The Jeffersonian. (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, May 17, 1860, Image 1

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    - SJcuotcb to $blitiCB, itrature, SVgvicitlturc, Sricitce, Jitoralitj), ani cncrnl Intelligence.
VOL 19.
STROUDSBURG, MONEOE COUNTY, PA. MAY 17, I860.
NO-19.
Published by Theodore Schoch.
TERMS. Two dollars per ahnum in advance Two i
dollars and a quarter, half yearly and if not paid be- j
forelhc end of the year, Two dollars and a half. 1
No papers discontinued until all arrearages are paid,
except at the option of the Editor. i
iryAlvertiscm znts of onesouare ften lines) or less, I
one or three insertions, $ I 00. Each additional inser
toRi 23 cents. Longer ones in proportion.
naring a general assortment "of large, plain and or
'c
IP '!VWn? 5?jl3.Ii!MrS,SIKr . stood that no proper division of looal from 'tattlers, wno iramed tne trovcrnment un
. ....'i..-.7n.ii ifM.i..',,t-s. niank Receints. Federal authority, nor anv Dart of the der which wo live," were of the same o-
justices Legal and other HiMtks, Pamphlet. fffi- Pn
ted with neatness and despatch, on reasonable teitns
at this office.
1. Q. DUCKVf OR.TH.
To Country Dealers.
DUCKWORTH & HAYN,
"IVHOLUSALE DEALERS IN
GrCCrieS5 Provisions, LiquOl'Sj&e.j
No. 80 Dey street, New York.
June 1G, 1859. ly.
Kinistering Spirits.
It is a beautiful belief,
That ever round our head, .
Aro hovering on noiseless wing,
The spirits of tho dead.
It is a beautiful belief,
When ended our career,
That it will be our miuistry
To watch o'er others here; . 'x
To lend a moral to the flower,
Breathe wisdom to the wind,
To hold commune at night's late hour,
With the impriaoued mind;
To bid the mourner cease to mourn,
The trembling be forgiven;
.To bear away from ills of clay,
The infant to its heaven.
Alice Carey has written four as beauti
ful lines as can be found in tho English
language:
Among tbepitfalls in our way,
The best of us walk blindly!
So man, be wary, watch and pray,
And judge your brother kindly.
The Court Duns.
The court room often furnishes a large
amount of variety and incident for a
hearty laugh, but the gravity of the beueh
and the respect for the law rather sup
press our mirth. At our Washington
County Circuit court, held at Salem, in
January, 1858, Mr.' Justice Potter presi
ded. Judge P. resides at Schenectady,
and is sometimes, a wag, but by way of
relief from the cares of the bench.
While presiding, and engagedin tak
ing the testimony of a witness then on the
stand, he was suddenly interrupted by a
son of the Emerald Isle, who, with hat in
band, approached Judge P., and asked
id xi loud voice:
"Will the court pay me what he owes
me?"
'Judge P. raised his head, and stared
at Pat in astonishment at ?o unexpected
a dun in publie, but observing by Pat's
air that he was honest in his demand, and
thinking that, perhaps, he was one of the
help at the hotel where he was stopping,
and had done him some trifling service,
the Judge zaid,
"I don't owe you anything: what do I
owe you for!5'
"Aijd haven't I bin attindid' yer court
these three days?"
"I did not send for you; what have you
been attending fori" inquired Judge P.
"And din't yer District Attorney sind
for me to swear before tho Grand Ju
ry!" The truth flashed across Judge P.'s
Mind; Pat was a witness on behalf of the
people, and wanted pay for bisattindance.'
Judge P. directed the proper officer to
swear him, and pay him if he needed re
lief; and then joiued in a quiet laugh with
bar and jury at so unexpected a dan.
The publishers of Van New York Chris
tian Advocate and Journal have received
a communication from a Virginia post-
tnater, that he has decided not to permit
that paper to bo circulated through his
office-
. i
A young man has up-sprung in New-
Yorkf wfao Thas beeu gifted with unpreoc-M
dented powers of calculation. Ho car -
ries about with bim, for their exhibition, T v . J I .nouneea as sueu Meet us, men, on tno
wooden slate and a piece of obalk. On the 1cde,ra lerTrltoriea- r bose who que6ton of whether our principle, put in
this slate, in ono instance, which were re- now 6, defolare 1 IV0nnot aly T ' Practloet W0U-ld. Wr0D Jou5 seot,ou 0D
Hutehinsoo (this is the phenomenon's i?b.Ich wo hve. . h them all other tblng may be said on our side Do you
name) was not permitted to see the fig- lmnjF meQ,w tbln tbe ,centutr 10 wh,ch , accept the challenge 7 No I Then you
ures until they were all marked down.lr8 fr.amfd' 0l f aDd.rca1 ,bel,t'!0 5bafc e Principle which
He then seized tho chalk and with a con-j1 B.ba 1 DOt be able.t0 find h :evldenCe fur fafbf wbo framed the Govornmept un
vulsivejerkputdownatthe bottom tbe,of a s,uS,e maU V flri , der which we live thought so clearly right
correct sum total, with a rapidity that! ?07hhwltgT t a ajns to adopt it, and indorse it again, and a
scarcely allowed him time to glance at the ga,DSt be,DS ISUDrstod; J t gain, upon tbeir official oaths, is, in fact.so
figures. The youth does, with the same
lightning rapidity, sums in cube and
quare root. He ays he makes his cal-
LHnnB kw A:ln . tj : .
v w & w
M J ucuuuo oiswuii iiu 10 ou-
hr li.mn, uaM.
it the uVem ' g
Near Warren, Connecticut, is post-
ed on a meadow fence tbe following: great authority, fairly considered ana forcing the prohibition of blavery in tne
Notis Know hows is aloud in "these weighed, cannot stand; and most surely North-Western Territory, which act em
medder, eny man ore woman letters nofc D a 0080 wbereof we ourselves declare bodied the policy of tho Government up-
thare knows run the road wot eits inter
my medders aforesed shel have his tale
cut orf by me, Obadiah Rogers
NATIONAL POLITICS.
.ueiiverea at tne uooper institute, a. x.
BY
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, of Illinois.
The sum of tho wholo is. that of our
"thirty-nine" fathers who framed the o -
1 riginal Constitution, twenty-one a clear
'majority of the whole-certainly under-'to
Constitution, forbado the Federal Govern-1
(
imeutto control Slavery in the Federal Reception for truthful evidence and fair
: I Territories; while all the rest nrobablvi argument. If any man at this day sin-
john nAN;had the same understanding. Suob, un-
questionably, was tho understanding of tno uovernment under wnion we live,"
our fathers who framed the original Con-JUBcd and applied principles, in other oa
stitution; and the test affirms that thev Eeai which ought to have let them under-
i understood tho Question better than wo. !
Dut, so far, Ihavu been considering the i
understanding of the question manifested
jby the, framers of tho original Constitu-
tution. In, and by, the oriamal instru
jment, a mode was provided for amending'
lit; and, as I have already stated, the
present tramo of (jov.ernmant under which opinion, ne unaersianaa tueir principles
we live consists of that original and twelve better than they did themselves; and cs
amendatory articles framed and adopted jpecially should he not shirk that respon
sinoc. Those who now iuiist that Feder- eibility by asserting that they "understood
al oontrol of Slavery in Federal Torrito- the question just as well, and even better
ries violates the Constitution. point us to
tho Drovisious which thev Bunnose it thus
violates; and, as I understand, they all
I i w - I
fix upon provisions in these amendatory
articles, and not in the original instru
ment. The Supreme Court, in tho Dred
Scott ease, plant themselves upon the fifth
amendment, which provides that "no per
son shall be deprived of property without!
due process of law;' while Senator Douglas !
and his peculiar adherents plant them
selves upon the tenth amendment, provi
ding that "the powers not granted by the
Constitution, are reserved to the States
respectively, and to the people."
Now, it so happens that these amend
ments were framed by the first Congress
which sat under tho Constitution the i
dentical Congress which passed tho act
alroady mentioned, enforciug the prohi
tion of Slavery in the North-Western
Territory. Not ooly was it tho same
Congress, but they were the identical,
same individual men who, at the same ses
sion, and at the same time within the ses
sion, had under consideration, and in pro
gress toward maturity, these Constitution
al amendments and this act prohibiting
Slavery in all the territory tho nation
then owned. The Constitutional amend
ments were introduced before and passed
after the act enforciug the Ordinance of
'87; so that during the whole pendency
of the act to enforce the Ordinance, the
Constitutional amendments were also pen
ding. That Congress, consisting in all of sev
enty six members, includiug sixteen of
the framers of the original Constitution,
as before stated, were pre-eminently our
fathers who framed that part of the Gov
ernment under which we live which is now
claimed as forbidding the Federal Gov
ernment to control Slavery in the Feder
al Territories.
Is it not a little presumptuos in any one
at this day to affirm that the two things
which that congress deliberately "framed
and carried to maturity at the same tiuio,
are absolutely inconsistent with each oth
er ? And does not such affirmation be
coqo impudently absurd when coupled
with the other offiramation, from the same
mouth, that those who did the two things
alleged to be inconsistent understood
whether they really were inconsistent
bettor than we better than he who af
firms that they aro inconsistent 7
It is surely safe to assume that the
"thirty-nine" framers of the original Con
stitution, aud the seventy-six members of
the Congress which framed the amend
ments thereto, taken together, do certain
ly .include those who may be fairly called
"our fathers who framed tho Government ;
unuer wnrcn we live." Ana eo assuming
I defy any man to show that any one of
them ever in his whole life declared that,
in his understanding, any proper division
of looal from Federal authority, or any
part of tho Constitution, forbade the Fed
eral Government to oontrol as to Slavery
in tho Federal Territories. I go a Sten
further. I defv auv one to show that anv
HviDg man in the wholo world ever did jto a discussion of tho right or wrong of
prior to the beginning of the last half of our principle. If our principle, put in
the present century, declare that, in his' practice, would wrong your section for the
rstanding, any proper division of lo-j benefit of ours, or for any other object,
fr eral authority or any par then our principle, and we with it are
: J the OooHtitation, forbade the l'cderal sectional, and aro justly opposed and de-
r iio mwvf AtuiUEu iuu vjuci ulu;uv uuuci an LUUUl. it Ua II 11 WUIU UUBDIVIU 11111 BULUU
, ?" . "Zh iiA r
, !do so, would bo to discard all tbe lights
, 3 , , , , n ,
ri a n a wwt aii in im r r iiiwiiu rn 31 1 i i i 4
u, V 7 ? ZZS
of current experience to reject all pro-
i ii . Tift. I- I j
; grcss all improvement. What 1 do say
tbat if we would flUPPla.Dt tbc 0Pinion8
land policy of our fathers in any oase, we
should do so upon evidence bo conclusive, a8 President of the United btates, ap
and argument so clear, that even their proved and signed an act of Congress, an-
they understood the question better tuan
wo.
If any man, al this day, sinccrly be -
Iieves that a ProPer division of local from
reuerai aumoruy, or any pare or tne uon
orililti stitution. forhids thn Tpha! frrrnmfnt
to eontrol as to Slavery in tho Federal
Territories, he is right to say so, and to
enforce his position by all truthful evi
dence and fair argument which bo ean,
But be has no right to mislead others who
: novo less access to history and less leisure
study it, into the false belief that "our
pillion thus substituting falsehood and
, fnr frntlfni ;Aanna nnA rB:r
oerely believes "our fathers, who framed
stand that a proper division of looal from
Federal authority, or some part of the
Constitution, forbids the Federal Govern
ment to control as to Slavery in the Fed
eral Territories, he is right to say so.
But he should, at the same time brave
the responsibility of declaring that, in his
than wo do now.
But enough. Let all who beliove that
'
"our fathers, who framed the Govern
ment under which which we live, under
stood this question just as well, aud even
better than we do now,'' speak as thoy
spoke, and act as they acted upon it
This is all the Republicans ask all Re-
publicans desire in relation to Slavery, for maintaining Slavery in the Territories
As those fathers marked it, so let it be a-' through the Judiciary; some forthe"gur
gain marked, as an evil not to be extend- reat pur-rinciple" that "if ono man would
ed, but to be tolerated and proteoted only enslave another, no third man should ob-
becauso of and eo far as its actual pres-
ence among us makes that toleration and
protection a necessity. Let all the guar
antics those fathers gave it be, not grudg-'
ingly, but fully and fairly, maintained. ( tice of our fathers who framed tbe Gov
For this llcpublioans contond, and with ernment under which wo live. Not one
this, so far as I know or believe, they will of all your various plans can show a pre
be content. j cedent or an advocate in the century witb-
And now, if they would listen as I j? wbich our Government originated.
suppose they will not-I would address Consider then whether your claim of
a few words to tho Southern people. i conservatism for yourselves, and your
I would say to them : You consider . obare of "estructiveness against un, are
yourselves a reasonable and a just people; bas.ed 00 lbe m0bt clear and 6table foun
and I consider that in the general quali- dtioPs.
ties of reason and justice you are not in- ASalDi J0Q aJ we bave made the Sla
ferior to any other peogle. Still when verJ quest0P more prominent than it for
you epeak of us Republicans, yon do so ffierly was. Wo deny it. We admit that
only to denounce us as reptiles, or at best 11 18 more prominent but we deny that
as no better than outlaws. You will we made it bo. It was not we, but you,
grant a hearing to pirates or murderers, wbo dlscardcd the old policy of tho fath
but nothing like it to 'Black Republicans.' ers We resisted, and still resist, your
In all your contentions with one another, 1DDOVatiOD; and thence comes the greater
each of you deems an unconditional con- prominonco of the question. Would you
demnation of "Black Republicanism" as have thot queston reduced to its former
the first thing to bo attended to. Indeed proportions 7 Go back to that old-policy,
such condemnation of us seems to bo an Wbat bas bcoa wH1 be again- under the
indispensable pre-requisite license, so to Bamo cndtons. If you would have the
speak among you to be admitted or per- Peace of tho oId tlmei'' re-adopt the pre
mitted to speak at all. cePta and Poliy of tbe old times.
Now, can you, or not, bo prevailed up-1 YoQ charSe that we Btir UP insarreo
on to pause and to consider whether this t,0DS am0DS vour 8,aves- Wo denJ ifc5
is quite just to us, or even to yourselves ? and what 19 ynr Proof T Harper's Fer-
Bring forward your charges and speoi- ry 1 Jobn BrowD 11 Jobn Brown was 110
fications, and then bo patient long enough Republican; and you have failed to impli
to hear us deny or justify. I cate a 8lDSl0 Republican In his Harper's
v i wr a -t Ferry enterprise. If any member of our
xoa say we are sectional. Wo deny it. 1 . .f. - ., . J tl ,
m, , ,, , , , J . party is guilty in tbat matter, you know
l'hat. makes an issue; and the burden of.?. J A b J., .L T, ,J, ,
c , 'v , it or do you not know it. Ifyoudoknow
proof; and what is it? Why, that our
r . , . J. .
party has existence in your section gets ,
r J . y rni . f . 1
no votes in your section. Tho fact is i
r - f . J . r I
substantially true; but does it prove the
issue 7 If it does, then in oase wo should,
without change of principle, begin to get
votes in your sootion, we should thereby
cease to be sectional. You cannot escape
this conclusion; and yet, aro you willing
to abide by it 7 If you are, you will prob
ably soon find tbat we have ceased to bo
sectional, for we shall get votes in your
seotion this very yoar. You will then
begin to discover, as the truth plainly is.
that vour proof does not touoh the issue.
The fact that we get no votes in your sec
tion is a fact of your making, and not of
ours. And if there be fault in that fact,
that fault is primarily yours, and remains
so until you show that we repel you by
some wrong principle or practice. If wo
do renel you by any wrong principle or
. nrnnrinp thn fnnlr. is ours; linr. r.his hrlnrrs
m, rn i, nnaht. rn rnrfrf
5 uZ V r
Some of you delight to flaunt in our
u J 45 i
faces the warning against sectional p
ar-
... Tir i . i tt ii
ties given by Washington in his Farewell
Addrcan. Less than eight years before
Washington gave that warning, he bad,
on that subject up to and at tbe very mo
ment he penned that warning; and about
'one year after he penned it bo wrote La
Fayette that he considered that probibi
tiona wise measure, expressing in the name
connection bis hope that we some time
have a confederacy of free States.
Bearing this in mind, and seeing that
sectionalism has since arisen upon this
subject, is that warning a weapon in your
hands against us, or in our hands against
you? Could Washington himself speak, 1
would he oast the blamo of that section-'
alism upon u, who sustain bis policy, or
upon you who repudiate it I We respect
that warningof Washington, and we
commend it to you, together with his ex
ample pointing to the right application of
it.
But you say you are conservative
eminently conservative while we are rev-
oluionary, destructive, or something of
tho sort. What is conservatism 7 Is it j
not adherence to tho old and tried, against
the new and untried 7 We stick to, con- J
tend for, the identical old polioy on the
point in controversy which was adopted
by our fathers who framed the Govern
ment under whioh we live; while you with
ono accord reject, and 6Cout, and spit up
on that old polioy, and insist upon substi
tuting something new. True, you disa
gree among yourselves as to what that
substitute shall be. You have considera
ble variety of now propositions and plans,
but you aro unanimous in rejecting and
denouncing tho old policy of tho fathers.
Some of you are for reviving the foreign
Blavo-trade; some for a Congressional
Slave-Oodo for the Territories; some for
Congress forbidding the Territories to
prohibit Slavery within their limits; some
Iject," tantastioally called "Popular bov
ereignty;" but never a man among you in
favor of Federal prohibition of Slavery in
Federal Territories, according to the prac
If. vftli nrfl inovnnqnhlA fr rxnt. lincinnotn
., J , e . Tc
the man and prove the fact. If yo
. i r ,,
not know it, you are inexcusable to a
- , ' ,, . .
f J " w
a do
assert
it, and especially to persist in the asser
tion after you have tried and failed to
make the proof. You need not be told
that persisting in a charge which one does
not know to be true, is simply malicious
slander.
Some of you admit that no Republican
designedly aided or encouraged the Har
per's Ferry affair; but still insist tbat our
doctrines and declarations neocssarily lead
to such results. We do not believe it.
We know we hold to no doctrines,'and
make no declarations, which were not
held to and made by our fathers who
framed tbe Government under which we
live. You never dealt fairly by us in re
lation to this affair. When it oocurred,
some important State elections were near
at hand, aud you were in o?idcnt glco
with tbe belief that, by oharging the
blame upon us, you would get an advan
tage of us in those elections. The elec
tions eame, and your expectations were
not quito fulfilled. Every Republican
man knew that, as to himself at least,
your charge was a slander, and he was
not much inclined by it to cast his voto
in your favor. Republican doctrines and
declarations aro accompanied with a con
tinual protest against any interference
whatovor with your slaves, or with you a
bout your slaves. Surely, this does not en
courage them to revolt. True, we do in
common with our fathers who framed the
Government under whiob we live, declare
our belief tbat Slavery is wrong; but the
slaves do not hear us declaro even this.
For anything we a ay or do, tho slaves
would scarcely know there is a Republi
can party. I believe thoy would not, in
fact, generally know it but for your mis
representations of us, in their hearing.
In your political contests among your
selves, eaob faotion charges the otbor with
sympathy with Black Republicanism; and
then, to give point to the charge, defines
Blaek Republicanism to simply be insur
rection, blood and thunder among the
slaves.
( To be Continued?)
j-A-wife's farewell to her husband
j every morning "Buy and buy."
Eloquent Passage from the Speech of ' who fancied they could sail an. iceberg
Mr. Lovejoy. j through the tropics, start up and blas-
j pheme sunshine, and rain, and zephyr;
Oue of the earliest settlemets of Vir- f and mouthing tbe heavens, toll Jehovah
ginia was made by a fugitive slave. John t!)ut UU,0S8 be stops the shining of the sun,
Smith was captured in war and sold to a ar,d tbe blowing of tho winds, and tho
high-toned, chivalrous Turk, and put to Mling of the rain, they will crumble his
tho task of threshing. Tho master rode ' Averse "from turret to foundation stone."
up to the barn door, ono day, and said, (Great laughter.) Do you not think God
"Jack, you rascal, why don't you thresh would feel bad; and would not the arch
faster?" Jack horresco referrensl angles tremble at tho chivalry? (Renew
flew at his master, killed him with his ed laughter.) You may call this extraT
flail, (oh, for a Harper's Ferry Commit- aant; but you can no more perpetuate
teel) sprang into the vacant saddle, and "iayory, and will no more dissolve this
escaped, and came and settled James- j Union, in order to perpetuate it, than you
town. Oh, for a South-side proacher to ! oan stoP tbe shining of tho sun, or tho
admonish John to stay and servo his j riPPle of tbo aea, the desaent cf the rain,
master, whose property he was, like a , or tuo blowing of tho wind, ay, no sore
good "Christian dog!" A moment, Sir. tbaD you can subdue tho ocean when it
Let us look at this question aside from ,a!sUea itaelf Jnl furJ and dashes its cres
its moral aspects. And I want to know ted mountain billows against the rocks,
what right slavery, or a slaveholder, has Ifc " 83 preposterous to think of taking
to go with slaves into the common Terri- ! sJavery down through the civilization of
tories of the United States. You talk a-1 the afiQ as ifc is to think of floating an ice
bout the equality of the States, and X berg through tho tropica. It is not in tho
orant it. The citizens of a slave Suta order of things. I am willing to concede
have all the rights in tho Territories that
a citizen of a free State has. You have
the right, I concede, to go into tho com
mon Territories and live there with any
kind of property wo can take, but you
havo not tbe right to take slaves. This
is tho distinction I make. At a liberal
estimate there are not more than two mil
lions of people in tbe United States inter
ested in slave labor. There are only
four hundred thousand slaveholders.
There are thirty millions of people in this
country. There are twenty-eight millions
interested in tho system of free labor, and
two millions in that of slave labor. The
free system aocommodates some eight
millions in the slave States better than
tho slave system. Here is the point. If
slavery goes into the Territories, free la
bor cannot go there. The presence of
slavery without any local law for the
purpose, is the exclusion of free labor.
If you take slavery there, I oannot go
there with tho N. Y. Tribune, the Even
ing Post, the Independent, or any similar
paper, religious or secular. I cannot go
with the minister I desire to hear preaoh
the gospel.' Free schools cannot go there.
You say, indeed, we can go. Yes; so all
may go to a public house. It is common
to all who choose to make it their tempo
rary abode. All are invited to the table
d'hote. The landlord opens the door of
the dining hall, and says, "Walk in, gen
tlemen;" but if a man sitting there is lep
rous, dripping with a contagious disease,
no one will go in. It is really as much
an exclusion as if the doors were closed
nnrl Wrnfi nnct Ma nfrnn,, fin if
slavery goes, freedom cannot go. I fa-
vor the equality of the States; I favor
th r;U nfnwru oUWon nf alnrfl f?t.t
to go into tho Territories; but I deny that
ho has the right to practice slaveholding
there, for il is not an institution it was
never instituted never established by
1 n TC-Jiti f n rrnnf !i llt-o rvnl rrrttm tr T
say that they have not a right To go there
and practice this high crime, so injuriom
to man, and so offensive to God. And
this is the question: whether these twen-
ty-eight million people shall be accommo-
dated, or two millions people shall bo ao-
commodated? Tor, I repeat, the pres -
ence of slavery is the utter exclusion of
free labor and the institutions of freedom.
I deny no one their rights. Tbo slave -
States are equal to the free States. It
is a poor, pitiful and paltry patriotism
that cannot take in the entire extent of
its country; but I do deny that slavery
has the same- right as freedom in this
country, freedom is the Isaac; freedom
is the heir of promise. Slavery ib the
Hagar and Ishmael, and they must go in
to the wilderness, and freedom shall have
the entire inheritance. God and tbo
fathers gave it to freedom and free insti
tutions. It belongs to freedom not to
me; not to tbe citizens of the froo'States,
but to freedom, to the utter exolusion of
slaveholding. Now gentlemen, I know
you are in a mood to take a little advico.
(Laughter.) I toll you I lovo you all
(Renewed laughter.)
Mr. McQueen. I uttorly repudiate
your lovo.
Mr. Lovejoy. Sinners did that of
Christ but he loved them still. (Laugh
tor.) Mr. McQueen. I do not think ho
lovea you much.
Mr. Lovejoy. I am afraid that lam
not much like him. He went, however,
and preached to tho spirits in the prison,
and I think 1 never approximated so
nearly to him as in this regard, while
making proclamation of tho holy evangel
of God to sinners in this House. I toll
you of the slave States that you must e
mancipato your slaves. It belongs to
you and not to us. You must transform
thorn from slaves into serfs, and give them
homes, and protect and guard tbe sancti
ty of tho family. We shall not push you.
If you say that you want a quarter of a
century, you can have it; if you want
half a century, you can havo it. But I
insist that this system must ultimately be
extinguished. There is no question a
bout it. You who advovate the perpetu
ity of slavery aro liko a Bet of mad-eaps,
who should place, themselves on the top
of an iceberg which had disengaged itself
from tho frozen rocions of tho North, and
I begun to float downward and downward,
through tbe warm ciimaies. jlqb buu
shines and melts it; tho soft winds blow
on and melt it; the rains descend and
It it; tho water ripples round it and
Its it'j and then. these wild visionaries-,
mo
melts
that you can do anything that any equal
number of men can achieve. I did moan
to taunt you about Harper's Ferry, but I
believe I will not. I am willing to con
oede tbat you aro as bravo as other men;
although I do not think you show it by
this abusive language; because bravo men
aro always oalm and self-pos3essed. God
feel3 no anger, for be knows no foar. I
say, you oan do anything that other men
can do. You can preserve and perpetu
ate this system, if any equal number of
men could do it; but the stars in their
courses are fighting against you; God, in
his providence, is fighting against you.
The universe was established upon the
the great principle of justice and truth.
It may be jostled out of its place for a
little while, but it will, sooner or later,
fall back to its grooves. You siust sac
rifice slavery for the good of your coun
try. Do this, and you will have the sym
pathy, the prayers, and tho co-operation
of tbe entiro nation. Refuse or neglect
this, refuse to proclaim liberty through
all the land, to all the inhabitants there
of, and the exodus of the slave will be
through the Red Sea. It is a well-known
physiological as well as psychological
fact, that ancestral characteristics re-appear
after a long interval of years, and
even of generations, as streams disappear
and gush out ai a distant point. It is al
so well known that the Saxon blood is be
ing inSliatcd into the blood of the en
slaved. By and by, some Marion will be
found calling his guerrilla troops from
the swamps and everglades of South Car-
oliuBjand a Patrick Henry will re-ap
P?ar D,tbe Old Dominion shouting, as
fLold !,v0 QS hbort' or Slve 113 deathI"
Tben will transpire those scenes which
troubled the prophetic vision of Jefferson,
and made him tremble for his country,
when he remembered that God was just,
and that his justice would not sleep for
ever, and that every divine attribute
! nld be arrayed upon the side of the
""sb"s wu-.w. u ju,uC
tbe uprising by eajing the little finger of
j American slavery was thicker than the
! hons f British despotism Sir, Yirginia
j cannot afford, the country oannot afford,
! t0 c?DtlDue a Pract,.9 raDSht th
. aoh of Pere' lt better to remove
the magazine, than to he kept evermore
! ,n dread of a lighted match. The future
; Elor a.nd usefulness of this nation cannot
: bo sacrificed I to this system of crime. The
, natlons. of the earth are taught by our.
example Ihe amenoan Republic must
' rePsa QJeen am0DS tbe nations of tho
j" 7!." " T' c
delanda. The philosophy, therefore, and
the lesson which the slave States ought
to have learned from John Brown, and
from all those events, are not these ex
pressions of rage and vengenanoe. In
stead of being stimulated to revenge, Vir
ginia ought to bare learned tho lesson of
penitonoe. Instead of arraying herself
in sheep's gray, Bho ought to have put on
saokoloth and ashes. Instead of imbib
ing the distillation of-eorn, mixed with
the products of the poultry-yard, she
ought to havo drunk the waters of bitter
ness, in view of her sin of slaveholding.
Mr. Martin, (Ya.) And if you como
among un, wo will do with you as we did
with John Brown hang you up as high
as Haman. I say that as a Virginian.
Mr. Lovejoy. I bave no doubt of.it.
(Here tbe hammer fell.)
The Lafayette Journal says the Sheriff
of that county recently took a young fel
low to tbe Lunatio Asylum from that
place, wbo is remarkably handsome, and
whose insanity is believed to heva been
produced by a morbid development of his
self-conceit. Vanity is not satisfied with
making peoplo crazy it has more vic
tims in the grave than the cholora.
Shocking Accident
Augusta, Ga., Monday, May 7. 1860.
It is reported and believed tbat twenty
nine girls and boys, who were on a pio
nio and fishing party, were drowned in
Boykins's mill-pond, near Camden, S. C.
on Saturday. Tbe boat sunk in the mid
dle of the pond. The wator has been
drawn off, and nineteen bodies bave been
fond. No names bave yet been learned
jg?-Charles Lever, in one of his sto
ries, tells of a dashing individual who
boiled his hams in cherry wine, whereat
;an honest Hibernian sxclaimcd, "
I wi:h I was a pig raysilf.'
Bed ad ;