art Fitsbut 1 41 pitt.
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FENNIMAN, 130.„ Proprietors.
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,T. P. HOUSTON. N. P..V.ZED.
Edittars ald..Yropiletors.
IHISETTE SUILDINS, NOS. 84 AND 86 FIFTH ST
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tommnt.
TUESDAY. MARCH 23. 1869.
WE PRINT on the inside pages of tAis
tnorning's - GAZETTE Second Page :
Pennsylvania and Ohio News The
Spring Fashions—A Plethora of Boys—
Thirdand Sixth pagra : Commercial, FT
inanciat, Mercantile' and River Newt,
Markets, imports. Seventh page : An In
teresting Story by Leon Lewis; entitled
"Red Knife, or Kit Carson's Last Trail."
PETROLEUM at Antwerp, 54@54if.
S. BONDS at Frankfort, ni@p37i
GOLD close 4 In New York on yesterday
at 181/.
A NEW Foss paper has the news that
Uncle Sam is about to clap his cocked-hat
an one side of his head, and ask England
to settle that little bill for tie depredations
of rebel cruisers, Amount of bill not
stated !
Par dew of American commerce is
aboutto receive abme attention from Con
gress. A resolution . was passed yester
day in the House creating a Select Com-
Mittee to inquire into the causes of the
grad reduction of American tonnage and
general depression- In navigation, and to
report what- I measures are necessary to
regain our" n i aritine power and position.
FROM TEE COMMITTEE ON ELECTIONS
there was reported into the House yester
day a very wise and sensible bill provid,
ing that the votes for any candidate for
Congress Made ineligible to office by the
XlVth Constitutional Amendment, shall
be null and‘vold, and the person ] receiv
ing the next highest number of - votes, if
ehall be entitled to the election.
THE Lrrruelrawriarn in enrolling the
Appropriation bill; by which the Govern
ment would have lost one htlndred and
Iliftymillions of dollars, and the whisky
distillers of the country haVe saved that
much, is to be reinedied, Mr. FEBSZNDEN
introducing Into the Senate yesterday a
bill -authorizing the insertion of the omit
ted'part. It semis pretty rough that the
disers should have to pay wages to the
o,rs set to keep them from swindling,
but they are abundantly able to stand the
pressure.
OUR NATIONAL bRIEDIT ABROAD is held
as high as that of most of the civilized
countries, but the barbarian nations ap
pear to have the better reputation for hon
esty. On the London Stock Exchange
Austrian five per cents are selling at 84,
Spanish threes at 33, Turkish fives at 42,
Italian fives at 57, Portuguese threes at
36, and 'grated States. five•twenties at 83.
But when we compare our credit with
that of the barbarians, we fall sadly into
the shade. New Zealand sixes are 107,
Tasmanian sixes 106, Natal sixes 108, and
Australian fives and Mauritius sixes de
cidedly above par. An exchange thinks
ihar„the absence of Pendletonians in the
barbarian countries accounts fon their
:good credit.
Tan House has refased to rescind its
previous action providing for- adjourn
ment next Friday. Mr. Bummi "truly
_remarked tilatthe members were paid by
the year and should be in no haste for
.adjournment. There is much which
might have been done by Congress re
ruining nnrtniaho,•and with poor grace
an adjourtment will come with urgent
business clamoring for attention. The
people want a longer session, and as in
amvenlent as it may be for the members
to put in a few additional days or weeks
in Washlngton, it is but right that they
- stay at their poste until such time sa it
may_ be prudent for them •to adjourn.
Under present circumstances no good
can result from an early adjournment,
and ft is to be hoped that the House will
_reconsider its action in that direction.
Tug s COMMERCIAL Tnavistsgs of this
country' experience much difficulty in
selling by sample, having to pay
license fees in nearly every State, city,
town and village into which they , push
their way. A strong effort is now being
made to establish "free trade" throughout
the land, and to accomplish that end the
commercial travelers have formed them
selves into associations for the advance.
znent ‘ ojeir interests and the securing
of the t of free trade in all the States
and cities. At Chicago the organization
Is potent, and by strong pressure has
rtriumphed in the repeal of the ordinance
. compelling foreign salesmen to take out
license_ to' sell - goods by sample. Pitts
burghers can now sell goods free'of tax
in' hat city, but unfortunately we cannot
,return the compliment by offering Chicago
and the rest of mankind an open market
for their merchandise, still requiring the
payment of the license fee.
STOPPING MILITARY LEAKS
The traditional profanity of the English
army in Flanders is reported to have its
modern parallel. in the vigorous exple
tives with which the superfluous veterans
of our own army, who have campaigned
for a quarter of a century at Presidential
levees and fashionable receptions in
Washington, acknowledge the efforts of
General fliontat - Ax for an economical re
form. He is understood to have shelled
all the old rats out of their bomb-proofs,
abolishing unnecessary efficers, over
hauling overgrown bureaux, block
ing useless expenditure and inaligu
ratlng a system of responsibiiity and
efficiency which the War office has never
before known. SU:ERMAN has had better
opportunity than any mere civilian to
know the weak points of head-quarters
service, and has not hestitated to strike at
them boldly. He has awakened an out
rageous clamor among thevenerable men
who have grown gray in saving at the
spigget, while they calmly and content
edly contemplated the gush of public
funds, wasted at the bung-hole; but he
exhibits GRAFT'S favorite tactics, and
will fight-it out on the line of retrench
ment until the work is done, and done
well.
la the meantime, he is effectively sec
onded in this excellent undertaking by
the House Military Committee, which
agreed yesterday, unanimously, to favor
retrenchment in every branch of the ser
vice. To this end, the Committee is now
digesting a plan _ which will materially
diminish the avoidable expenses, without
impairing in any way the efficiency of
that arm. As thieCommittee is now con
stituted, It becomes ones of the most ser
viceable in . the House, nor does it sur
prise us to hear that our own Representa
tive, General NEGIXY; is regarded as one
of its most influential members.
TENURE-OF-OFFICE.
At this writing it seems clear that the
Senate, reftteing to repeal the tenure•of.
&Hee law, will support a proposition for
its suspension, either for the entire term
of the present Executive, or for one year.
This is lately to be acceded to, at last,
by the House.
AS the law stands, its terms apply only
to Executive action during recess of the
Senate. While that body is in session,
the law presents no restrictions whatever
Upon the President's functions, except to
require the "advice and consent" of the
Senate to appointments and removals.
Beyond enlarging the Senatorial priviT
leges, by giving them a participation in
the prerogative of removal, no change
is made in the pre-existing law, du
ring an actual session. Should the law
remain unchanged, removals and appoint
mats may be made, the Senate advising
and consenting, precisely as before it was
enacted. No reasons need be assigned,
nor are political reasons excluded; it is
simply enough that the President removes,
and that the Senate assents. Only in the
Senatorial vacation does the law operate
to impair the Executive prerogative.
That distinction in the two situations is
clear in the law's text and spirit.
With the law unchanged, the Senatorial
Participation in the Executive pieroga
live will imply a corresponding share in
the Executive duty; the Senate mutt sit
en permanence, or at least untlithe Execu
tive finds no farther need for its co-opera.
tion. .Senators take their enlarged pow
ers with the obligations resulting there
from. The part, they claim, they must
ever stand ready to make good. Paid to
do the needful public duty, they can no
longer indulge themselves in long ad
journments. They cannot get away
from the Capital, without neglecting an
important function. The confinement
may be unpleasant, but they must take
the bitter with the sweet. Either this, or
a Republican Senate must praclically sur
render the doctrine that removals and
appointments may be governed by mere
political opinion,
POLITICAL QUALIFICATIONS FOR
OFFICE.
In point of numbers, that infinitesi
mal fraction of the Americanpeople,which
sincerely believes that polleesl opinions
should not be made one indispensable test
among the necessary qualifications for
official, trust, is simply contemptible. We
doubt if one hundredth part of one per
cent. of the , intelligent citizens of this
county, State or Nation, of either party,
can conscientiously declare that they da
not regard the element of politics as an
essential one in determining, each for,
himself, the personal 'fitness of any can
didate for such trust. Here, as elsewhere,
the community may afford, perhaps, just
about an omnibus-loadof gentlemen wko
interest themselves so little, or so illogi
cally, in public affairs that, when they do
succeed izievercondng theirchronic Indif
ference to any exercise whatever
of their suffrage-rights, their votes
are controlled merely by personal
regard, nither than by political consid
erations. This class are usually reticent
of any confession that personal consider
ations move them; it is rather their cus
tom to keep these• out of view, and to
parade, instead, this old thread-bare
flummery about independence of any
mere partizan feeling. We should be
thankful that this class of citizens is not
more numerous, for an observing experi
ence proves that the personal friendship
or the private interests, which thus aim to
break down political barriere under a •
false pretense, have either some selfish
end to promote, or are but the cover for
other motives which will not bear the
light of 'public elimination, and, in
Q.
PIrItRURqII GAZETTE: TUESDAY; MARCH 23, 1869,
either case, when successful it secu r in g
the election of a no-party candidate, the
result in the long run 'upon the solid
interests of the public is not such
as to encourage a' repetition of the
experiment. In fact, all this; sort
of no-party talk has' come to be
recognized, by intelligent people, as the
most unsafe and suspicions political cry
of the day. We see that it is confined
altogether to that class of politicians who
have played themselves out of the confi
dence of their former associatea, and to
journalists who either continue to hold
on by their eyelids to the verge of a pow
erful party, ready for 'plunder within , or
without its lines, or who cover up their
narrow-minded incapacity or perhaps
their secretly venomous malignity under
the cowardly sham of neutrality. These
are a type of the few people who ever al
feet to believe that political opinions
should not be counted among the proper
qualifications for office, and whom an in
telligent community never care to be
identified with.
It is expressly uponl the broadest de
marcations of political sentiment that
parties array themselves. Upon these
sharply drawn lines, the - contest goes
year after year to the ballot-boa. Within
these lines, each of the two great parties
now, as in the past, arid shall in the
future, divides our people,nominating and
striving to eleit their candidates for office,
from President down through ; the whole
range of °Melia 'employment, to the petty
positions of the township or ward. We
choose President, Senators, Congressmen,*
Governors and Legialators, in short every
elective State or Federal officer, because
they possess the needful qualifications,
among which is always reckoned a
sound political faith; more • than that,
the Judiciary of the Union or of the
States, filled not by electiOn but -by
Executive appointments, is invariably
supplied with reference to the same polit
ical faith among the qualificatipna This
has. been the practice of eisch, party
throughout this generation; each party
recognizes it, and neither need hebitate to
avow it. Never yet lived the Democratic
politician who felt any scruples on that
score; our opponents have the manhood
to preach as they practice, and the nerve
to practice what they believe_ to be right-
But, here and there, we find in the Re
publican organization a few self-deluded
souls, who succeed in mistaking a
mawkish sentiment, compounded of timid
ity and ignorance, for a high-toned,
magnanimous liberality of patriotism, and
are therefore correspondingly tender
iwn this question, as they term it, of
"broscnption for, opinion's sake."
For our own part, and wp believe we
might speak for the great masa of organ
ized political d amitiment which to-day con
trols the destinies of the Union and of
three-fourths of its individual States—we
hold to Republicanism on principle. We
sincerely desire to see and to uphold the
supremacy of those political opinions,
which the cultivated intelligence evolvei,
and whiCh every right-feeling approves.
In common with
... a majority of nearly
half a million of our countrymen, we
have taken order that these opinions shall
control the affairs of the Republic. We
have chosen a Republican President, a
Republican Congress, and a RepubliCan
government for our own Commonwealth,
because we prefer the Republic= policy.
As to each and all of these official trusts,
we mp say that we have chosen the
present incumbents, not because they
were better citizens, worthier men per
sonally, or even more capable for public
employment than their respective com-
petitors on the opposition ticket, but be
cause, other things being equal, the, po
litical question alone was decisive of our
choice.
Such was thec majority of the pito&
which, at the latest eletAions, declared
the National preference for a Republican
control in the making and in the execu•
,
tion of the law; and in the administration
of all departments of the government.
By this popular decision, it was ordered
that the entire fabric of State, from top
to bottoni, should be Republican. It was
neither expected In last year's canvass,nor
would even the suggestion have been
countenanced, that ary half-way meas
ures should be a half-way defeat .of the
popular will as uttered at the polls. The
people heard nothing of compromise then.
The question before them was one of a
radical, searching and exhaustive cleans-
ing and reform of every branch of the
public serVice, in all its ramifications.
And that
- was what the 8d of November
decreed. We all know this; we know
that we then intended it, that we con
ce,aled nothing of our purpose, and that
the frankness of our declarations and
pledges to this end contributed in no
small degree to the completeness of our
triumph.
The sun went down, that November
day, on an array of more than fiftylhon-
sand Federal office-holders, seventy-five
per cent. of whom had openly or secretly
fought against the winning cause, or the
ardor of whose hostility had been abated
only by their recognition of the coming
&publican victory. Of the small frac
tion remaining, four-flfths had given to
us a sympathy which dated only back,to
certain legislation- securing them against
removal by Mr. JOHNSON, and the rest,
barely one•twentieth part of that .Preal.
dent's official subordinates, were witkus
then, as they had ever been, conlially and
with an always ont-spoken manliness.
And there stands the same array now. A
email pert of them have etamieded to the
victorious side, and are clidnorona fora
place among the patty which they had
done all they dared do to detest. The rest
either sullenly submit to the situation, and
await the removal which they know they
deserve,, or are howling through a venal
press agkinst "proscription for opinion's
sake."
Now, these gentlemen will show more
sense by understanding precisely what
conclusions the people came to last
autumn. For example: It was settled
that the proper conduct of public affairs
is depdent upon the politicial opinions
of the official himself; that for this reason
expressly, we did proscribe ANDREW
JonaisoN and Howell° Sayxoun; we
proscribed all candidates for Federal or.
State offices who held with those gentle
men to the same tenets; we did proscribe
the then existing Administration from
the highest down to the least official; and
did expressly vote for the purgation - of
the public service, the customs, the rev
enue, the post-office, and all other depart
ments, of every incumbent who was not a
sound adherent of our faith, proving that
faith by his works; we voted for a new
broom, and that the new broom should
make a clean sweep throughout a service
notorious for its general incapacity and
corruption, and where it would baffle the
highest human intelligence to weed out
the few honest men from the multitude of
thievds. Such were the 'popular conclu
sions—and they are likely to be illustra
ted in practice, in one way if not in an
other.
Is it proscription for opinion'sl sake to
admit the. Republican party, repiesenting
a large popular majority, to a correspond
ing share of official employments? They
have but little or no representation in the
offices now, while they are entitled to
sixty-five out of each hundred.
• If political opinions be not , a qualifica
tion for office, are they to diBqualify the
Republican masses who are already shut
out from the public service?
If sound political opinions are essen
tially a qualification for the higher office- -
holders, why not for their subordinates?
Can the public service be faithfully dis
charged, except by officials . all of whom
are Cordially in sympathy with those
principles which the popular majority ap
proves?.
Which is to be preferred, as most in
accordance with Republican ideas and
with a sound public policy—an army of
inimical 'officials, always endeaToring to
defeat the popular choice at the polls, or
an AdministratiOn thoroughly in accord,
in all its departments, witli the - popular
sentiment?
If "proscription for opinion'ssake" be
objectionable, why Is that Objection never
urged except after a Republican victory?
Is the present the best time, of all others
for inaugurating the nen-proseiiptive doc
trine—and altogether at the Republican
eipense? If it is adopted now, how soon
may the people be congratulated upon
the reforms to' be accomplished in their
service?
In fine,—we put the plain question to
intelligent, honest anc: candid men,—is
not this very doctrine of proscription for
political opinions' sake theradical, funda
mental, vital element of every sound and
effective political organization among a
republican people?
REMARKS
OF THE
HON. GEORGE WILSON,
Ilieniher of the .House of ReprelintaUves
of Pennsylvania, on the Fifteenth
Amendment to. the National Constitu
tion, Delivered Wednesday Evening,
March VT, 1869.
'The speech made by our zealoui repre
sentative, Hon. George Wilson, in the
House debate at ' Harrisburg, on the
nrth Constitutional Amendment, was
one of the very best ttuit gentleman has
ever made. After administering a whole.
some rebuke to the gentlemen from York
and Cumberland, who had asserted that
the Democratic party had built up and
sustained We Government, Mr. Wilson
proceeded to say:
Sir, I presume it' will not be disputed
that the hope and desire of every man in
this republican government ie his own
political enfranc hi sement. Of course I
speak of those who are not In the enjoy
ment of that blessing. Everything that
retards; mpedes orlainders the accom
plishment of this purpose is, in my judg
ment, detrimental to the best interests
of society, and repugnant to the spirit of
bur free institutions,•
To deriy that there exists a strong
prejudice in the community against the
colored race, would be to falsify history;
but to assert that that prejudice was
founded in justice. is equally tolalsify
truth. I Prejudice is sometimes stronger
than law. We have frequent instances
where it has overridden l laws. It de
thrones justice and tramples under foot
all principles of right.
The present effort to deprive one . elass
of citizens from the right of franchise, I
hold to be a case precisely in point.
,The early introduction of slaveiy into
this country created a prejudice in the
minds of the people, the baneful effects
of which have been a stigma upon our
Government.
The framers of the Constitution were
practical men; they dealt with things as
they found them; and although slavery
was permitted, and this prejudice for the
time being assented to, yet their hostility
to both was not unknown.
-I mention slavery, Mr. Speaker, in this
connection, because from it sprang the
feeling that would exclude from the nght
of franchise a po rtion of our fellow citi
zens. I mint n it because hold that
the exclusion from this privilege is a part
and parcel of the same barbarous Institu
tion which, sal said before, was a stigma
upon oar government; the one the sla
very of the body, the other the slavery
of the mind. '
The Constitution of the United States
declares all men born in it citizens; No
where does it allow the States to ignore
that title. „,The term citizen's significant
of privilege. You cannot separate the
one from the other. To be a citizen is to
be entitled to the privileges of fran chise e
To deny a citizen the right of
is to ignore the great principle on which
the prciud . distinction is based, and
which, in all ages of the world, has been
acknowledged. According to the Con
stitution of Pennsylvania, ninth article,
all men are born equally free, and have
certain inherent rights, among which is
that' of protecting property, reputation
and pursuing their own happiness.
Now then, if this be so, these men are
not only born free, but they have the in . -
herent right of all the privileges belong
fog to that state of freedom, and the
right to pursue that line of duty which
at least insures their happiness.
But, Mr. Speaker, it hag been said that
this is an unconstitutional method of
dOing business. Well, it would be strange
indeed if something of that kind were
not said. It was:unconstitutional to sus
pend the writ of habeas corpus, and stop
the months of blatant rebels—it was un
constitutional to prevent the States from
seceding—lt was unconstitutional to call
out thecolored troops, and of course It is
unconstitutional to permit them to vote.
Mr. Speaker; if this be unconstitutional,
where will we go to dad law? All that
has been done in the last , eight years Is
void. - •
Mr. Speaker, if I were to ask gentle
men on the other side from whence they
derived their power to vote to the exclu
sion of others, they would doubtless tell
me, from the &institution. Grant it. Is
it proposed by this amendnient to do any
thing more? Do we not propose, by
amending the Constitution of the United
States, which is the supreme law of the
land, to confer similar privileges on other
citiaens? The same power, I take it, Mr.
Speaker, that confers this privilege on,
one class or citizens is competent to con
fer It on another.
But, Mr. Speaker, we are told that the
people should pass upon this measure.
A enilicient answer to this is, that we
propose no arbitrary or unconstitutional
law but, on the giontrary, one of delega
ted power, conferfed by the people them
selves. This is no new question. The
people have understood it for years.
They have been educated up to this point,
and I apprehend no danger to that party
who boldly stand for the passage of this
amendment.
But gentlemen on the other side seem
to exult in the prospective defeat of the
party who sustain this amendment. if
they really mean what theysay and af
fect Ito believe, why : hinder its passage?
What are we to understand, if knowing
it must pass, and believing it to be fatal
to ourparty, they still persist in obstruct.
ing its passage? Ido not say that they
should cease to discuss what they esteem
a bad measure, but Ido say that know
ing the responsibilitiy to rest with us,
their persistent efforts to defeat it does
not look as though they were sincere.
I am not afraid to go before the people,
Mr. Speaker, on this issue. The preju
dice resulting from the howl against the
, nigger is fast losing its hold on the mind
of the people. The people are not un
mindful of the services rendered by this
unfortunate 'race of men in the nation's
struggle. The people apprehend no dan
ger from men who, unmindful of danger
themselves,did not hesitate when their
country called on them.
In the discussion of this subject the
old argument of superiority of race is
still introduced, and history is produced
and comparison drawn, to show the dit
ference between the races. It would b e
strange indeed, Mr. Speaker, if after a
serfdom of centuries, this benighted and
down-trodden people would stand any
comparison to the white race. The only
wonder is that there should still be found
bright and intellectual minds in that =-
fortunate race of men.
Oak Democratic friends, Mr. Speaker,
are very apprehensive about the elevation
of the black race, and they tell us, that
great social evils will result from' it.
You know they used to say that if we
abolished slavery, the negroes would all
come North, and no white man could get
a living, became the negro would under
mine him. Now, you know,Mr. Speak
er, hoW much truth was in that, Still, I
confess(they made considerable capital
out of and it was a good Dethocratic
dodge as long as it lasted.
Now, Mr, Speaker. I am not a very old
Man, ;but I remember distinctly when
negroes did vote in Pennsylvania. I re
member very well when these men we
m
permitted to cast their ballots like other
men. 1 But I have no recollection, Mt.
Speaker, of any of the evil effects pre
dicted' by our friends on the other side.
And lam satisfied, if they had the bal
lot to-day, no party would more readily
truckle to them, and fawn upon them,
than_our Democratic neighbors.
To contend, Mr. Speaker that the ele
vation of the black man is against the in
terest pf,the white, or to assert that the
elevation of the black degrades the
white, jis mere' sophistry. To contend ,
for a principle of this kind is to contend
vainst reason, progress and !science. ,
Every :day's experience teaches us that
it is not our interest to degrade, but ele
vate all classes of men. Religion, Bei
enoe and all the better feelings teach us,
if we would elevate ourselves, we must
assist to elevate ahem To do good to .
all men is a divine command, but to re
fuse to:elevate men lest we degrade our
selves is irreconcilable with that heaven
ly injunction. The truth is, the princi
ple is founded in prejudice. And it does
seem to me that all the aristocratic no
tions of the old Federal party, together
with the views and prejudice of the late
'Southern chivalry, are concentrated in
the modern Democracy of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Speaker, if my political experi
ence has taught me anything, it it has
demonitrated one fact more clearly than
another, it is the inconsistency of the
Democratic party—wearing the name of
Democratic and opposing the most pure=
equitable and just measures—professing
to be-the friends of ,the poor and down
trodden of all classes. yet opposing the
very means of elevating and making
them hippy. Who is there that does not
know that Democracy North and De
mocracy South are frequently very dif
ferent things? Who is there that does
not knoW that during the late political
campaign they had their negro orators
and colored Democratic clubs?
Ingratitude; Mr. Speaker, is the basest
of all feelings. We claim that if no other
motive prompted, gratitude alone should
secure to these men the right of suffrage.
From the earliest period of our country's
history, these men have not tailed to
render signal service in time of peril.
The speaker here quoted Andrew
Jackson's address to the free colored
inhabitants of Lonsiana, holding that
the opinion of that old hero with regard
o these men was altogether different
from that of the_present day. His es-
timate of their character was based on
their worths and services, but theirs is
founded in simer selfishness and preju
dice.
The speaker concluded:
Mr. Speaker, we.do not rest our claim
for the passage of this amendment on
either gratitude or service. We ,claim
it on the inalienable right of every man
guaranteed to him by the Constitution
and that higher law from which all con
stitutions are, and of right ought to be
made. The whole scope and meaning of
our laws j breathes the spirit of political
equality, and to deny its 'application to
any clam is to stultify ourselves. Mr.
Speaker, ; , I predlOt that the time will
come when the wonder will be not only
that there was a party so blind as to op
pose this measure, but there was found a
man so lost to every sense of justice as
to vote against it. •
The legislative power of this govern.
ment to amend the Constitution cannot
be disputed. To contend for the contra
would be but to deny the plain ieading
of that instrument and to deprive the
people of their rights through their Rep
resentatives in Congre.s.
lb assume that the legislative power of
ttie government were not sufficient to
change the Cobstitntion, would be but
to carry us back to the darkest period of
history.
What, I ask, would be the conditionof
the country now had his doctrine pre
vailed? The dark stain of slavery would
still rest upon our land. The great eman
cipation proclamation that struck the
shackles off three million of men, would
have been a nullity.
Progress and- justice in leglalatioh as
well -as all other matters require the
speedy passage of this amendment.
"Onward ! right onward !" is the order
and not until every man living in this
breed land shall have attained his rights,
will the destiny of this nation be com
plete.
,
APPROPOS to the debate on the bill to
repeal the Tenure-of-Office act, and to
. •
throw some light on the constitutional
method of making governmental appoint
ments, we print the closing paragraphs
of Article 11, Section II of the Constitu
tion of the United States:
"The President shall nominate, and by
and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors other
public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of
the Supreme Uourt, and all other officers
of the United States where appointments
are not herein otherwise provided for,
and which shall be established by law;
but the Congress may by law vest the ap
pointment of such infericir ofticerii„ as
they think proper, in the President alone,
in the . Courts of law, or Heads of Depart
ments..
• -"The President shall have power to fill
up all vacancies that may happen during
the recess of the Senate by granting com
missions which shall expire at the end of
their next session."
The New'Senatorlal Indian Committee
There must be great wrong in a meas
ure when a member of the House occu
pying as high a position as Glenn' WI
Scofield, rises in his place and denounces
a Senate Committee as having sent a bill
to the House involving "the *elm vil
lainypf anything which has been before
the House for many years." Those
were the words he used, speaking as
member of the Committee of • Approptia
tionsi after an examination of the amend
ments, made by the Indian Committee of
the Senate to the Indian Appropriation
bill sent to that body from the House.
And he was fully justified, as the figures
to be presented will show. The moment
Mr. Harlan's connection with railroad
operations, Indian treaties and great land
sales was exposed; all the parties inter
ested combined to help vindicate
The best way open in the Senate was 'to
elevate him to the Chairmanship of the
Indian Committee. The effort was made;-
members of that committee aided in the
movement, and the thing was accom-;
plished.
—The Patois, of Paris, says that Presi
dent Grant's message and the composi
tion of the Cabinet accord perfectly.
Since 1861 the ideas of government cen
tralitation have been'predominant. Now
they seem to be accepted as the political
doctrines of the Great Republics. The
message in substance announces the end
of the reign of politicians, as the Cabinet
does not contain a single really influen
tial man. Grant remains the sole and
veritable director of the American Gov
ernment.
EXAMINE BEFORE CONDEMNING.
,One of the most important considerations to
these who wish to live happily, Is that of human'
health; a fact well known and deeply deplored -
by all who have log or had it impaired. We.
know well enough that the thousands of com
pounds for its restoration are in many Instances
merely the inventions of those who desire , to be
eine the public and enrich themselves. It there
fore becomes those who do not wish to be Im
posed upon, to examine the proof of the enicael
of a medicine, to fore trusting to Its merits, or
tampering with their health. DR. GEYSER'S
BLOOD SEARCHER, in the class of diseases for '
which he recommends it, is without a peer or a
rival. It stands among blood purifying and at
terative medicine, as the Alps among mountains,
overtopping them. The rich vegetable juices of
which It Is composed are sure to renew the blood
and re;invigorate the frame of man. We wish it
understood, however, that we speak solely of '
chronic diseases-and those which have their
origin In a depraved and cachectic state of the •
system. We would much rather that not one bot
tle of this great Blood Searcher should ever' be
sold, than it should not do good; and in every
case to which It is suited, it will do good. There
are thousands of readers of the Gazirrrn Whir
have some slight Indisposition or ailment Moon
veniencing or interim ing with the enjoy
ment of life, who could be :cured by -- tke .
use of less than a tottle of Dr. Key
ser's Blood Searcher. Especially is this
true at this season of the year, when the powers
of lib, like the ; changes of the seasons, are
emerging from the state of whiter to spring, and
spring to summer. The dollar that you expend,
to buy It will be regarded as of little consequence
•
when placed in the scale with that - renewed en
ergy and elasticity of health which it will bi sure
tri impart. And besides, the tone which it gives
Is lasting and real, wholly unlike the fiery and
spasmodic glow imparted by most alcoholic
stimulants; fur Agnist these corrodeand depress
the system when their - stimulating effects have
pasted off, that Invigorates the stomach, renews
Its vital powers, heels its irritated coats, and
enables it to concoct and convert into chyle the
food which Is rtceived into It for that end. No
one can over-estimate the value to health of
Single bottle of Dr. Ke yser'i Blood Searcher at
this season of the year. It will make life and
health to bloom under its influence like the eeniar
rays of the sun invigorates and starts into life
the whole field of Nature. SOLD BY THE
GROSS, DOZEN OR SINGLE BOTTLE, AT
THE DOCTOR'S GREAT NEW' MEDICINE
STORE, NO. 187 LIBERTY STREET. DR. -
KEYSER'S CONSULTING OFFICE FOR ALL
CHRONIC DISEASES, NO. DIO PENN
STREET, FROM 10 A. M. UNTIL 4 P. M.
THE TRYING SEASON.
The searching winds, the cold, drizzling rains,
the heavy fogs, end occasional warm and moist
days of March, render Rupee the whole, the most.
unhealthy month of the year. Ms depressing In
fluences are especially unfavorable to invands,
and theasands of persons with feeble constitu
tions, Who have borne the winter bravely,break
down in the first month of Spring The variations
of temperature and cold east wi nds are a serious
trial to the dyspeptic and billeas,whose symptoms
they.lnvarlanly aggravate. Intermittent ibver Is
also rife wherever bent It evolvable poison In the
ws.ter or the soil. Tot nable the system to Combat
these evils, there Is nothing like a good vegeta=
hie tonic and mottle this class of medicines HOS
TETTER'S STOMACH BETTERS stand supreme.
Medical men prescribe it in pr eference to any of
the tonic' preparations of the pharmacopeia.
They are aware that the ordinary tincture and
extracts are all based upon cheap alcohol, which
is surcharged with an acrid essential oil, and ab
solutely DOlBOllOllO. They knew, on the other
b and, that the rectified essence of the finest rye
rown In this court tolls the sole spirituous ingre
dient of HOSTETTER'S BITTERS, and that the
vegetable medicinal elementv of which it Is com
posed are ot rare efficacy. Hence, It has the con
fidence of physicians, and Ands ita way Into hos
pitals where no other proprietary medicine is
sanctioned. - •
A course of the BITTERS Is especially recom
mended to persons of uel lute habit, of both
sexes at this season. In the fever and ague dis
tricts 'of the West and South, quinine hay been
almost universally discarded as aeh ologogne; and
Lids valuable antidote to mat disorders
adopted In Its stead. A doubl gain Is realized
by the change, for the Bitters, unlike that dan
gerous alkaloid, are agreeable to the relate, and
their curative effect is mudb.more Derailment.