:.- IBiliSI lIBIllIliSI telill igigk mm& tSifflk - mmm&m v -gsL
mmm mMm msmm vsgsmum msrnm B&m&m mmtm immmm hi ihm iimiii m&a asas -
Skuotci to poiitic0, literature, Agriculture, Stiintc, illoralitij, an nroi Jutellijcucc
VOL 19.
STROUDSBURG, MONROE COUNTY, FA. SEPTEMBER 13, I860.
NO. 35,
Published by Theodore Sehocli.
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teJ with neatness and despatch, on roason.tbJc terms
' .
-ITTV7T o MA-nrrr . -n, r,-n..-r
DOUGLAS & POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY,
Speech Of Carl Schurz, Of Wisconsin.-In
nampaen nail, Dpnngneia, iaass., jan-
nary 4, 1860.
When great political or eocial prob-
Icms. difficult to solve and inipoofciblo to
nnn fK nnni.
mind, u is a common thicg to scu
cty or ttieones cpringmg up, wntc
morL to vo uuiauiuii i ciul-uioh, uuu 10 vi-
. i r t: l
- '
feet a speed ycure. Men, who look only at
tho fiurfcceot tbings, will, like bad physi-
cians, pretend to remove the disease itself
hv oallistine its most violent symptoms,
and will astonish the world by their in- eiVdCt a ffcneral slave code for the Territo
ventive ingenuity, no less than by their rje.s'" TBut ?Ir- Do"S'as is not satisfied with
. , .. this. In order to strimathpn his nssnmnlinn
amuiiiff assurance, uut a close srrnti-
,bv will in most cases show that tbe rem-'
vuica uuv uul .w.cui U1U
mii-takes.
Aitin. rfnmt1 rt r n Hilt rrW f lj
Of all the expedients which have been
iuveuted for the settlement of the slavery
quehtion, Mr. Douglas's doctrine of popu
lar sovereignty is certainly the n.ok re-'
markable. uot only bv the opnnrent nov -
jltj of the tbins, but by the pompous-as-
J ... t- i ir j
.surance with which it was offered to the
nation as a perfect and radical cure.
Formerly, compromises were made be -
twecn the two conflicting systems of la-'
bor, by separating them by geograptcal
hues. lhc compromes did indeed
produce interval, of comparative repo.-e,
, fc . a slave is held under the laws of a State,
aowed acrimony, a, soon as a new bone,and not Ufidor ho Confelknion or tb
ol contention presented itself J he sys- ( m q tbc Uoited s d
tern of somjiroircs .s a whole proved a Qnl u qJ &g ihfl
failure. Mr. Uouclas is doctrine of pop- r t a-, i rr i i
ular soveignty propos
- , , . ., uuuu ui ou it'aia ui ivt-iiiuciiv eipreseu
j proposed to brine; the two1;, - f . . J. f.
antagoniftic e cmcots into immediate eon-i
, b , , . ., . . , ,
tact, and to let them struggle hand to
, ' , ,
band for the supremacy on tho sotse'
supremacy
ground.
In thin manner,
hc predicted
,j r i local law of a municipal character, it fol
the smooth wav of ordinar? liii.sinss . '
IHe iceced to be copQ.ient orsacces;-; but
Ihardly is his doctrine, in tbe shape of a '
low for the organization of Territories,1
put upon the statute book, when the Strug- i
gle grows fiercer than ever, and the diffi-'
culties ripen into a crisis. Ibis doe. not
disturb him. lie sends forth manifesto
upon niani'cto; and evn during the State tQ th(J conciu.ioK tkat a ;iave b ht
campaign of Iaat fall he mounts the ros-, b hu 0WQer tbe so5, of a Tcrrho
.trum in Ohio, in order to show what helu..r- rp-:-:i t u
can do: and, like a second Constants,
be points bis finger at tbe great prinei-l
Vie of popular sovereignty, and says to', of ffiurricina charactpr nnder
dm io .offers : -id wi s tigu you win eou-,
quer. But ; tbe tendency of events ap.
peared unwilling to yield to b prophecy
Ihere seemed to bc no charm m his com-
rnand; there was ctrtainly no victory in
bis.Mgn. He had hardly defined his doc-
inne more elaborately than ever oofore,
when his friends were routed everjwhre,
i n nt .1 :n
uuu CUM U13 cicuk naiiY ir uu luu uuiui
j i . , . . - . , i. ,
i lauiog (o p.eccx xue imiuru is "e5" !
nificently comple te.
There certainly was something in ha ,
theories that captivated tbe masses. I do
aot speak of tbose who joined their polit-
ical fortunes to his, because they saw in
him a man who some day might be able
to scatter favors mid nlimHnr around him. 1
rr. Pi.-:i :.. '
. .. . j
33ut there were a great many," who, se- J
a..a u u.,i.,ua.i r tu ,, 1
Muutu uiuuiaujiuicsuuuu ui me nuiuverv. to oe itiis us in nis iiarper-:i ac- t
-popular sovereignty' meant to have az5ue articief -slavery being the creature
found t.hpra fining mirldlp irroiind. on wliicli . lr.;f firt xrA nt f k Prf;. i
J l I vw UI h llwU( UJ UVk VI .UO VUU-'vl" I -fj , mir -p.
tho right- of free labor might be protec- i tution of the United States, it follows that Doas says more:
ted and secured, without exacting tbo Oon-titoiion does not establish slave-! oftS
tho?f y1.1"?? , ,,Dfilave ahor' . JbcJ rymthe Territories beyond the poicer of rilories, then slavery existe in Pennsylvania
jreally did think that two conflicting or- the people to control it by laio: What ? jU8t as well as in Kansas and in South Caro
.ganiiations of society, which are jncom- The Constitution docs not establish slave- i lino, and the irrepressible conflict is there!"
patible by the nature of things, might be ry in the Territories beyond a certain : Ayo, tbe rrrepres-iblc conflict is there,
inado compatible by legislative enact- something! What does that mean I If i not only between tho two antagonistic
saeuts. But this delusion vaui-bed. No slavery is the creature of local law, how pystems of labor, but between Mr Doug
sooner was the theory put to a practical caD lbo Constitution, by its own force per- lass own theories; not only in tho Statca
test, when tbe construction of tbo Nebras- mt slavery to go into a Territory ataU? and Territories, but in Mr. Douglas's own
k bill became no less a matter of fierce Hore U a durk mystery a pit-fall; and bead. Laughter and cheers. Whatever
dispute than the construction of the. Con- ( we may well take care not to fall into the I ambiguous expression Mr. Douglas may
titltution bad teen before. Is tuis pro-
- " - - f -
plavcry, or is it anti-slavery 7 it was ask-
od. The South found in it tbe right to
plant slave labor in the Territories uucon-
i : . : n ri -n i. i. t j ; k.
uitiuuauj, auu. uunu uuuu iu it. vu
right to drive slavery out of them. Each
section of the country endeavored to ap-
propnato the results of the Nebraska bill i one of tho obscurest doouimnts by
to itself, and the same measure, which which ever a politician attempted to befog
was to transfer the struggle from tho balls bis follower ?) but we may gather Mr.
of Congress into tbe Territories, transfer- Douglas's real opiniou from another man
ted it from tbe Territories back into Con- ifesto preceding this. In hi Now Or
gies; and there the Northern and the eanB speech, delivered after his recent
Southern versions of the Nebraska bill euccoss in Illinois, bc defiued his position,
fight each other with tbe same fury with jn substance, aa follows: "Tho Demoora
whioh the Southern and the Northern by of Illinois hold that a slaveholder has
versions of tbe Constitution have fought the same rigSt to take his slave property
caob other before. What does the Con- into a Territory as any other man has to
Btitution mean in regard to slavery! take bjs horse or bis merchandise."
That question remains to be nettled. j What! Slavery is the creature of lo
W bat does the Nebraska bill mean! cal law, and yet a slaveholder has the
This question depends upon the settle-' right to take his slave property into a
ment of the former. j Territory before any local law ban given
Of all men, Mr. Douglas ought to be hiin that right! A slave does not bc
the first to know what the true intent and come free, when voluntarily brought by
meaning- of tbe Nebraska bill and the his owner upon the soil of a Territory
principle of popular sovereignty is. He is where no poMtive local law establishing
said to be a statesman, and it must, be elavory exists. How is this possible !
presumed that bis measure reats upon a How oan even tbe elastic mind of a Dem
positive idea; for all true, stateamanship. eoratic candid ato for the Presidency ti
ts founded upon positive ideas. nite these contradictory assumptions I
' In order 10 find out Mr- Douglas's own
definition of bis Own "great principle,' we
are obliged to pick up the most luaid of
, - . , . ' J r , ,
uia i-iuiuujuuia us wo uuu mem scauereo.
otout m numerous speeches and manifes
toes. After multifarious cruisings upon
the sea of platforms and arguments, Mr.
Douglas bus at last landed at the follow
ing point :
"A slave," says he, in his famous Harper
i Magazine article, "a slave within the mean
ing of the Constitution, is a person held to
service or labor in one State, 'under the laics
thereof-
not under the Constitution of the
United States, or under the laws thereof, nor
virtue of any Federal authority whatever,
bit under the laws of the particular 'State
where such service or labor mav be due."
Tins is clear; and with his eyes firmly fixed
upon the people of the North he goes on :
"If as Mr. Buchanan asserts, slavery exists
ln l,,c Territories by virtue of the Constitu-
lion of the United
, r.:.7..f; . ,.j
CC-C4L6 il 1MIICtUtUttt JJ lUtllslJ Vr LUuCUt"
ency can release him, to provide by law-such !
adequate and complete protection as iscssen-
til to the enjoyment of an important right j
secured by the Constitution in one word to
this,
. .... --i
anu to anniliilate AJr. iiuchanan s construc-
! inn nf llio iVntirnclci Kill c-ti'll h
cecis; -riie Constitution being uniform ev-
'crvwhere within the dominions of tlie TJiiitod
. .... . '
States, being tho supreme law of the land,
anything in the Constitutions or laws of any
of the States to the contrary notwithstanding,
w,1-v d,es not slavery exist in Pennsylvania,
Ufct.us wdI as !" Kans:'s or in South Caroli-
" ' , yl bUu"
Pennsylvania is subordinate to the Constitu-
lion in the same maner and t() lho8amo ex.
' tent as South Carolina and Kansas !"
' Just SQ Mr Douglas having been so
ui hc canQot d ufi thfib ivil
;of ki a fflW j ica doductiJus frobm
- hU Qwn rrU)ise5 We t him tQ
e(j jQ fa foOBi mJUQT: .,Sin00
v 7.. - , - j r 4
y positive law of a municipal character .
. f ; , .- . t '
and ua- uo foundation m the aw of nature,
4i . , -rt
or tue unwritten and common hw"
If
laverv cannot esiat excent bv virtuo
of
j r - j
lows, as an irresistible conseoueuce. that
a slaveholder cannot hold a clave as prop
erty in a ierntory where there u uo lo
cal law of a munical character establish
ing that rijjht of property. And, furth
tbtr, the right to hold a slave having no
foundation in the law of nature, or the
itnV'HllnH Hnil pn-ntrmn lair rra o ra for.
!u i.T "t
oaiM of neposs!fu frp" fnP lprw :J' lo.
jJe - bt bc bcIJ fls & s,ov0 Thj3
' inci k. reCogniacd by tho decisions
of fcevJral Soutbcrn conrt; Hayi
jso (:,nd in(jcedt j c&umt scc bow a
Rihjd caa eSfi concluriions
fro2j Mr Dou ias's own prenji,eiS) Mr.
Doulas would bo obliged to define his
,OT,firp;(7ntv tn hp ,h r;hi. nf fi10
t t c J n
nnordfi of a TWritorv. rprrn:rrnrpd in the
Territorial Legislature, to admit slavery
by p0rrxlve enactment, if they see fit. but
it being well understood that a slaveholder
has not the least shadow of a rigt to take ,
his slave properly into the Territory before'
such positive legislation has been had.
'f definition would have at least the
f n..;nnl nnn;..,.n.n 1
ujciit ui lui; itai tuu:iott;iiiy,
But what does Mr. Douglas soy I S!a- j
. . - , P n x . i
ii ap ui nuuiu cujjtJinn y. v uy uouo uu
'not ppeak of the admission of slavery by
r-ositivc enactments! Why not even of
tran of some sonhititrv. Whv dons hn
t-ositivc enactments I Whv not even of !
the power of the people to exclude it by
ht i ,. . . . . n . .. . i
jawi v e loon l u v ai u l or Jigu 1 1 n warpers '
ilXagazine, (aul U it indend true, what 1
Judge Black intimates, that that article
miv-i it ui.tuiiivt) i u id , h ik' r I nniiirinn in n r ivnr rrn m vnn int. i I t. I n n , . i:m r. j . f . . - i ; I iIai...!-.-. m w . . x : l v u. iiiu.iin inai. as ix Li iiLiumi iwiiiiiii.i u 1 1 1
a van- "uy W1 1 any positive law of a local and manieipal , own worda, I see you puzzled all tho more, ' makes it possible for him to cheat either iue 1 reavency, nc turn no opwions w con-
formance of whtch evcru member ts bound ; i. .t . - f. I J . ' . .. .r . . . . ... renl v... i. ..;,..
0 Pr . ;-c nc,v .,-o c"aier, ior mere is none sucn m tno , anu you aK me again; "Wtiat w ltl" the iNortn or tbe Soutb, without adding a : ""uc ue n.ao "
.., io uutiiiti. ."w , m r. uri. t ..ii r . . ji . mi i . . .. , , w ami nart. nt thp 1 rwyi i Tare rinn.M.M
"u?;3 A?t KthG? h 8tand5
lege of drawing a few logic
from Mr. Douglas's own -promises.
K
aa
Mr. Dot.ojR, Hi.linntl. nnrl nmnfJnall W
his slave, as property, into a Territory,
and to hold him there as property, before
any legislation on that point is bad, from
from tbo law of uaturo, for tbo riglit to
bold a slave i, .ofa.od.d I. tbe law of
nature, and in Ibo unwritten and com-
nion law;" and even Mr. Douglas little
as no may care aDout nature and nor
Intra wJH horlv, 00o,. fU
..... uc..j, v ODv.u iuui uo , auonci, x uu. iuonimueu isagoier ir,wo naa not to reserve that generoua e
syHtem of slave labor is tbe natural and j and, applause. - motion of onr hearts for thoso who ro
normal condition of society. It must Such is Mr. Doun-las's dootrine of dod- wronc? bv mistake and unfortnnatR with.
then spring from poattive law?
"
what kink of positive law ?
, Tn. '1
tlicn There is but one kind of positive '
law t0 wnicu tbe 'lerritones are subject
before any local legislation has been had,
and that is the Constitution of the United
States. If, therefore, Mr. Douglas as
serts, as ho does, that a slaveholder has
a right to take his slave as property into
a Territory be must, at tho same time,
admit that in the" absence of local legis
lation positively establishing slavery, the
Constitution of the United States, tho on-
ly valid law existing there, must be tho
source of that right. What else does
Mr. Buchanan assert, but that slavery ex-
iat3 irj Territories by virtuo of tho
Federal Constitution I Where is. then.
9
the point of difference between Mr. Bu
chanan and Mr. Douglas I Why all this
pomp and circumstance of gloriouswar I
Whence those fieroe battles between tho
Monteohi and Capuletti of tbe Democrat
ic camp ? Are ye not brothers I
But Mr. Douglas is a statesman, (so
they are all, all statesmen,) and pretends
that the Constitution does not establish
slavery in the Territories, "beyond the
2)oicer of the people to control it by laiv."
What does that moan? It moans that
the people of a Territory shall bavo the
power to embarr
ft . . ,
tbe enjoyment of
, J; ,tP
legislation. "1
embarrass tho- slaveholder in
his right by "unfriendly
The right to hold slaves'',
Bays he in another place, "U a worthless
right, unles protected by appropriate po
lice regulations. If the people of a. Ter
ritory do not want alavry, they have but
to withhold all protection and all friend
ly legislation." Indeed, a most ingenious
expedient.
But, alas! Here is one of thoso oases
where the abstract admission of a right is
-of decisive importance. Supposo, for ar
gument's sake, a nlave might escape from
bis owner in a Territory, without being
in actual danger of reeapturc; would that
in any way affect the constitutional right
?f th slaveholder to the possesion and
JJt ot ns propertyl I bavo already
quoted Mr. Douglas s own answer to thn
question:
"If," says he, 'tslavery exists in the Terri
tories by virtue of the Constitution," (that is,
if a slaveholder has a right to introduce his
"slave property" where there is no other law
but the Constitution,) "then it becomes the
imperative duty of Congress, to the perfor
mance of which every member is bound by
his oath and conscience, and from which no
consideration of policy or expediency can re
lease him, to provide by law such adequate
and complete protection as is essential to the
enjoyment of that important right."
And Mr. Douglas, after having em
phatically admitted tho right of property
in a slave, where that right can spring
from no other law but tho Constitution,
. ifiriii-i
heU da, t0 PQ? f unffICDti J
tioo. Where is bis conscience! Where
. ,. ... TXT1 . ,. , ,
ls. b,s 0fhI Where is his honor!
piUSO.J
Ap-
invent, the dilemma stares him in tho face.
, (and berelput myself on his own ground,)
either slavery is oxcludcd from tne J.ern-
tories so long as it is uot admitted by a
i . . m .. . - ii . i
special act 01 territorial legislation, or,
if a slaveholder has tho right to intro3oce
his slave property there before such legis-
i-.:-- : i..i i. t..
- " " " " uuui.uu 4 iiuu aaviu. luu vjli. LUU"IU3a OWU Ul'UUlllUUa 111 Uld 1U1 JLUUiaS B aUUIi!UUU3 UU311 UU, WQ DQ . 1
icmtuiy uu mi, h litre is us source, x win t vou tvnac luaemenr. win no new moonsistencv to rnnsfi a rpartv oom-, -l j w,, .t,v.v,vUIU
IUIIUU a uuu, uv vau uuaouao tuat ngut a r .-
by virtue of no other but the only law ex- , nR7 What will he do with a man who,
istiog there, the Constitution of the Uoi- I when pressed to take an unequivocal po
ted Statea. Either .slavery has no rights ' sition, is always ready to sneak behind a
in the Territories, except tboae ppringing 1 fiupcrior authority, declaring that "these
from positive law of a local or municipal questions to be settled by the courts!
character, or, according to Judgo Doug- ' Laughter and applause.
las'e own admission, the Southern con- I Mr. Douglas's situation U certainly a
8truotion of tho Constitution and of tho very perplexing ono. Ou oue side, bo id
principle of popular sovereignty is the on- ostraoisod by tbe Administration Domoo
ly legitimate one, that thc Constitution, racy for hi illogical and unconstitutional
by its own force, carries slavery whorev- doctrine, that tho Legislature of a Tern
er it is the supreme law of tho land, that tory has control over slavery; and, oh tho
Congress is obliged to enact a slave codo other hand, ono of his nearest friends,
for its protection, and that popular eover- Mr. Morris, of Illinocs, in his recent
eignty moans the power of the pcoplo to specoh op tho President's message, de
vote for slavery, but by no means against nounces the dootrine, that Blave property
it. There is uo escape from thia dilein- ( may be carried into the Territories just
ma. ! Jiko other property, as an atrocious "a-
Which side will Mr. Douglas take! Domination," Was Mr. Morris not aware
Will he bo bold euouch to say that slave- that this "abomination" is tho identical
ry, being the creature of local law only, dootrine advocated by; Mr. Douglas in hi In many places tne rot naa almost enure
is excluded from tbe Territories in tho New-Orleans speech!' Lot Mr.. Morris ly destroyed tbem and eapeoial y is tbta
absence of positive law establishing it- or' examine the record of Judge Douglas, tbe case whero tho hula were close together.
WiU hl bo hon.e.8 fc,eD0Uh t0 ooncede
tn j ,1 c . , . ,
to do the first, nor houcst enonoh to rfn
ub win ucuuer ue umu Bnouffn
IT :i! -.1 U.k-IJ t
fK A . -.MI U J 1 i
8 to do neither. fADDlause1 He s in
the ponition of that Democratic candidn l
for Congress in the Wet, who, when aak-
ed, "Are you a Buchanan or a Douelas
ler and obccrs.l If vou o.k Mr. Door-
las, "Do J0 h.Jld tb.slaves, is tboorel
lure of local law, or that a slaveholder
, has the right .o introduce his slave prop-
. erty whore there is no ooa lawl" ho will
,.t J. rn...- . .
I -Q L -r
J O
passed upon it by future historians, who
, may find it worth while to desenbo this
J impotent attempt to dally and triflo with
the logic of things. They will say: "It
was the dodgo of a man who was well a-
ware that, in order to be elected Prosi-
iiut irom 1 mar sovereignty. ut after havm? siven outbuilt
dent of tho United States, the vote of a ! right, would certainly diapleaso the North; ho roae t0 sPoa) read it very attentively,
few Northern States must be added to tbo " to say that slavery is wrong, would inev-) and rcsutuinK hl9 conversation with tho
united vote of tho South. Knowing by , itably destroy him at the South. In or.-gentleman who offered it, respectfully ao
experienoe that tbe Democratic road to der to dodge this dangerous dilemma, be - qu,CS(,ed the propriety of the question,
the White Hous.e leads through the slave- , finds it expedient to construe tho history I Promised to reply to it id tbe course
boldiug States, ho broke down the last i of this country so as to abow that thif j L.s.fefCj :
ceoraDhical barrier to the extension of 1 question of rinht or wroua in reyard to! . 'W,H JudSe Douglas be so kind as to
slavery. So ho meant to secure the
South. But in
conceding undisputed
oldinc interests, he saw
sway to the slaveholding
that he was loaing his foothold in the
Northern States necessary to his election;
be availed bjmsolf of the irresistible pres
sure of the Free-State movement iu Kan
sas, and opposed tbe Lecompton Consti
tution. So he saved his Senatorship in
Illinois, as the champion of free labor.
But the South frowned, and immediately
after his victory bo wont into the slavo
holding States, and admitted in bisspeecb
es that slavery may go into the Territo
ries without a special act" of Territorial
legislation Believing the South Satis
fied, and seeing his chances in tbc North
endangered, he wrote his Harper-Maga
zino essay, assuming that slavery can ex-
ist only by virtuo of local law. Tho cal facts, as stern and stubborn as tbey
South frowuing again, bo endeavored to are sublime. But as Mr. Douglas bad
make his peace with the slaveholders by no logic to guide him in his theories, so
deslaring that he would submit to tho hc had no con"cience to restrain him in
Charleston Convention, and instructing his historical conf-truetions. To interpret
his nearest friends iu the House to vote the Declaration of Independence accord
for the Administration candidate for tho ; ing to the evident meaning of its words
Speakership. So be endeavored to catch would certainly displease tbo South; to
both Bections of the Union successively in call it a self-evident lie would certainly
tho trap of a double-faced sophistry. shock the moral sensibilities of the North
tried to please them both in trying to So be recognises it a3 a venrable docu
cheat them both. But hc placed himself 1 ment, but makes the language, which is
botween tho .logic of liberty on one and ; so dear to tho hearts of the North, ex
the logic of slavery on tho other side. 1 press a meaning which coincides with the
He put tbe uword of logic into the hands ideas of the South.
of his opponents, and tried to defend We have appreciated his exploits as a
himself with the empty scabbard of "un- j logician; let us follow him in his histori
friendly legislation." Applause Un- ! cal discoveries.
friondly legislation, which in one case ! Let your imagination carry you back
would have been unnecessary, in the oth- to the year 1776. You stand in the hall
er unconstitutional the invention of a of the old Colonial Court-house of Phila
mind without logic, and of a heart with- j delpbia. Through tbe open door you see
out sympathies; recognised on all 6ides tbo Continental Congress assembled; the
as a mere subterfuge, behind which tbe moment of a great decision is drawing
moral cowardice of a Presidential candi- near. Look at tbe earnest faces of the
date entrenched itself. Cheers. ! men assembled there, and consider what
Such will bc the verdict of future his-1 7oa maJ esPeot of tbem- The Philosophy
torians. They will indulge in curious , of the eighteenth century couuts many of
speculations about tbc times when such , them among its truest adepts. They wel
doctrines could bo passed off as sound ; coined heartily in their scattered towns
tatemanehip-a btatemanship, indeed, plantations the now ideas brought
the prototype of which may be found, not , ith by that sudden progress of humam-
in Plutarch, but in Aristophanes but lJ. uuu. u"'u,wl,uu luuUi JU fcUB u"1)
they will be slow to believe that there ! solitude of virgin nature, they bad cn
werc people dull enouAh to be doocived larged thc compass of their thoughts, and
by it. Applause.
Leaving aside the stern repudiation
which Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty
has received at tho bands of tbe people
at the last Stato elections all over thc U
nion, it is a characteristic sign of the
times, that even ono of his political friends,
an Anti-Lecompton Democrat, recently
went so far as to declare, on thc floor of
Congress, that ho would not vote for Mr.
Douglas, if nominated by tho Charleston
Convention, unless a clear and unquivo
cal construction wero affixed to tho reaf
firmation of the Cincinnati platform. A
wiso precaution, indeodl But whatever
construction might bo given to the Cin
cinnati platform, what will that gentle
man do with tho double-faced platform
which Mr. Douglas has laid down for
himself! What will the abstract pledge
of a Convention be worth to him, if Mr.
Douglas's, nrincioles pledge him to noth-
and b "HI 6nd out that whatever abom-
-rv . -
uoupibs's own oWc.;
e "Jioaiuuo.
. I . : t. .t t
: , '"g WUUU lUU"U WUO
thtv hp nvixt ; i.;a :m
h X T r ?
mo.rindign.nt aooa Vhev are a
readv InttLlZ hcT U
'they will not be sDarioir in dirf-ct dennn!
ieia.in. as sooD a? b?d Uc' or ot bad-
ly they have been deceived and ho. i.
ominLsl, sofd W
i niht
' .jT V -F" FJ "i",
' D J - ' ' - -
Applause.
J J
j mitted, makes it at the same time necos-
; eary for him to put his double-faoed tbe-
orics upon an historical basis, whieh re-inaDQS lDe ,0l,0Win8 yaesiion, wnicn ne
lieves him of tho necessity of expressing38 0i,t ""peeifully requested to an
n mnrni nm.fmn i,n moti nf ui.. swcr in the course of his remarks The
ry either way. -To say that slavory is
slavery had nothinz whatever to do with
1 the fundamental principles upon which theithe Pe0Ple L?ro asueeibled his Answer
I American llcpublic was founded. Deal- i to tho ""owing
and treating the natural rights of man
and tbe relation botween slavery and re-
publican institutions as a matter of com-
plete indifference, he is bound to demon- j ritory, before it becomes a Stale, have tfc'o
strate that slavery nover waa seriously ! power, under tho Federal Constitution,
deemed inconsistent with liberty, and that and notwithstanding the Dred Scott de
the black never was seriously supposed to cision, to prohibit or exclude Slavery there
Dossess anv rights which the white man : from ?
t o 1
was bound to respect
But heie be encounters tbe Declaration
of Independence, laying down the funda
mental principles upon which the Repub
lic was to develop itself; be encounters
the ordinance of 1787, tbe practical ap-
'plication of those principles; both bistori-
peopled their imaginations with lofty
deals. A classical education (for most
of them are by no means illiterate men)
has put all tho treasures of historical
knowledge at their disposal, and onabled
them to apply the experience of past cen
turies to tho new problem they attempt to
solve. Seo others there of a simple but
strong cat of mind, whom common seuse
would call its truest representatives.
Went to grapple with tbo dangers and
difficulties of an early settler's life, or, if
inbavitauts of young uprising cities, wont
to carry quick projects into upeedy exe
cution, they have become regardless of
obtaoles and used to strenuous activity.
Tho constant necessity to help themselves
has deeloped their meutal independence;
and, inured to political strife by the eou
tinual defenco of their colonial self-government,
thoy have at last become famil
iar with tbe idea, to iutroduoe iuto prac
tical existence tbo principles whioh their
vigorous minds have quietly built up iuto
a theory.
(Conclusion next u-eek)
Maternal Bliss long Delayed.
The Cincinnati Press civea an
Mrs. Alice W., a resident of that
.wards of fiftyseven years of age.
of one
city, upwards of ntty-soven yoars ol age
who has been married thitty ono years,
nnd yet became a mother for tho first tiino,
about a week ago, surprising her husband
with a pair of robust twins. The delight
ed father is five jeara tho junior of hia
spouse.
Bad Hews
The Rural Neiv IW.rr speaks at length
I of the disasters that have befallen the pp-
: tato crop in several sections of the Stato.
t mnnv nlaecs the rot haa almost entire-
' :.i l r
wtm peruapa a onui response to a serena-
i- r . r. ..r. . """t1-"'1
U0g Pa"y at miUnlgfll bUt He W3S ask-
i i ...... ,? . ' ..
ai8, ' ' U.P DS "r t"r0Ub 8W
So5 TnJ ! ra 1 - eom'
tcous ?nd PyHtf nnd promised to an-
Int., i. .1. nr v T,-7 r """"""g
CuJZM
tiuVfnrik r J. i! ?t Auguta, sot-
T'USSi
vi uu mauer ;
As Judo Douglas, when he was h'ero
on Thursday lat, declared with strong
i c , f V f 1
cmzeD 01 tbli face wbo was invited to s
uu tUL Biauu llD 1 mm Put lu nia
t 1 ii. . f . 11 f
Judge on receiving it, (it wa3 beforo
.bUe a .fl'How oltlzen b staUug beforo
Question
Do you hold, and if elected Presfdat
of the United States, would you carry
out, the doctrine that the people of a Tr-
"In other words :
' "Do you affirm that the people of a
Territory have the Constitutional right to
crush tbe cookatrice'u eggs, as soon as
they are deposited in its nest by the prop
agandists of Slavery, or must tbey toler
ate the incubation, and icail till the eggs
become full grown and active vipers, that
can be pursued and exterminated only by
the newly-created sword of State author
ity I"'
With this question before him, whicb
ho promised to aoawer, tbe Judge arose
and addressed tbo people for an hour
and a half; but for some cause or other
you can judgo what as well ai I he no?
only did not answer the Question, but
carefully avoided all alusion to it I
merely give you the fact, with no com
ment of my own, preferring that you will
bestow such reflections upon it as candor
and fidelity to truth require But it seems
to me tho public should know ichat ques
tions Judge Douglas refu?es to answer,
and conjecture as best tbey may, the rea
son ichy ho chooseB to "conceal his opin
ions" on that most interesting point.
The Fruit Crop of the Connecticut Yailey1,
The apple and other fruit crops of the
Connecticut valley promise an abundant
yield this season. Farmers who have
boen in town daring the week seeking
buyers for their crops have felt bad at the
low prices offered for tbem, and not a few
are holding on to their fruit for better
prices, it is predicted, wttbin lees than
a month the best apples of tho valley will
be sold for between twenty-five and thir
ty cents per bushel. On tho route of tho
different rail roads running from this ci
ty the trees near the track are loaded to
overflowing, and all along the Connecti
cut river to tho extreme north end of
Franklin County, the apple trees re ac
tually broken under the weight of their
fruit. In tbe mountainous towns in Berk
shire County, old trees which have not
borne for two years, are this season Ioa
dedwith apples, and manj hundred bush
els will be manufactured into cider.
Springfield Republican.
A Snake Story
A gentleman living in the south-western
part of Texan, who was out hunting
recently, saw a fawn standing as if fasci
nated; and noiselessly creeping near tho
spot, bo saw the head of a large serpent
projecting from tbe bushes withtn a few
feet of tho auiinal. After a short tiso
the snake seized the fawn by tbe hody,
threw it down, aud quickly coiled around
its body, when a ball from tbe gentleman's
riflo suddenly stopped the game. ZTho
reptile was eighteen feet long.
Rev. A. Bewley, Mcthodi-st Superintcn-
dent and missionary in Texas, was bung
i b? "?ob a 5hrkl IT 6.,Df0 0Drpthe C
b?.,n " ".onist. The JS. 1 .
iuribuan uyooate says ne was a aevoui
ly inoffensive man.
A Costly Half Dime.
Daniel Colkins has been convicted in
tho U. S Court, at Auburn. N. Y7. of
passing a counterfeit half dime, upon a
fruit doaler, and sentcnood so three years'
'imprisonment in tho Stato prison.
A Toast. Woman To her jirtuesr
we cue our love; to her " be9Uty,,.our3ad
miration; and to her hoops,, thowhole
sidewalk.