SKEEOH OF BIK. X W. I0RNEY,.
.4 Tarrytoicn, Westchester County, N. Y.,
ON THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 2nd.
i'cZfow Citizens.' I feel gratiGed iu
being able to appear before you to partic
ipate iu the ceremony which has been au
uounecil tbo nomination as the people's
'candidate of one of the tribune who stood
up during the late exciting yes-ion of Con
gress for an undying principle. And I
um gratified, further iu being able to bear
Lro in your-presencc, my-personal trib
ute to the courage, the iudi-poudcncc, and
,fho consistency ol the gentleman whom
you who .have thus formerly placed be
fore the people for re-election. Having
'""taken some part in the controversy which
3 rs-noi yet closed, ana Having teen pres
tut when variou demands were made at
the sent of the Federal Government, 1
raw mr. nasKiu tried, not oniy i y the
frowns and the threats of power, butby
those blandishments which have always.
;:becn so dangerous to the progress of
truth. And there never was a moment,
-from the beginning to the end of that
trug'nle, in which he quailtd or faltered
' Cheers. It required ou his part, geu
tlcmen, uncommon courage, sustaining ;
peculmr p rsonal relation, as he did, to
the Jiixecutivo, to resist these combined
influences. It required great independ
ence and great selt-denial to tear himself
loose from those with whom ho had been
sbus closely associated; and more than
all, it required that he should keep con
?taut watch over himself, lest in that great
political centre, which public virtue is
constantly sapped, where the public man
is constantly in danger of being betrayed
he should fall into the hands of his ene
mies, ft renuired ou his part that he
should bear himself as to be able to re
sist, not only the influence of power, but
to stand without suspicion. lie came
. irom a district wtnch had not only given
him a large plurality, but which had giv
en to Mr. Buchanan a deci-ivc vote; and
to no man more. I venture to say, is 31r.
Buchanan indebted than to Mr. Ilaskin
lor the manuer in winch the Democratic
party in this vicinity rolled up the vote
they gave to the Democratic candidate iu
1856. His aethc exertion4, his personal
devotion to the character of the Presidcut;
Te feel that that candidate reciprocated
or pretended to rtciprooatc all the de
votion which Mr. Ilaskin himself mani
fested, rendered him of all men the man
upon whom the president might rely for
support iu conducting the affairs of the
Government at the seat of the Federal
capital. lie did not goto Wahingtcn to
betray a principle, nor yet to desert the
candidate of his choice. lie saw this
Admiuistrattoo, which he had thus toiled
to elect, with four years of power and
with unbounded patronage, and he wa
its friend, for every reason of principle
and of expediency. The Cabinet was (ill
ed with men toward whom he sustained
the most intitnato relations. What rea
son, then, had he to do anything but the
Tight! "What inducement was there on
the part of Mr. Haskin to take any other
than an honest course! I sa', then, my
fellow citizens, that you do well in plac
ing him before his constituents for ancth-
cr trial. Cheers and applau-e. Yes.
you not ouljr do well, but )ou would not
do well if you did not thu- nominate and
re-elect him. And I saj- now, when the
time comes that public men in the North
arc uotsu-taioed who have done what Mr.
' Ilaskin has done when the time comes
that the people of thi Congressional dis
trict," or any Congre-sional district, refuse
to do honor to surh a man, then we must
' become in
this region a race of cowards
and tlnves. Cheers and ajvp!au"c.
My fellow citizeu-i, 'I must now be a
little personal, because appearing before
you as I do, I am compelled to refer to a
portion of political history in which I have
: borne a somewhat promiuent part. Mj
relations to the present Executive of the
United States begun with early boj hood,
from the time long before I became a vo
ter, when I was bis intimate confidant and
friend. From early youth down to the
' present hour, or rather to a period one
" year ago, I have sustained toward Mr.
' Buchanan relations not only of iutimacy,
but of more thau intimacy. Ha l he been
my father, if his blood ran in my veins, I
could not have been more devotedly at-
' tached to him. Applau-e. I believed
that that sentiment and affection was re
ciprocated. We had tried iu our good
old State of Peuusylvania, for many years
to elect thi gentleman to the Presidency.
It fell to my lot born iu the county in
which ho grew to manhood; in the couutv
where he read law; in the county where
he till has his residence; in that count)
' where be says he expect to die it fell
to my lot to do a good deal of the hard
work incident to the fulfillment of the as
pirations of himself and the wi.-bes of hi
iriends. In 1S44 we went to tho city of
Baltimore instructed to vote for a dstio
uisbed citizen of your Stale, Mr. Van
Buren; but owing to the publication of his
celebrated Texas letter, the delegation
from Penns3'lFsnia, as is well knowu, con
cluded that Mr. Van I3uren bad forfeited
the confidence of the Democratic party,
and that it became us to present our own
t . r .1.1-1 t y
iavorea citizen lor mat nigh place, we
did to, and we failed. But still, in 184,
wo rcapp'eared upon the scene with our
fellow citizen, and there the friends of
Mr. Van Buren iu this State repaid us in
kind for the good turn we had served
them four years before. Applause.
Undaunted, we continued to organize, and
in 1S52 we reappeared iu the same scene
with our former favorite, and were again
defeated. That seemed to be the last
chance the lat shot in the locker, if I
Hay use the expression. But ho was ap
pointed by President Pierce in lb53 to
fill the high and important mission of
Minister to England. While there -be
was removed from the scenes of domestic
politic, and quietly and observantly
watched the movements at home pending
and succeeding tho repeal of tbo Missou
ri line. Mr. Buchanan had beeu known
for his attachment to that line. Though
in 1819, at Luucaster, Pa., he attended
& meeting in which he denounced it;;Sub
seqently, in 1847, he camc-oukin bid cel
ebrated Berks county letter, and stated
there that the only way to settle the slave
ry question was to run the line to the Pa
cific so as to secure to the North and to
the South respective and equal benefits
on each side of it as proposed by its o
rigiual friends. Therefore it was that,
while at a foreign court, abi-cnt from his
own country, his name became peculiarly
the name of tho American people, as the
one that would lead the Demociatio par
ty to victory again. His old friends in
Pennsylvania uiovod-forward, -and again
organized. We saw the time had come
at last when our candidate could bo pre
sented to the people. We repaired to
Cincinnati. Hivalries home rivalries
had been extinguished; bitterness grow
mg out ot Lite abrogation ot the iui-foun
lino and tho pas-age. of the Iansas-Ne-
. brn.-k a biil had temporarily, reniov.ed
otlnr candidates from the Geld(or;so we
thought); and Cuss men, Dallas men, aud
Huehauan men in Pennsylvania made
common eauc, and repaired to Ciucin
nati tor the purpose of putting Mr. Bu
chanan in nomination. When we reach
ed there, the firrt indication that appeared
was, that the extromc couth had rcsfclved
upon Mr. Huchauan's annihilation. T:hey
saw him in the light of a moderate con
servative sentiment. They saw iu him,
lor the first time, a public man, who, hav
ing been absent from the country, and
therefore disconnected from the exciting
rivalries of the day, would be compelled
from his position to do justice to North
ern feelings, and extinguish sectionalism.
They did not trust to him on the issue of
the day. He was not a good enough
Kansas and Nebraska man for them; and
they fought usf as the history of that
Convention will show, for five long days,
with a bitterness and animosity such as
political conventions can scarcely rival;
But he was the only man to rescue the
Democratic party from defeat. He was
the only man to prevent the election of a
Republican, and the only man who could
carry Pennsylvania; for upon the contest
of that State the entire tide of battle was
to turn. From your own State a siaiilar
disposition-wan manifested io certain quar
ters. In this section, where this disease
of Lecomptouism now ra;es the most vi
olently, and where the affection for the
Adtiiini-tration is indulged the most ar
dently, Mr. Buchanan received nothing
but coldness and contempt. But we nom
inated him and returned to Pennsylvania,
for the first time, joyous in having achiev
ed our long-cherisbcd wish. And when
we returned there, we came with the full
and con fid ent hope that there would be
uo difficulty in electing a man whose na
ture was believed to be so conservative,
whose character was believed to be so
prudent, and whoo entire record has
becu National audtjCon-titutional. At
that time, I believe, the republicans them
selves abandoued the campaign. Tbey
looked upou his nomination as their death
blow. They looked around in vain for a
candidate ; but events (and there is no
nece-sity for spinning out this detail to a
greater length) brought on a series of ex
citements such as we have never witness
ed iu our country, and by the middle of
August, ISiiG, the campaign was more
thau doubtful. Why did it become doubt
ful! Because tho public opinion of the
.North had been stirred to its dcepestJ
depths by the excesses of the Pro-Slavery
minority, backed by Federal power, in
the Territory of Kansas. That was the
only question. It was not the Ostend
Conference, it was not the Pacific liail
road; it was nothing but the single issue
Shall the people of Kansas be permitted
to dispose of their ow,n affairs in their own
way? Shall they vote upon their domes
tic institutions, not slavery alone, but u
pon all their institutions, unmolested by
the bayonets of the Administratiou on the
one hand and the onslaughts of bands of
foreign marauders on the other. This
was the question, the whole question, the
only. question. No man felt more deeply
in reference to Kansas than Mr. Buchan
an. No man talked more freely about it
In hi letter of acceptance of the nomina
tion and iu the speech he delivered to thu
committee upon it in his parlor at Lan
caster, (at which I happened to be pres
ent.) he laid stress upon the great princi
ple that the will of the majority should
prevail. Why, he said to me a thousand
limes, "The South vntsl vote for me, and
the North must be secured; and the only
.1 XT . 1
way io secure me iorm is to convince
our voters that when I ict into the Pres
idential chair I will do right with the
people m lvansas. 1 am now sixty-six
years ot age. 1 have reached that time
of life when I canuot have any ambition
for a re-election, and if I have, the ouly
way to secure it is to be strong with my
own people at home. I watched thi
struggle from my retirement in Loudon;!
hare seen what 1 conceive to be the mis
takes of othors. I am not responsible for tbo
Administratiou of President Pierce; there
fore,I will inaugurate a new system: 1 will
show to the country that a Pennsylvania
President will stand firm to the pledge? of
a PenuIvania gentleman and a Pennsyl
vania Detrocrat. ' Now, fellow-citizens,
in that letter of acceptance, if you will
refer to it it is not necessary (or me to
produce it here you will fiud that he
stated distinctly that the people of the
Teritory of Kansas should be protected
in the sacred right of suffrage, unawed
by any influence whatever, aud that the
will of the majority should prevail.
We went into the canvass. It fell to
my lot to be at the head of the State "Dem
ocratic Committee of Peennsylvania. All
my affections were and are in that State;
all the emotions of my nature, physical
and mental, were enlisted on the side of
the candidate she had prcsonted. His
whole career, hii character, my personal
attachment, and tbo sincere devotion I
felt for him, his family, his cause, a'nd
ail about him, made mo so anxiom for
him to succeed, that I indulge in no vain
expression of speech when I say to you
that I would have forfeited mv life for
him. My devotion for him knew no
bounds. Day and night, night and day,
I toiled in that campaign. And there
nre thotc here to day from my own State
who will bear witness to the fact, when I
say that all ray resource, all ray fortune,
my every exertion, every aid that could
be enlisted was evoked to produce the final
reBult. Above all other questions in that
campaign was the great principle of popu
lar sovereignty. I Applause. 1 hat was
the standard which marshalled the way
That was the shibboleth that was tin
war cry. From Lake Erie to the Dels
ware from Pittsburg to Philadelphia
iu every village and town in the State
everywhere that I could induce a pen to
write, or a tongue to speak, that was the
theme upon which those pens wrote, aud
those tongues spoke. Why, gentlemen.
31 r. Buchanan had no confidence upon
this subject. He was public,ho was open,
he was unreserved in his declarations to
ever j body. He sent to the traduced John
Hickman in an adjoining'county; 11
told him through bis friends and ngents;
i'You, Mr. Hickman, occupy a peculiar
relatiau; you voted for tbo Topeka Con
stitution; you denounced the Kansas Ne
braska bill; you, too, were opposed to' the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise line;
the Democratic party of your district have
nominated you; the Hopublicans like you;
they believe in jou. Now, I want you to
take the stump aud go before y our people,
and pledge me, James IJuchanan, that
I intend stauding'by and, 'if necessary,
dying br, this principle of popular sove
reignty."- For myself, if I could descend
to the baseness of republishing private
letters, I might fill a volume with similar
pledges from high authority. Why, gen
tlemen, when the distinguished Secretary
of the Treasury, Mr. Cobb who, from
having beeu a superfine Union man, has
been converted into a fire-eater, equal to
M. Chaubert himself; when Mr Cobb came
into Pennsvl vania. aud traversed our
State from end to end, and from county
to .county, talking to delighted audiences
all the time, what was the burden of bis
theme! Why, popular sovereignty. He
said, in eubstanee: "I would take the
arm7 and the navy, I would use every
power of the Federal Government, I
would surround the Territory but what
the people of Kausas should vote, and by
their vote the de-tiuics of tho future State
.should be decided." Whenever a South
ern orator came into Pennsylvania and
called upon me, I said to him: "Now,
sir, L have but one thing to cay to you:
we have but a single thing before the peo
ple; every day is making the campaign
more aud more doubtful; every day is
making the popular feeling more and
m i i: iff i
aiuiu iuicuai:; ;ur. ouenuuan ni mscu ieeis
that everything depend upon the pru
dence, the sagacity, and the spirit of con
ciliation by which this campaign is con
ducted; and for God's sake take care
what you say about Kansas; leave your
violent Southern feelings at home;
you must come to tereaten ; you Gov
ernor Johnson, aud you Mr. Scott, of
Richmond, aud you Mr. Extra Billy
Smith, and you Mr. Secretary Floyd, all
of you, mu-t remember that i'f you lose
this battle here, you lose it altogether, it
will ne your loss, and therefore you must
allow ua to manage it in our own way."
And they did accede to that policy, with
out any protestation, and gladly. There
was no deception in that fight, at least so
far as I was concerned. I sowed the
State with private letters and private
pledges upon this question. There is not
a county in Pcnn-ylvania in which my
letters may not be fouud, pledging 31 r.
Buchanan, in his name, and by bii au
thority, to the full, complete, aud practi
cal recognition of the rights of the people
of Kansas to decide upon their own af
fairs. Applause.
Gentlemen, he was elected. He form
ed his Cabinet. He issued his Inaugural
Addres?; and here at thi point, let me
say, that the public confidence created
by his nomination in the Democratic par
ty, and the apprehension of his election
inspired ia the Republican ranks, that
public confidence was renewed and re
vived by the publication of his Inaugural
Address. The Republicans many of them
who had voted for John C. Frcmot, said:
"We believe in 3Ir. Buchanan, and if he
stands by the doctrines of this Inaugural
Address we will stand by him." Now
had he done so, the Republicans and tin
American parties, in my opinion, would
have beenexttuguished; we would have been
oue great, happy, national family. After
all. what4tho great mass of the people iu
mis country uesire is a good government
livery man in this country is not au of-
fico seeker. Nine out of ten are disinter
estcd iu their relations to this Govern
ment, and they arc roady to vote for John
B. Ilaskin. or John Smith, if they have
conudince in the man: and 3Ir. Buchan
an would have suited the country as well
as any other man, it he had fulfilled his
.
pledge-; and therefore it was that when
his inaugural address was published, they
,aid oue to tho other; "We believe in 3Ir.
uik pony iuuc we nave
not voted for him; but we are willing to
trust him and stand by him to the end.'
Mr. Buchanan had before him o future
which Washington, if he had been liviu
might have envied a future which if he
had walked resolutely in the path he had
marked out the path illuminated by his
declarations and pledges would have al
lowed him to go down to the grave fol
lowed by the blessings of a grateful peo
ple. Posterity would have pointed to his
Administration as a model and example
io an generations; Pennsylvania would
navo had no cause to be ashamed of her
favorite son. No, ray fellow-countrymen.
But he did uot stop here. As if for the pur
pose of accumulating pledge upon pledge
as if for the purpose of piling up a pyr
amid of promises upon this question, what
did he do next? He looked around to
see whom he should get to go to Kansas,
for the purpose of settling tho vexed
question which had rendered Kansas,
what it had been graphically termed, "the
grave-yard of Governors." Ho sought
no inferior man; he would not be tempted
to take an ordinary man. He selected a
gentleman, a statesman, who had been
presented by a large portion of the lead
ing and prominent men of the South for
a seat in his Cabinet; who had for twelve
years represented his State in tho Con
gressional Senate, and had sat with Mr
Buchanan in the Cabinet of Col. Polk.
He selected liobt. J. Walker." And when
be called upon 31 r. Walker, and asked
him to proceed to the Territory, 3lr. Wal
ker said to him, "Why, ,3Ir. Buchanan,
that would finish me forever; it has ruin-.
ed evey man who has gone there; it will
ruin me. I have reached that time of
life when I cannot afford to risk all my
prospects, aud probably tho peace and
happiness of my family.'" And ho inti
mated, as if gifted with a knowledge of
the future. ''Lcanuot run tho risk of
being most probably betrayed and deser
ted by the Administration that appoint
me." Mr. Buchauan said to him : "31r.
Walker, tf you will go there, you will set
tle tbisr quehtion in a few weeks; v " Every?
thing is ready; here are your instruc
tions. I pledge you my word that every
thing you deBire to smooth your way shall
have." Mr. Walker, as if inspired by a
sublime suspicion aid: "3Ir. Buchanan, I
will not go to Kansas until you allow me
to meet your Cabinet face to face, and as
certain ' from that -Cabinet, in person,
Whether they will agree' that 1 shall go
there and carry out the pledges of the
campaign of 1856, allowing the.people of
Kansas to decide:tipon, their own institu
tions in their own way." , Accordingly a
meeting' of the Cabinet of Mr. Buchan.au
wafc called. At the meeting, ev.ery;mb,mr
ber of vtbo Cabinet w as present. Mr. Bu
chanan and Mr. Walker were present
Mr. Buchanan in the chair. Governor
Walker said : "I havo desired this, meet
ing because I have determined not to go
to Kansas unless I have full instructions
to carry out my own wishes, as expressed
to the President. If there is auy oppo
sing voice, I will not go; I do not want
to go; it is by no means an enviable po
sition; but if I have the permission and
consent of you, gentlemen, I will go."
The Cabinet was polled; but one member
of the Cabinet objected io the programme
laid down by Gov. Walker. I need not
mention his name. Gov. Walker said ;
"That settles the questioo, gcntlemon; I
do not wish to go; a single negative insuf
ficient, and I will retire from the field."
But they took that member of the Cabinet
into anjadjoining room, and there they con
vinced. him that Gov. Walker was. right.
They returued and gave Walker his in
structions, lie went to b.ansas with his
instructions in his pocket, and accompa
nied by a gcntlemau well known to the
country, 3Jr. Stanton, another Southern
statesman, and an old Buchanan man, who
went out with similar pledges. Now, af
ter this plain statement of the facts, I will
come down to my own part of this cam
paigo. My ambition to assist and build
up my good old State, to push forward
her great iuterests, -and assist in the de
velopment of her interests, and assist in
the development o"f ber industry to. do
that which we must all do, at least if we
desire success. induced me to look to
Pennsylvania as the theatre of my future
labors. Therefore it was th at iu the year
1857, 1 started the paper which now bear
my name at its mast head. I did this for
the purpose of advocating 3Ir. Buchanan
policy throughout. I had had, as I have
rhown "abundant pledges as to his course.
but before publishing that paner, I took
care to write to iur. uuchanan s tiaoinet
and to himself, and told them ou what
ground I intended to staud on this ques-
tion ot lausas. ihcy were so good as
ir mi i
to send me sufficient written testimonj
strengthening me in the position I had
assumed on this question. 1 went on
with Walker and Stanton, until the Ox
ford and McG nee, frauds took place, when
there was a burst of execration through
out the country, lho whole Democratic
press had argued censtantly the policy of
tho Administration up to that time as I ar
guc it. now; but when Gov. Walker rejected
these frauds there was a sudden silence
A pall fell over the columns of the Wash
inton Union. Nothing was said upon the
subject of the Oxford and 3IcGhee frauds
No voice was heard iu Washington against
it ; but I supposed some malign iufiuen
ces, lor me moment, nau surrounded that
journal; that it had had an attack of some
peculiar insanity, like that which has late
ly become chronic with it, and I allowed
it to pass by. But when the dark, dam
niug deed of Lecompton was perpetrated,
then L saw for the first time that those
gallant men in tho Territory, Walker and
Stanton, and those, who acted with them,
had been most cruelly, most shamefully,
deserted. I saw that Democratic princi
ples had been carried out by them, and
that they, and those who believed in them
and in the faith of the President, were a
bout to be called upon to turn our backs
upon our pledges aud betray our manhood.
Applause. Gentlemen, there was some
thing too much of this; and when the cup
was presented to ray lips I refused it.
Cheers, Administrations may change,
but I had becu too fully committed on this
subject to turn upon the pledges which I
had both spoken and written to thousands
of men. I did not for a moment believe
that the Administration"had concluded to
abandon the principles which had put
them into power; that they were resolved
to make their policy a test; so. when I
went to Washington aud called upon my
old frieud, I said to him, "3Ir. Buchanan,
for the first time iu our lives we are at
variance; I find myself landing by one
groat principle, having followed your lead
and you have deserted it." "Well," said
he can't you change, too ? Laughter.
If I can afford to change, why can't you
afford to chango l Renewed laughter.
If you, and Douglas, and Walker, will
unite in support of my policy, there will
not be a whimper of this thing; it will
pass by like a summer breeze." I told
him it was very well with an Administra
tion surrounded by office-holders and liv
ing all tho time in the atmosphere of flat
tery, that was followed by thousands of
geutlemen who expected place thatthoy
could come to him aud sav. "ou are
right Mr. Buchanan; wo arc down on our
bellies; pleaso to walk oyer us please to
trample upon us and we will bo happy
and content, and hope you will bclioye
your policy is right." "But I tell you,"
said I, "that there is a still,. small voice
in the, people that instinctively reject
frauds, and this is, not qn)y a fraud but a
dishonor. I'cannot desert the principle.
I do not claim to be more honest than
any other man. I have done as all poli
ticians have sometthings which may not
squaie exactly with the rules of right.and
if I have, I regret them; but this thing
will not do. Loud cheers. I have reach
ed the stature and years of manhood'and
I cannot go back to Pennsylvania to cat
my own words and become the slave of
power. (Renewed cheers.) I cannot.
But then 3Ir. Buchanau, you must toler
ate this difference of opinion. General
Jackson tolerated differences of opinion,
iii his fiieuds. Col Polk tolerated differ
ences of opinion, and you differed with
him iu his views on the tariff and, yet you
remained in his Cabinet. Mr. Pierce tol
erated differences of opinion. But here
you aru Meu wbo put you where you
arc who ask nothing at your hands
who have refused your favors have tram
pled all the patronage that has been offer
ed tbera under foot; here they are asking
to be tolerated iu the indulgence of au
honest opinion." The reply to that was
in manner and in substauce, "Sir, I intend
to make my Kansas policy a tfe'st."
'Well, sir," said I, "I regret it; but if you
make it a test with your offices, we will
make it a test at the ballot-box. (Loud
"cheers.) Repeated efforts were made to
heal the difference. But it seems to me,
gentlemen, that when the Presidency is
conferred upon a poor mortal, it trans
forms him into a god, in his own estima
tion, or into a lunatic. (Laughter.) No
body is permitted to approach power to
tell the truth. Power never hears" the
thunder voice of the people, sitting as it
does in its cushioned chairs, between its
marble walls. The independent man,
loud aud bold, and with a clear eye who
comes to tell the truth, is waved from the
Presidential presence as a rude intruder.
Then we went home. As I said, repeat
ed efforts were made, and made in vain,
to heal the difference. This confering of
Presidential patronage of vat millions
more than tho monarch of Great Brit
ain enjoys, aud nearly as much as the
French despot wields this patronage in
induced 3ft Buchanan to believe that he
could make his test successful. How was
it made ! Gentlemen, when the. chapter
which shall detail the manner in which tbe
Administration has used its patronage to
force this test upon the white men of the
North is written, it will be a black chap
tor. When our children and our chil
dren's children shall come to read it
thoy wiil not believe that an Amer
ican citizen elevated to tho Presidential
chair, in the face of such a people cover
red with such an armor sf pledges, could
have gone into that chair to have used his
army ay, bis army and the treasure
your money and mine your officers and
mine for the purpose of putting down a
gallant band of men simply for standing
by God's plain truth; and I could wish
that when the bi-torians comes to write
he be not compelled to write that that
President wasboru in Pennsylvania. (Ap
plaue.) There has not been an element
lacking to relieve this unredeemed infa
my not one. There has not been a sin
gle circumstance lacking.
They have gone on, step by step, with
the remorscle-s tread of fate and destiny,
trying to crush out the breath of the gal
lant spirits who have stood forth asking
notning but to be permitted to do right.
Look at tbe spectacle in Illinois at this
moment. Democrats, if there an
here, aud I trust there are many,
who take the regular organizations,
any
you
you
who swallow this miserable dose of Lb
comptonism, because the regular organi
zation of the State supports it, look at Il
linois, and blush with very shame at the
spectacle there exhibited to the world.
There 13 regular organization for you, and
how does the Administration treat it!
Tbey treat it with contempt and scorn ;
the gallant Douglas standingat the bead
of the column. If 3-011 open tie pages of
the Washington Union of to-day, read
what it says of Stephen A. Douglas. You
would suppose, from what you would read
there, that he was sowing pestilence and
death throughout the Northwest. Aye,
andiie is. too to false doctrines and to
false men. Applause and cheers.
Look at the South, in whose name this
deed, LceomptonNm, has been perpetra
ted. After its Representatives in the Seu
ato and tho House havo assisted in houn
ding down Stephen A. Douglass and Da
vid C. Broderick and their gallant com
patriots in the House, tho South begins
to say as they see the Administration
hell-hounds pursuing and attacking Doug
las and his friends in Illinois: "This is too
much. We arc willing to accept Lecomp
ton as a gilded poison which has been ex
tended to us, and which was to help us,
though the ouly thing it has done has.
been to commit our Representatives to a
nrrnes wrnnnr tmrnrfl ftio Tl.vr. r.. o - f tV.o.
North. But wo oanuot bear this perse
cution." Read the letter published the
other day in the New York papers from
tteverdy Johnson, ot xlaryland. Read
the statements of Alexander H. Stephens
and Henry A. Wise. They are clamer-
ous against these attacks on 3Ir. Douglas.
Public men in this country forget, in their
truckling to the Southj that Southorn peo
ple are Americans as we are. They have
their sUvery. Thoy havo their peculiar
institutions. But thev reiect a wronp
w C3
thoy rejet an iufamj tbey reject uufair
ncss just as readily as we do. They will
not submit to this tyranny of tho Adminis
tration upon 3hDoogla8. And soit will be
when tho Administration begins by court
ing tho South by declaring that the on
ly thing thoPresidentshould do ia to yield
to tho South that Administratiou will
soon soe tho bouth turning upon it.
What then! It will ba Tylerizcd,
Laughter. Tho Administration of James
Buchanan Tylenzed supported by a set
of offioe-holdera and expectants ouly with
all tho great parties, and tho one thatput
it in power inclusive, standing from it and
shuuning it lika a contagion !
"Imperial Cnjsar, dead and turned to Clay,
iiusi eiop a noie to Keep tho wind away.
Laughter.
I am awarp that I am talking to a mixed
audience tthere are Hero, present Ameri
cana, Republicans and, Democrats.
A voice No doubt of the Democrats
Mr. Forney (continuing) Now, gentlemen,-
we who act with Mr. Haskin, we
who follow tbo flag borne by these greaff
heroes of the day those immortal chief''
tain, Henry A. Wise and Stephen A.
Douglas are "constantly twitted with
combining with what are politely called:
Black Republicans. Laughter. But
have you Americans wbo are present wit
nessed the efforts of the Administration
to make a inion with you? The Admin
istration can combino with the Americans
(I believe you are called Know-Nothings
sometimes) and that is all right. Or if a
Black Republican comes out for Lecomp
ton, he is immediately washed clean and
wiped. Laughter. Why, gentlemen
tbe principles that we fought for in 1856
are now reduced to Lecompton. We
may be as true as the North Pole upon
every principle, but if we don't go for
Lecompton, we are d d indeed. Laugh
ter. But if tho Republican or the Amer
ican becomes Lcoomptouized, he is not
only speedily forgiven, but he is elevated
to the highest seat in tbe synagogue, and
he is pointed at as a brand rescued from
tho burning. Laughter. The Admin
istration is pledged, recollect, to a plat
form of hostility to secret political socie
ties. He is pledged in its platform "to
those who speak with a rich Irish brogue
or sweet German accent. But gentlemen
you Americans and you foreigners and
adopted citizen are not to recollect when
an American becomes Lccomptonized j
only those are infamous who unite with
Republicans and Americans to vindicate
a prinoiple. Applause. Then you are
out of the party and are excluded from
decent society, aud henceforth and forev
er you are never to be forgiven unless at
tho last moment you come forward and
say: "Praise unto thee John Calhoun and
Lecompton." Laughter. I have beeu
toiling in tho Domocratic party since I
was a boy, and I am not now quite 41
years of age. I never voted any but a
straight out Democratic- ticket. 3Iy ex
cellent friend Sam'l J. Randall, who waa
a very good American, and who was e
lected to tho Senate of our State, Sam
said to me: "I am freshly in the "party,
and you are freshly out of it." Thus I
find myself turned out of the Democratic
party if I will consent to it, and because
I will not consent to leave Deocratic prin
ciples. Laughter. This is an age of
newspapers and telegraphs on the land and
through the sea. Cheers-. And when
these thingB transpire there would be no God
in Heaven if the ballot-box did not damn
such a party in October next. Cheers
And you in New York, who think the Dem
ocratic party is sold body and breeches to
this official despotism, take care lest when
November comes you do not find that the
Democrats think more of their principles than
they do of their organization. For my part,
speaking for Pennsylvania, on the 12th of
October, w hen you open Tnr. N. Y. Tribu.niv
Herald and Times, you will see under the
telegraphic head figures something like this:
-40,000 majority against the Lecompton
candidate." Cheers. That is the way we
will make our mark there yes, we will de
more, we will stand liy John Hickman, we
will stand by 3Iontgomery, and whenever a
Lecomptonite is trotted out, we will try to
defeat him regularly nominated or not. I
am not to be terrified by this Chinese thun
der of organiz-ition. Luighler. I am wil
ling to combine with any good man, no mat
ter what is his- name who combines with me
to rescun the American name from this odium,
and this disgrace. Why, gentlemen, in 1856
not to go back to that but for nn instant, we
would never have got the Republican vote we"
did for Buchanan if we had not pledged our
selves over head and heels for this doctrine
Now let me say a word in conclusion on the
subject of popular sovereignty. You Repub
licans are coming to it, and, gentlemen, you
will come tei it. Now mark; there is but one
way for it.- F saw the other day a speech
made by a distinguished New York journal
ist and I"spcak ot him as distinguished for
many things, though we have differed for
many years r mean 3Ir. Greeley. Cheers.
He pointed the way to the coming time. He
has been denouncing popular sovcrcgnity as
a humbug. It would have been if all the
Democrats co-operating with him had sur
rendered to the Administration. It is not a
humbug it is a living principle. Tell me
this is illusory that a people to the number
of 13.000 have been strong enough in their
own will and their own way to put down the
army of the United States.nnd beat theslave
holders' minority, with about $70,000,000 of
patronage, overrun with Federal officers, with
the Senate and House against them with
the President betraying his trust tell me
that they, armed as they have been by ther
simple, naked principle of Popular Sovereign"
ty that this principle is a humbug Why,
what does, such wonders must be real, must
be right. Come to it gentlemen, the men
who are for Congressional intervention here
are Leconiptonitcs ; men whom you-despiser
and they are constantly telling you, day af
ter day, that they despise you. We offer to
you the principle of popnlnr sovereignty brort
from the fair fields of Kansas, covered hff
over with glory. We have proved that we
stand by it: we have turned our backs upon?
the Administration; we have rejected its pa
tronage; we have laughed at its blandish
ments no light thing to do any timerand
particularly at a time like the present, when
our country has been swept by such a whirl
wind. Believe in us; stand by Haskin m his
noble conduct ; vindicate the principle irr
volved in his election; cease your differences
as to names; give us the principle, and the
name will belittle. That which applies to
the Republican applies with significant force
to tho Americans, and I must say, (I would
do injustice to my character if I did not say
it) that f am inexorably opposed to ohe'pbf-.
tion of the American creed; that is due to you
gentlemen, nd to myself. But there is an
other portion of the American creed which
teaches us, and wo a re bound to believe those
who tell it to us, that it is a national creed.
They have their Southern connectionsthey
have their Humphrey 3Iarshall, their Win
ter Davis, and their good men, whom I know
well, and these are your leaders. They tell
us that you are national, and therefore the
doctrine of popular sovereignty is for youj
above nil, it is for the North; the South is
committed to it it will not recede. The
day is gone when sectionalism can prevail in
this country the day for a sectional party
has, in my humble opinion, passed away.
The South, gallant and glorious as she is, w,e
must protect, in all her rights. I have stood
by her from my early years down to the pres
ent moment. I will aand by her to the end,
unless she asks me to do that which is wrong;
then we must part company for a time,. The
.South, gentleman, is committed to this prin
ciple, and thus, "with all the pledgesof 'tlte