessly eiStpen—
sive. It is generally admitted by re-,
fleeting men, that reveenue sufficient
for the econoniical administration of
the government4 l should alone be col
kited. To con c oct at alarge expense
the proceeds of , land sales, and• after
they are collected to distribute, them -
among the states, and again to 'collect
From the-people with attendant expens
es a sum sufficient to fill the vacuum
caused by the distribution, semis to
be .an expensive folly.
jThe argument that the public domain
belongs to the people; and that there
fore, the proceeds thereoT should be di-
Lvided among them is more captivating
than sound : so does all the property
of the nation both public - and private
belong to the people, and to distribute
a certain portion of their dtvn among
them ; and then to tax them to a lik*
amount with the addition of costs for
the purpose of replenishing the Treasu
ry from whichit was taken, and when
done to tell them they have had a kir:d
am done them in ,the operation; is not
very, flattering to their intelligence.
' The subject of the ' , Abolition of sla
very" hai.produCed some excitement,
and likely to produce more. Slavery
is a foul blot on our national character;
the institution however is-domestic in
its nature, and politically belongs to
the -states in which it is upheld. We
of Pennsylvania have no more right to
meddle with slavery in • Maryland,
Georgia, than' we have in any forflg,n
state or colony.' The Slaves are
,poor
• degraded set of beings ; would tckGod.
they were free and happy. The evil
of Slavery .existed when these states
became free from a foreign yoke; hot*
to get rid of it without producing
greater evil, is a question which the
wisest statesmen have !not been able to
answer. And it would' be well' for those
who - are - agitating 'the question in the
free states, to consider well
.whether
their.exertions are calculated to ameli
orate- the condition ofthe slaves or tend
to their li' eration. A . few Words upon
the subject of the approaching Presidett
.tial election, and I have done:
number of distinguished gentle.
men have ,been named by their particu
lar friends, as candidate', of the' demo
cratic, party, for that high and hon
orable' station : each of-them. pease!.
sing eminent • qualities commending'
thent to our sitfirages. A National,
Convention' will designate that individ
ual, which IN moil acceptable •to a ma
jority ; when that selection :is, made. it
Will be our ditty , to lay .aside:, all
. per
sonal preerences, and with Detnqe
racy, truth and - eqtral rights" for °O• -
melte, to proeeed with one woke, and
one united effort, to 'redeem our country
from- misrule.
ER
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