The Jeffersonian. (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, August 02, 1860, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    T
Wtvotch to fltolitirs, literature, Agriculture, Science, illoralitt), axxh ncral Intelligence.
VOL 19.
STROUDSBUKG, MONEOE COUNTY, PA. AUGUST 2, IS60,
NO. 29.
- MMWMWI'IMII I illJMJW MwgllBMIW I wgWI linn iiillll
m
Published by Theodore Sehoch.
dollars and a quarter, half yearly and if not paid be-
TERMS. Two dollars per annum in advance Tw o
No papers discontinued until all arrearages'ate paid,
S
tnc or inree insertions, $i uu. acn auuiiioiuu unci-
- I - . .rnn - m . I I -. 1
" . - " . .
ten. 35 cents. Longer ones in nrnnortion.
r,w,..
Having a general assortment of large, plain ana or
imont.it Tvnu. w a !irn nrenared to execute every de
namenUl
-scnption
,---
!'
Card
Justices,
ted
at tin
audidatcsi
Shall Douglas or Lincoln be Supported ?
speech op
THE HOK.JOHN HICKMAN.
Delivered in Concert Bhll Philadelphia,
on Tuesday Evening, Juli24tt 18G0.
sa A iKTfri'X? 7T WlT WfG- J " luab l'uoau wuo auppoHo iney may, luiers anu vagronis, ior ino reason inai eiuuiion oi ttoe United Otates, and m pal-
pirrul-ir Dill Heads. Notes, DlanK iicceipts, ' o 'V . wUM.., , "uuiumo -u-vui,v vuain,ioiu9ngjiuu i.una f-v. "umuwu ui huui uub ueeu reEsru-
Legal ana otner ijianKs, rampmr.uv. prin auu lQOir cnucren Hcera to toinK tne? can more cneapiy man compensatea bkiii. ana ea a settled national nohev. itsbould be
with neatness anu uespaicii, on rsasuiMMii; lerms i u j r t j i u . "
S office. ""p- uvBiguo ui ji luiiutuui., uuu ie- iuijuiib uu ouikiu uguiuai mu paupci pi u-( uiuuor UJ bllDglUg regret 10 UB, 11 irODl
. j nnio kuv uiciuij uuiuauu, luvuiniug uiw ui jjuiujju. j.! a uuBugo ui banu.uui ueunug in tne present contest we
VnUiionY ISSUPM and Presidential evorJ thing our fathers thought, and for ' laws were required by tho South instead .could be fairly charged hereafter with a
Mr. PRESIDENT AND Gentlemen : bUj accounted for. Unity of interest and lJ paralyzed by our servants, without an'portance frorn year to year, and I think
The intellieent voter will fo shape his ao- 1 unity of desire will always produce a per-, audible murmur on our part; and we are! I know tho opinions of the several Presi
fc . . r ' r ... ' . ' i (. i cl I i.:i j : j i -.
don as to make it conduce to tne success
of a prinoiplo, rather than the elevation
nf mon TTi will fopl this to be the moro
incumbent upon him at such a time as the j
present, when the tendencies of parties arc
.i i .i t I
more distinctly marked tnan in any pre
vious campaign. It will te my object,
this evening, to endeavor to exhibit, in a
distinct Hgbt, the dividing line between
the political parties of the day, and to as
certain, if possible, what, in all probabili
ty, would be the effect upon the country
of the eleotion of the respective candi
dates for tho Presidency.
If this were a strife merely between in
dividual men, it would possess'hut trifling
importance, and I should not trouble you
with either remark or suggestion. 13ut
as I regard the contest, the determina
tion will soon be made not alone as to
our value in the Confederacy, but as to
the destiny of the nation itself.
The policy of our Government is, in
many respects, undefined. Tho more se
rious questions affecting us have but re
cently become topics of careful consider
ation. Our fathers were unable to forsee,
during the formation of the Constitution,
the greater embarrassments to which the
future of the country was to be subjected,
and consequently no provision was made
against them. Subjects which distracted
and divided tbcm in their deliberation!,
have lost much of their former conse
quence, and we seem to be more anxious
to ascertain what they should have said
further than what they actually did say.
Even the controversies in which we our
pelvci have been engaged within the last
decade have been settled or lost sight of,
and wo are now about to enter in that
conflict whioh is to define many of the
most important powers of the Government
and to fix the character of the dominant
institutions of the country. The propri
ety of re-eligibility to office, the exaot re
lations between Federal and local author
ity, the constitutionality of banks and in
ternal improvements, the regulation of
the currency, and the distribution of tho
proceeds of the public lands, are no lon
ger agitated; and dipcus.tions upon them
are only to be found in our past history,
and in the fossil remains of extinct par
ties. It may in truth be said that old
things have pasFed away, and all things
hate become new.
There was a time not very far back in
the pat, when Slavery was universally
admitted to be a wrong in se, unwise in
practice, detrimental to both individuals
and communities, and against tlie spirit
and genius of our free system. Now,
however, it is dealared to be divine in its
origin, the highest type of human civili
zation, and indispensible to the mainten
ance of a democratic republic. Former
ly it was regarded as a condition to bo
constantly reduced, and finally to be ex
tinguished. Now, on the contrary, the
demand is urged that it shall be extend
ed and made controlling. . Here I find
the oause or source of the great political
issue of the present. Shall Slavery bcoome
a National institution, and a governing
power in the country, or shall it remain
as the Conutitution left it ? This is not
n inquiry propounded by us of the North, !
but forced upon us by our brethren of tho '
South. They require an answer at our
bands, and we cannot avoid response if ,
vre would Silence upon our part, under '.
the circumstances, could not be construed ;
otherwise than as affirmative of their
claims. I make the distinct avowal that
Slavery seeks tbe acquisition of all our , guards and defences become necessary,
oew States, for two objects; first, to se- Vassalage and subjection never impress
cure the value of slaves; and, second, to themselves, without violence, upon tho
direct the powers of the Federal Govern- natural man, on the contrary, the senti
Beat. mont of freedom must forever disturb the
"The irrepressible conflict," so fre- subjects of a despotism. The South to
quently commented on and denounced by be safe, must, therefore, extend through
tbe South is constantly admitted and ao- ( and beyond all tho counterveiling influ
ted on by them. They are too astute as enees to which I have referred, and oon
observers and sagacious as politiciansnot sequently, our frontier possessions must
to know there is a necessary and unend- . be captured. But as the inherent weak
ing antagonism between Liberty and Sla-' ness of the Sonth is not equal to this task,
erj. if they thought differently, tbero
would be far more peace and harmony
fcetwocH the sections. It is their full ap-
jreeiation of the struggle for the mastery !
i. t .? ... ...
wmca rB tuuw ior tne conniet, ana in-
duces tnem to wrestle for tbe victory.
There is no more evident faot than this
y
that tbe advocates of Slavery seek its
exteasion so as to limit tho influence of
the sentiment of Freedom. We hate ty
ranny, and would prevent such a consum
mation, Tbey ask that all who toil shall
e feeld as jroperty--be regarded, in the
cbasto language of an eloquent Sonator,
a "mad-sills." Wo beliovo that God
j created all men free, and imposed labor
' upon them for their advantage. Whioh
' nypoiuesjs snau oe proved true I We
, :ii i r . a . .
n 111 U nUPAfl I 1 . . I. . II 1
, in uwitunui t
But knowing that,
the principles of justice are uniform and
' 1 T i. 1.1! .1 .
! uiuiuai, x presumo io oeuevo mat tnoHo
pnuoipiea wm prevail jnuu aumaD ngnts
y,n mint T : . r .l.
( u muiuiaiutu, lam uuuguuroui oi mo
!.. 1 1 ,t
the maintenance of which thev nerilled
life and honor. I must be pardoned for
dia.Bgreeiag M m, and protesting a
iae extension ot JNero blavery into
the Territories of tho United States has
become a settled polioy of the Democrat-
io party. This reality oannot be disguis-
ed. and oucbt not to be denied. It is ea -
feet concentration of strength. The for
I tunes of the South have become complete
ly identified with their peculiar domestic
relations. By their harmony they have
ocen enabled to governor the Democrat-
; nn.n I !... f . i ,1
io party, and, thus far, to govern tho
country tbrougb the agenoy of that party.
The vital force of that organization being
in the South, and Slavery propagandism
regarded there as a necessity, it cannot
be considered strange that tho influence
of the party fchould be so directed as to
fortifv doctrines most congenial to tho
supposed welfare of those who direct its
machinery. To many it has seemed un
accountable that Executive action and
Legislative and Judicial proceedings
should be so shaped, from year to year,
as to strengthen the few at the expense
of the great mass of our people. Let it
no longer bo regarded as a marvel or a
mystery; the responsibility of it rests with
those Northern men in whom we have re
posed our confidence and clothed with
the garment of authority. Examine tho
recorded votes in your National Congress,
and there learn why it is that Northern
capital and labor are constantly borne
down by the enormous weight of South
ern exaction. When your reasonable re
quests arc denied, I tell you with earn
estness and emphasis, it is because eight
millions of men control eighteen millions
through our representatives elected by a
party pledge to intents adverse to ours.
Slaverv educates his statesmen in a hich
. " -
school under able professors. It teach
c that tho Northern men are cowardly,
and that their ambition is linked with av
arice; and unfortunately for us it has ar
guments to fortify its faith. In half a
century it may not be credited that less
than a dozen men, trained under tbeso
circumstances, so alarmed a Pennsylva-
ma r resident as to induce nim to recast
a MeFsage, violate the ptizlited faith upon
' . trrira f- h a hutniin r t n m n i rla.Aa a I I J- u . tr x mw U r , , .
which he was elected, disgrace his native , J conunmg mem in uenseiy crowaeu
State, and degrade the high office to ' fields of labori or forcing them to enter
whioh he had then but recently been ele- int0 competition and companionship with
vated. And yet not only this has been ignorant and brutalized bondmen. They
done almost within our presence, but the , ai,t yes a have been brought to believe
representatives of free constituencies tbat tno doctrines of the Declaration of
have been induced to lend their aid to Independence are but stcoreotyped lies;
force servile la"bor into competition with t that tQ0 founders of the nation had but a
tbat of the wbito man, and a Slave State , EorrJ conception of inalienable rights;
into the sisterhood of independencies, to , taat tne Constitution which they framed
throw the balance of power againbt their , was intended as an instrument of oruelty
own peorle. Some of these are now not and crime and that tbe fairest feature of
only reepectable members of the Douglas freo republican association is a Union of
church, but missionaries among the unbe- State9 peopled with the lowest grade of
lieving and outside barbarians. I have slave3- Am 1 right 7 What is tbe trou
eome of them very distinctly in my rccol- , ble a6alD8t hlch we have to oontend T
lection, and it would be quite refreshing Is. l not tho eteadJ influence of what may
to hear their remarks in laudation of with propriety be called political conspi-
Pnnnlfir RmrPinl Rnh ns thnv rloninrl Taciea to mislead the publlO mind and
to Kansas, and in denunciation of South
cm demands, to which they succumbed
as reluctantly as a thrice seduced damsel
to ber lover. 1 believe it was Mirabeau , WUSUI' Ui uli U84US fcU Ftt,4UU
who said "the presonts of despotism are a8 of office and 11 the nations of po
alwaya dangerous;" he should have ioclu- s,itio l? utterly destroy us, by making
ded in his remark the threat of the ty- th Territories of the country but garri
rant as well as his reward. 3 fo tbte. enemies of Freedom, and the
Mitmi- nf reliitn nnn nanmrlinrr .nnn fruit.
The allegation tbat Southern combi-
allegation that Southern combi-
nations aro formed for tbe purposo Of
counteracting opposition extremists, is a
purpose Of
sheer false pretense, resorted to as a blind
and a cheat. No fears over sprung from
such parentage. Slavery does not exist
by legal enactment anywhere; it is the
child of force, and as the sentiment of the
world is against it, it cannot live without
the sustaining hand of power. Surroun-
ded by an atmosphere of freedom, it is
necessarily unsafe; and statutory safe-
craft is resorted to to supply tne needed
assistanoe. Upon whom oan tnis no more
advantageously brought to bear than
a
President without courage, a judo without
, i :.L.T.i Zi :t.- 7
candor, or a iocisiaior wuuuui luiegnvv
Wn ra sold or bctraved hourly, and if
' ' - - 0
wo had not mere forbearance than discre
tion, we would terrify traitora. Millions
of aeres of fertile lands, every now and
then, are filched from our industrial olass-
cs, who require them for the support and
education of their families, to be turned . penly, the great political problem of the 'invaded their bomea and imposed a for
into barren wastes, by those who have j time. In casting our voiea, we should jeign rule upon them for the purpose of
blasted
as with
moro tht
ian one-half o!
an avalai
ancho of fire.
! Factories and workshops are tottering in
i ruins, and families and neighborhoods
; leu starving ana m rags, because fostered
i . .
.
industry is not required in that region.!
where the laboring man has no rights
I I 1 r i.
i wmcn toe owner ot men la nouna to res
peci. adb Bnips rot at our wnBrves,anu
t . 1 i t,... j r
otuiouuuouB uccuiuu uui u rcuucavuua iui
!J1 1 r . I .1
of tho North, they could not fail of its ao
oomplishmcnt. In that case, tho Presi
dent would advocate it with ardor, if not
with sinoority, and our Senators would
again illustrate the fact of their truckling
subjection to thoso who secretly abhor
( tneir baseness and infidelity. Our earn -
eat wishes Qre not only constantly diare -
! garded, but our prosperity is remorseless -
not much averse, as we have often nro-
to conferring now leases of office up-
00 such aa deceive us, to afford them fur-
tner opportunities for mischief. Does
uuswouuuuio : suggest uo,
m ciiiw nf Mm truth T haro lnif. insl of n fori
in view of the truth I have but just stated
that tho party selecting them has its
heart and brain in the South, and its o
beying members, merely, in the North.
The remedy for this shameless evil is as
easy as it is simple. We need but imi
tate the example set us by those who have
caused this condition of things. Conoord
and inflexibility of purpose will accom
plish all wo ask. Nothing clso ever can
or ever will. We might as well expect
adivided and discordant army, marshaled
under opposing 'generals, to capture the
powerful and thoroughly disciplined and
guarded city, as for Northern rights and
Northern honor to bo sustained by men
in the pay and keeping of those who would
weaken and reduce us. In tho ordinary
business of life we never trust the faith
less and dishonest; I can imagine no rea
son for engaging such as sentinels over
our entire fortunes. Just so long as our
custom-houses, post-offices, navy yards
and mints shall be stocked with thous
ands, selected virtually by those who are
in banded opposition to us, and whose
principal business, we are instructed to
believe, is compounding policies with per
fidy, it will be impossible to render our
condition better than it is. These leper-
! Jnrda mxx-1 te cleansed. Their occupants
ii. - i a. m. . i ; .r
load the air with a contagious corruption
Throughout their bodies and their souls,
they bear the marks of the distemper
with which the aristocratic polutionistshas
touched tbom. I risk but little in say
ing, that at this very hour, this mighty
phalanx, scattered throughout the eigh
teen Northern States, having a common
and powerful bond of union, arc devising
measures to despoil our industrial classes,
taint tuu puuiio neari i xa id uut uu xiu
ministration blackened with treachery,
and crooked and tottering under the
' tri . it. a
; . , , .
c. ' s . Tf r
am in p.rror. what is the
- F " --
oorrect interpretation of tbe political dis
cords of tho last six years 7
I anticipate fully that my suggested
mode of redress for existing abuses will
be denounced as sectional; to whioh I an
swer, if it be so, tho antidote to.a bane
may be a bano itself, "swiilia similibus
cura?itnr." But its liability to tbo charge
is denied. Tho real sectionalism is ar
rayed against us; I do but counsel system
atic and persistent resistance. In studies
of tho fundamental doctrines of our com
mon charter, and in tbe dispensations of
the favors of Government, we should nev
er know a North, a South, an East, or a
West. My complaint is that others act
as if they thought differently. I trust
wo shall always he able to command tho
exercise of such a patriotism and comity
as to forever preclude us from aggression
upon a section inferior to ours in every
clement of material strength and great
ness. it can never do otnerwise man
T . t ,1 ! . i I '
dastardly to press upon tno weaK ana
siokly.
It will be noticed that I have Bpokon
of the Democratic oartv without ref-
erenee to its presont distractions. My
i-flnnnn for tin Hnin ia fminrl in the onin-
( already
i oar soil
ion I entertain tbat theso dissensions do'sas act had been wantonly and wickedly
not affect issues; as neither branch indi-j nullified, that fraud and violenco, ooncoo
oates a disposition to meet fairly and o-. tod in the blae lodges of Missouri had
. -- . .
Do accurately informed as to their effect
.upon the Doliov we desire to see estab
lished. We should not be made instru
mente in the hands of any ambitious man.
or m the bands of any combination of
i . .
reckless and unscrunulous men: to force
an unnatural growth of Slavery in tho
t . . .. . .
- countrv. find to h lant. fhn hnn f nn.
uwu people, contrary to wnat has hereto
1 . i i i - .,
luio'uueu iae unaerscanaiDg or tne Uon
. .! . .. ---r . - .
violation of the principles we have Ion?
professod to cherish, or with having im
posed any, the slightest impediment in
the pathway of a rational, well-grounded,
and progressive liberty.
lbe all-sorbioe ouestion now nresented
( to- the American citizen, for what will
. prove to be his ultimate decision, I have
! watched narrowly as it has risen into im-
dential candidates respecting it.
I am not aware, that tho supporters of
iYlr. Joreckinndfre attetnnt anv eoncnal
m0nt as to his designs in case of his sue-
cess. n tbey should desire to resort to
' n.nnr.: i 1 i 1
uicvuiiuuuuu, muy nave piacoa it entire
ly without their -power by the frankness
and boldness, and, I had almost said, tho
recklessness of their declarations. Ho
jhas been put forth prominently, alike in
speoch and platform, as the Achilles of (
the. armies of tho South, and as the do-1
termined foe of free soil, free speeoh, and
free mon. Ho stands upon no Binglo
democratic sentiment, unless, indeed, 1
what were regarded by all statesmen ,
in the last fifteen years as the pretentious ,
heresies of John C. Calhoun can be so (
regarded. He so roads tho teaohings of
tne sages of the past, and their primary
law, as to make it fruitless to attempt an
exclusion of bis peculiar and favorite in-
stitution from the organized Territories,
and so as to make it indispensable that
Congress, Courts, and Presidents, should
exercise all their ingenuity and all their
powers to fortify and sustain it there.
Legislative action is to be invoked, judi
cial decrees had, executive fiats pronoun-'
ced, navies equipped, and armies mar-!
shaled, to exclude forever every settler
therefrom who will not bow down before ,
the black god of his idolatrous worship.
I appeal to you, freemen, to know wheth
er this is the Demoracy of Jefferson,Mad
ison, Monroe, and Jackson. I appeal to
you, freemen, to know whether you
have ever found anything in tho
annals of parties so insulting to the un
derstanding, until within the lifetime of
the youth who has not yet reached his
majority. I appeal to you to know
whether the honesty, intelligence, and
unmixed blood of tho offspring of North
ern mothers can ever aocept an excuse for
those who would endeavor to fasten such
a ruler upon us. But wo may oongratu- ,
late ourselves that even official zeal ean
perceive no chance for Mi. Breckinridge's
election. If there had ever been any, tho .
recent stump speeoh of Mr. Buchanan
would have effectually disposed of it.
No amount of popularity would be able
to stand against the encomiums of suoh
an adrocate. His midnight appeal oan
only be accounted for by supposing the
"old public functionary" was unablo to
obliterate his animosities toward "tho
young gentleman of Kentucky," and that
bis well-known craft suggested a speooh
as the readiest and least offensive means
of destruction. Suoh suggestion are the
more reasonable as it is not to be imag
ined that the gyved tenant of tho White
House should for a moment believe, after
the investigations which have been had,
and the exposures which have beon made,
such testimony as. ho volunteered could
be otherwise than ruinous to any course.
Tho daring evinced by him on the occa
sion was only equalled by his laok of solf
respeot, and bis utter disregard of the cir
cumstances by whioh he was surrounded,
and which should have restrained him.
Whatever conclusions may bo drawn
as to my estimato of Mr. Breckinridge's
character as a politician, I oan only say
that my esteem for him is profound when
brought into comparison with that which
I entertain for his Democratic competitor.
There are few, if any, living men concer
ning whom more has been said, and less
really known, than Stephen A. Douglas of
Illinois. Thoro aro thousands, by far
too many thousands, now sustaining him
under tho mistaken and delusive idea
that he is directing bis efforts to counter
act the plans of the Southern Democraoy.
This is a frightful hallucination, but a
natural ono, wben wo take into consider
ation the humiliating fact that all that
devotion could do has boon done, by thoso
surrounding his person to distort a true
reoord, and to stamp a counterfeit char
acter for him on tho public miod. View
ing his as one of tho moat unsafe and
treacherous of leaders, you will pardon
mo certain statements wbich it now seems
I - 1
, necessary Bbouid bo made, and tne cor-
redness of which, I presume, win not do
impugncd. I have not yet forgotten when,
in the winter of 1855-6, during tho first
session of the Thirty-fourth Congress, the
residents of Kansas, assevorating that the
cardinal Drinoinles of the Nebraska Kan-
i . .
forcing upon them institutions which they I Mr. Douglas's protector, the martyr fo
abhorred, and invoking the interposition truth, who, In the fullness of his heart
of Congress in their behalf, tho prided and on the dying couch, exciaimed,
father of "untrammeled popular sover- "They have killed me, they hato murder
eignty'' turned his back upon bis violated ed me, because I was opposed to tho ex
child, and oioaed his ears, as in death, to tension of Slavery and a corrupt Admin
complaints of outrage almost without a istration," upon his return home, and in
parallel in tho civilization of the century, the hour of his sternest trial, whoo fight
Tbese despoiled pioneers, who had taken ing, like Spartaous, upon bis bended
up their abodo in tho Territory under the knees, against the pensionod hordes of
most 'solemn guaranties of self-govern- the present dynasty, and at a time when
ment, onlj asked to prove their acousa- he had" a right to expect all possible aid
tion, and to be relieved from oppression, front the man whose interest he had mado
In other words they deolared that they '. bis own, found all the sympathies of Mr.
had never boon able to enjoy self-govern- Douglas extended to his opponents, and
ment, that they were ruled by invaders, himaelf troated as an enesiy and an off
and demanded the sovereignty conferred cant. If we would rpeot the memory
by law upon then. Mr. Douglas should , of Broderiok, we ean never support Doug
have boon the first man to fly tothoir re-: las; it would be a mark of baseness and
lief; and if he had been as completely ded- servility. If ever thero wes a truo eon
icated to the principles of bis bill as some, of the North, inhumanly broken in spirit,
would mako us believe, ho would have ur-jand who had reason to exolaim, "Savo
ged investigation and oarried it. So far mo from my friends," that man was Da-
from having done so, be put himself in
the lead of those Senators most hostile to(las but discharged the duty he sacredly
an exposition, and became the more mouth owed him, he would have gained a vioto-
piece, advocate, and apologist of tho8e(ry for Jbreedom in California, and would
engaged in the work of forcing Slavery to-day, in my opinion, be living in tho
upon an unwilling people. He enjoyed ; land, and acknowledged as one of the forc
at that time the full confidence of the most men in the Kopublic. He laid down
Sooth, and his democracy was orthodox, his life to attest his sincerity, many'who
because ho was lojal to hia task-masters,
willing to do battle for their most extrav -
agant demands. He was then Chairman
of tho Committee on Territories, and I(
oall attention to his report as suoh, made
March 12, 1856, as conclusivo upon the i
point I have stated. In that paper he upon your banners he was your cham
could find nothing to say against foreign pion and you at lcaat can afford to do
conspiracy to invade the soil of Kansas
and oontrol olections, but be had much to
offer in condemnation of castorn associa
tions to encourage removal thither. He
could discover no irregularities in the re
turn of Mr. Whitefield, the Pro-Slavery
Delegate to the House of Representatives,
but bo clearly discerned that tho Tcrrito
rial Legislature was a legally elected
body, with perfect authority to enact tho
most cruel and arbitrary slave codos, and
that the complaints of fraud & force were
gotten up merely to stimulate and exoite
Northern emigration. At the time of wbich
I speak, there was no one in Congross or
out of Congress, in office, or out of office,
who exerted himself more untiringly to
perpetuate that reign of terror inaugura
ted to insure the admission of Kansas in
to tbe Union as a Slave State. I fear
there are many now bearing np the ban
ner inscribed with the name of this Sen
ator, who never have fully understood, or
who havo forgotten, this tarnished page
in his history. If there has ever been
a more determined foe to tho growth
of freedom in Kansas, or to the prin
ciples of the Nebraska-Kansas bill,
than Stephen A. Douglas, he has been a
ble to keep himself very much under
cover. It is gratifying, however, to make
a single remark in his favor; it is this,
that ho seems as willing as the mont ar
dent of his friends to divert attention
from this period in his career. I am not
aware that, in either essay or address, ho
has ventured to recur to it; but on tbe
contrary he seems disposed to troat it as
a blank in his life.
While these proceedings were progress
ing in the Senate, tho other branch of
Congress, carried resolutions of investiga
tion under a close division of parties, and
sent a Select Committee to the Territory.
The consequence was such an exposure
as satisfied the country not only of tbo
truth of everything charged, but of ex
isting conspiracies beyond anything that
bad been imagined. Tho published evi
dence effectually revealed the intentions
of the South, and made a deep impression
upon the North. It was then established
that neither law nor proprieties were to
be allowed to stand in tho way of Slavery
extension; and wo are almost driven to
tho conclusion that tho repeal of tbe Mis
souri Restriction was but a part of a gen
oral and well-matured plan of operations,
at the head of which stood the self-orown-ed
ohief of'popular Territorial Govern
ment. Nir. Douglas's term of office was
now approaching its olose. It is not un
likely that a desire for a reelection, and
a knowledge of tbe conviction forced up
on bis State by tho examination alluded
to, induced him to look with different
eyes upon Kansas, and create an anxiety I
on his part to take up tho cause of her,
robbed and wretched people. I cannot
certainly say how this may havo been;
only state a sudden and miraculous change
came over him, and for a while ho seem
ed to glory in tho name of "rebol." He
opposed the admission of Kansas undor
the Lecompton Constitution with seeming
seriousness, and then announoed his do
termination to voto for the greater iniqui
ty, the "English bill." It was tbon tho
'
8leepsin death, shed tears of anguish,! J"8"1 J 5nJ,dato8 la h ;of time on
and gave utterance to his despair. Over J; 1J IgMge of the resolution
this again tho vail has been carefully and adoPt.,d b.' lhe Convention placing Mr.
honored and heroic Harris, wuo now
closely drawn by the guardians of Mr.
rv...jL n:- m; k.A
. i . i i . j i,.i-a cituena to rospeot, and of overy branch
tod wisely, as it has provontcd, doubtleas, f ' t. J,
i 4 ..,.,. of tbo federal Government to enforce, &
many unpleasant surmises and suggen- . . . . . . , . .
m ,i , l ij , j .nd judicial decision determining tbe conati-
tions. To that bo dest, and tract, ana j o.
greatest of all tho warriors in the battle , , of Slaver, ,n our Ter
ror the right, David 0. Broderict, is Mr.. rtor30 what becomos of that other tbeotj
DouMas fndebtod for bis rescue from a Mr. Douglas, that Bo matter what tho
Whirlpool whieh would certainly have en- Supreme Court may decide, Slavery may
galf.rhi-froB a stain which would be oluded from a Territory by un
havo obliterated bis heroism in conooc f"endb lgWtionI
tion with the cause to whioh he has so os. Those advocating tbe olaima of Mr.
tentatiously professod to dovoto himself. Bell would pleaso everybody by promis
I withhold the words in which tho scath- ing nothing. They composo the party of
ine rebuke was clotbod. And yet this extreme faith. They stand upon a . Gou
noblest and most self-saorificing of men, stitution without interpretation, finH'upTra
vid C. Brodenck. Had Stephen A. Dour-
, professed to love him will, in wild revel
.and reckless exultation, utter the name
.of him who could not find time or oppor-
tunity to Bpeak a word in ealogy over tho
grave of the departed votory. Inscribe
the name of Broderiok in fiery characters
j bim justice. Ho rests in peaoe on tho
bights of the proud cit of the Paoifio,
where no gratitude can lonccr wound
him, relieved from the warfare between
heartless faotions, and where his ashes
will remain an eternal memento of his
faith and bis confidence in the ultimate
triumph of a down-trodden humanity.
These references have been made for a
single purpose to satisfy, if doubts ex
ist, tbat in the great struggle between tho
South and tbe North, to secure the long
lost equality of tho latter, Mr. Douglas is
against us. Should more recent eviden
ces be demanded, then let an examina
tion be made of The Congressional Globe
containing the ballots for Speaker and
Clerk during the last session of tbe House
of Kepresentatives. Ascertain what
the action of tbe Illinois, Western, and
North-Western Democraoy was during
the protracted contest for an organization.
Every voto that Mr. Douglas could influ
ence was invariably oast for such candi
dates as the South presented, including
th ose of the most extremo and revolu
tionary character. Ho could afford no
assistance to any one not recognized by
the propgandists as orthodox upon all
questions which concerned them. And 1
?ery well remember when the name of
Col. Forney was mentioned in connection
with the office he now occupies, and bis
fate was to be decided, how diligently
''the great advocate of Popular Sover
eignty" labored for bis defeat; every de
votee of Mr. Douglas voting against him
with one exception. Mr. Morris of Illi
nois, in whom I have very great confi
dence, declined to vote at all. Col. For
ney, who never beistated to advance tho
fortunes of Mr. Douglas, when be could
properly do so, was elected in spito of
Mr. Douglas. Col. Forney I presumo
was not indorsed by the Democracy who
swear by tbe peculiar institution. Oth
ers may choose to forget all this, and I
will not criminate them for doing so, but
I promise never to forget it. I am for
my friends, and against those who opposo
my friends. If I am wrong in this let
ohaiity be extended to mo cannot help
it.
I have said all I desire to say of tho
representatives of the two Democracies.
There is a preference between them.
The one is outspoken and evident; tho
other is conoealed and tricky. Of tho
two I muoh prefer Mr. Breckinridge, and
yot I cannot iraagino the oircumstancea
under whioh I could bo indaced to sup
port him. Ho asserts the Supreme Court
has decided that Slavery is an existing
constitutional institution in all our Terri
tories, and that it is tbe duty of the Gov
ernment to sustain it where it thus legal-
i : .i in- t i . r?
g ' -ougias contcoas tnac
G1 enotyet so deeded but if they
-a"uo " wm Dcn oocomo tn,c J1?1?
I Jr a i . -r s
and of every branch of the Federal Gov
ernment to .enforce it with promptness
and fidelity. This is his platform. If
our Fedoral Court has not alroady givou
a decision in accordance with tbo notiopn
of M. Breckinridge, no ono doubts it will
do so as soon as the question shall bo
brought distinctly before it. So at best
tho only point of disagreement between
r'J
quoted, it becomes the duty of all stood