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WEDNESDAY. MARCH U. 1809.
•
WE MET on the inside pager of this
'morning's GAZETTE Beoond page :
- .Ephemeris, Miscellaneous, - Letter from
Et. Louis. Third and Sixth pages: Com
mercial, Snancica, Mercantile and River
News; - Markits, Imports. &venal page :
,Washingto:n Topics and &sap, Tele
grams', I?eai Estate Transfers.
11. B. BONDS at Fraakfort.
Pwrnonnum at Antwerp, 5541®56f.
GOLD ekised in New York yesterday at
1811. .
GEORGi BERGNER, Esq, editor of the
Harrisburg Teregraph, has just been re
placed ak - Postmaster of that city.
THE close of the present session of
Congress on the 26th is probable. If
seed be, the Senate will continue to sit,
tor .4ecutive business:4
Mn. From, Secretary of State, was
sworn Into Office yesterday, after which
the first fall Cabinet meeting of the new
- administration was held.
GEN. NEGLEY, had an interview with
the President Yesterday. This may be an
important announcement to office•seekers
who are impatiently awaiting news from
Washington.
Tax contested election case of COTODE
Ira. Foam, in the adjoining Westmore
, bad district, goes over to the December
session. for decifion. -Additional testi
mony is to be taken ha the meantime.
COLONEL. PARKER, formerly Generak
Gitattr's Indian Aid-de-Camp, who has
been spoken of, as the probable appointee
to the head of the Indian Bureau, is now
understood to be out of that line of pro.
motion. As an Indian, he is considered
4,tteligible to civil office.
DI THE Crrv. Couricn.s, yesterday,
there was another exciting discussion
ever the bill creating a Paid Fire Depart
ment, which resulted in its being referred
by the Common branch to the Ordinance
Committee, with instructions to revise,
modify and return for action. •
.Tnit expected nominations for the for
eign missions have not yet been made.
The delay is accounted for by the fact
- - that the new Secretary of State did not
until yesterday. These appoint
ments we in Ins proper departn:,kent, and
he should have some reasonable time for
idicial consideration.
Ws . exaczEuit hope that the public
'may rely upon the correctness of the ru.
mor which assigns the office of Register
of the Tresatuy to Hon: Jofor Amrsou,
formerly of Beaver, but now of Mercer
county. A more upright and capable
; man, worthier citizen, or truer believer in
'sound political principles, 'does not live
•• than he. In public service as in private
• life, he has amply proven his entire fitness
, for the most responsible trusts.
AN AGENT of the Cuban insurgents has
nsidied the Florida coast, en route to
Washington, and bearing the formal ap
-plication of the insurgent Junta for their
"recognition." Doubtless, this is in
tended to apply to their rights as belliger
-entk since it is not in accordance with In
ternational comity to recognize the hide.
pandenge of an insurgent party, or sec,-
' tion until its ability to Isuiintain that
position shall appear plainly manifest.
At present, the Cuban situation presents
no suchtitle to a distinct nationality.
A CORRESPONDENT of the NM York
herald plumes himself on having diev.
ered that it was the "Treasury ring" and
mot the law of 1789 which prevented Mr.
&Imam, from taking his seat in the
Cabinet. The law, he says, for years has
been dead letter on the books." If
the law xemained on the statutes it was
!not dead, no matter how often its provi
sions had imen disregarded; and, even at
this fate date , the wisdom and prudence
'which prompted its passage are , fully ap
predated. It may in Mr. STEweirr's
Case have deOriVed the Cabinet of a most
excellent officer, but the world is not
wholly composed of. STEWARTS, and
thire was no goad reason why the law
should have been repealed In deference to
his moral qualities now, and thus enable
rogues in the future to profit by its ab-
PROGRESS IN CUBA.
The insurgent leaders Cilia have
formally proclaimed fife immediate aboli
tion of slaveiy, with indemnity to those
proprietors who sympathize with the rebel
cause. It Is also decreed that the freed
men must either fight or work for that
cause, and that, on this Nulls, they shall
Mi
enjoy all the rights and privileges of
white men. The imperative clause in
this 4 charter of freedom has a novel sound
to American ideas, but, taken altogether,
the movement marks a step decidedly in
advance of a people of Spanish origin
and prejudices. We regret, however, to
believe that this tardy act of justice to the
enslaved race is to be attributed rather to
the menacing and desperate character cf
the rebel situation, than to any higher
and purer Impulse ot philanthropy, or
even of devotion to the principle of lib
erty itself. - The effect of this step must
be speedily decisive, either in retiieving
the insurgent fortunes or In extinguish
ing their last hope.
DISTRIBUTION .i3P - PATRONAGE
An - arrangement, made between the
Republican Senators and Representatives
from Pennsyliania, as to the distribution
of patronage, has created some discussion.
This arrangement is to the effect that Re
publican Representatives shall control
the distribution within their own districts,
and the two Senators in the Democratic
districts. The objection raised is, that
the Republican candidates for Congress in
the Democratic diatricts ought to have the
patronage of their respective districts in
their hands as absolutely as if thdy had
been elected. ,
Where, then, would the Senators be al
lowed to say anything about patronage?
Their influence would dwindle into
simply saying the official yes, to whatever
the Representatives and candidates for
Representatives should be pleased to sug
gest. It is not wonderful the Senators
are not ready to be.thus ignored.
Take a Congressional district in which
the Democrats have from five to ten
thousand-majority, and steadily. increas.
ing. There are such. In It the Republi
can organization is altogether nominal.
A very few men in each coun
ty manage everything to suit themselveti
when a Presidential election approaches,
with • a Congressional election, also,
they get themselves appointeeconferees,
or go self-constituted. They agree to
nominate one of their own set for Con.
gress, under the expectation that he will
control the patronage, and that he and
they will have all the desirable places.
That is all they want in the canvass, or
do in it. Frequently they nominate a man
who would stand no chance of nomina
tion if there was the slightest prospect of
carrying the district. The wholeaffair is
a eonvenient arrangement for manipula
ting patronage by people who are not en
titled to it.
When districts are close, and candi
dates are selected with a view to being
carried, this description will not apply,
and a defeated candidate for. Congress
will have no difficulty in getting, through
the President or Senators, whatever influ
ence he ought to have.
SUMNER ON THE WAR-PATH
Our Anglo-phobists arc all agreed
upon the proper policy of this country
toward - England. As they briefly but
expressively put it, it reads "an apology
or a fight; with - the first, a full reparation
in money for. all the damages we can
prove, and, with the second alternative,
an ample territorial indemnity carved out
of the Canadian Dominion." This is the
entire, programme of these punctilious
ohampions of our wounded -National
honor—and we must give them the credit
for being heartily in earnest in their de
mands. Just now, they repine over the
shameful indifference of the country to
the insults and injuries inflicted upon.us
by England since, the last' settlement in
1815, and anxiously await the advent of
some Peter" the Hermit, to , preach up a
patriotic crusade against perfidious Al
bion. And their anxiety is to be speedily
relieved. Senator Stns nn, of Massa
chusetts, is the coming man. This fero
ciously belligerent statesman is under
stood to have prepared, and will soon de
liver, (reading it from a printed copy,) a
speech "taking the groiuid that England
is entirely responsible for much more than
the destruction of oni ships; that her ac
tion resulted in sweeping our commerce
from the seas, and in prolonging the war
of our rebellion at least a year." This
speech is to be the formal indictment
presenting English perfidy—the overt acts
which exhibit her ante-republican hate—
In-the most convincing light, before the
shuddering detestation of Christendom.
Our Senatorial Peter, —who, being a Yan
kee, is of course much smarter.than his
great "and only, prototype , of the Middle
Ages; but in whose manly breast not even
his own trumpet-lilast of war can entirely
obliterate the sweet tenderness of the
Christian heart—this 'fighting 'Senator of
ours has not been altogether without some
merciful consideration for the hated
foe; he has therefore privately informed
the British Minister that England is about
to be "chawed up" by this speech, no
doubt,sending to him a. copy, in , advance
of publication, with the strongeit pas
sages marked by, the Senatorial pencil.
The French Minister lias alio been fa
vored in the same way by the Inagua'.
mow' foe, who diplomatically tells him
that, after the English haveheen chas
tised, it will be the turn of France to be
called up, for punishment for her part In
the mischievous and premature recogni
tion of belligerent _rights. ,
The storits all agree thrit these emissa
ries of foreign despots stand aghast at
the prospect before them. Mr. THORNTON
clares that Bustriun means war. Sensi
ble THORNTON! Dreadful SuarztErti The
Frenchman, consoled by ;the thought that
it is the hated Albion which is to bear the
first shock of battle, shrugs his shoulder*
.:'inti)NESDAY, MARCH 17, 1f%9
and replies, ”Mr. §.rsrsra, that means
expansion of ,territory:" NAPOLEON'S
minion is rather pleased than otherwise
with the idea that New France, which the
XVth Louts, lost, is nowAO be torn out
of the jaws of the British lion. Mon
sieur Is shrewd enough to perceive, too,
that after this ,tearing -out process shall be
completed, Brother Jowevu.V,s stomach
will not be left in any dangerous state, of
preparation for further combats.
And the entire diplomatic corps at
Washington are in a terrible ferment.
The • war-cloud in Europe is altogether
forgotten, in the apprehensions engen
dered by the forthcoming Sumnerian
manifesto. It is really lucky that the
American people have no shexe in such
forebodings. The Senator's buncombe
will do no mischief--except to spoil a
few reams of riaper; for the rest, it 'may
do a 'Vast deal of good, since it will , con
r-
vince all sensible folks of the Indisputable
propriety of taking a course in precisely
the opposite direction to that which the
valiant Senator marches on.
Whether the official exposition •of the
true situation, in this Alabama business,
is to be given in Mr. SMINER'S speech,_
or in the mysteriously deferred but now
promised report of a Senatorial Commit
tee, the country has a right to know the
precise grounds upon which the Senate
rejects a treaty which has been duly and
formally negotiated Nt ith a great foreign
power. "It strikes us that the "hide and
seek" policy has governed the Senate,
relative to this question, quite long
enough. Let us be officially informed
upon the real diplomatic position of either
party to this controversy. All good citi
zens will then know how to stand by
thbir country for the right.
THE TENURE.OF-OFFICE ACT.
A misapprehension exists among the
people here and elsewhere of the pro
-visions of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and
the powers of the President under the
same. It is no uncommon circlimstance
to hear asserted that none of the govern
mental officers holding positions by ap
pointment of President 4tancsow for
the fbli, term of four years,- can. be •dis
plae,ed'before that period has been served,
provided no just cause can be presented
in the meantime for removal. How such
an interpretation of the law can be main
tained from the text, we are at a loss
to discover, and can only account for its
general prevalence on the hypothesis that
few have taken upon themselves the task
of looking closely into the words of the
act, passed to guard against the malicious
political persecutions by a corrupt and
revengeful partisan President of faithful
and efficient public servants, and not in
tended to interfere in any manner what
ever with the appointing power of a
Chief Executive who has the welfare pf
the country and the faithful execution of
the laws thereof closer at heart than any
desire to make war on those who may
take issue with him on important national
questions. If we are to credit corres
pondents, President Grieirr partakes
somewhat of the prevailing error that his
hands are tied by the law, and that he is I
in a large measure powerless to discharge
from public service objectionable officers
wkto hold unexpired commissions issued
. .hy . his predecessor, charging Congress,
in the failure to repeal the Tenure Act.
with the responsibility of their continu
ance in office. •
It will be remembered that when Mr.
Jonsson first introduced the guillotin
ing process of deposing men who dared
think differently from himself, he had
matters pretty much his. own way, and
abased his privileges as no Chief Execu
tive before him had ever attempted. The
Senate, while in session, threw up a
slight barrir to the political deposer,
although unable to protect good men
removed for their adherence to principle,
by refusing to confirm successors who
were objectionable. Mr. JOHNSON was
shrewd enough to - temporarily rest from
his labor of decapitation while the Senate
held session, bat immediately atter their
adjournment let fall the knife with the
vigor of vengeance ; and; when the Sen
ate resumed, they found new appointees
installed in the public offices, attending
to their duties, and as the changes had
been made it was not deemed essential to
the public good to withhold confirma
tion, as Such a course would- clog the
wheels of government by confusing mat
ters in the several departments. In order
to checkmate the President in:the new
development of his genius, and to take
out of his hands a power he had clearly
demonstrated should rest with no bad
man, the Tenure-of-Office bill was framed
and passed. Hence, it will be seen what
emergency gave birth to the law. It was
not designed to strip the President of
power, but to provide against its abuse
when the Senate was out of session.
The first section of the act provides
that persons holding or appointed to any
civil office, by and with the' consent of
the Senate, shall be entitled to hold such
office until a- successor shall have been
in like manner appeintecrand duly quali
fied. That does not Imply that au officer
shall hold his term of four years from the
date of-commission... Presuming it did,
Mr. JOHNSON and his ring, might have
forestalled all of President GEANT'S ap
pointments by a scheme which would
have been accompanied by no great diffi
culty in carrying it out. If, by previous
arrangement, all of the officers In the
service of the Government by appoint
ment of the President had resignedieveril
months before their terms had expired, and.
new ones in the ring had been appointed,
and the Senate had been humbugged into •
confirming -them, and these, in turn,
after serving a few "weeks, had iesigned,
leaving the President to_ re-appoint the
old ones for the term of four years from
the date of their commissions, how many
offices would President GRANT have now
to supply?
The second section provides for contin
gencies where, during a recess' , of the
Senate, is shown, by evidence satisfac
tory to the President, that an officer is
guilty of misconduct in_ , office, or crime,
or for any other reason shall become in
capable or legally disqualified to perform
his duties, the President may suspend
such officer and designate a teMporary
successor until the next meeting L' of the
Senate, and .until the case may be acted
upon by that body. This fixes the
causes for removal while 'the Senate is in
recess, but in no ways refers to the pow
ers of the President to remove from office
while that body is in session. TIM third
section provides for supplying vacancies
by_ death or resignation, the Prsident
haiing power to appoint a successor,
whose commission shall expire at the end
of the next following session of the Senate.
The remaining sections are of no particu,
lar importance, simply providing the
method of. - enforcingl the law and fixing
the penalties for its violation. •
Altogether the law may be regarded. in
no higher light than a formal declaration
of the right of the Senate to share with
the President the power cf making ap
pointments. This right had never been
questioned and was coeval with the Gov
ernment itself. We were not among
those who looked with much favor on the
bill when before Congress, inasmuch as
we regarded it as a half-way measure to
hamper a wrong-doing President, who,
richly meriting impeachment, should . not
have been surrounded with new laws to
keep him from violating and setting aside
old ones. Reinainink on the statutes it
can in no way Interfere with President
Gitarr's powers of removal while the
Senate is in session; and it is hardlY \ pos
sible that he will need wider' g range
than that given him by the lawl itself
during the recess of that body. From
present appearances, however, Congress.
will either entirely repeal the act or tem
porarily suspend its - operations. The
bill to repeal it was fully debated in the
Senate yesterday and', will probably be
brought to a vote to-day.
New York Item,.
Judge Hilton, Mr. A. T. Stewart's con
fidential adviser, was black-balled at the
Union League on Saturday night. He is
at present a member of the Manhattan
Club, and is Stewart's candidate for Col
lector.
The new excise law, passed by the As
sembly, creates great dissatisfaction
among the Germans, and they threaten,
under the leadership of Getteral
bitter retaliation on the Republicans at
the next State election.
Ex-Secretary Seward, it is understood,
is very indignant at the recent manifesto
of James Watson Webb, claiming that
it was he, and not Seward. who pursuad
ed the French to leave Mexico. He is
preparing an elaborate answer to what he
is said to characterize as a preposterous
assumption, which will be given to the
public in the course of a few days; So
we learn from one of the ex• Secretary's
most intimate personal friends, just! from
Auburn.
The Destroyed steamer Buth . .l
My Telegraph to the Pittsburgh Gasetteaj °
ST. LOMB, March 16.—The steamer
Ruth, which was burned yesterday in
the lower Miasisurippi river, was one of
the largest and finest vessels on the west
ern waters. She was owned by the
Atlantic and Mississippi Steamship Com
pany, cost in 1885 $200,000, and' was
valued at $lOO,OOO. Her insuranoe_ was
as follows•: Five thousand dollars each
in the folloWing Cincinnati companies
Enterprise, Boatmens, Magnolia, Buck
eye State, National, Union and Eureka;
in the Peoples and Allegheny of Pitts
burgh $5,000 each; Manufacturers and
Merchants and Boatmans of Pittsburgh
$2,000 each; Home of New York $3,000
and Boatmens of St. Louis 13,000—total
$55,000. Her cargo of 2,000 tons, consist
ing in part of 6,000 barrels flour, 1,000
barrels pork, 90 packages of bacon, 600
barrels of corn meal, 2,500 sacks corn,
and some 2,000 • packages of sundries,
was valued at about $130,000. The fire
_caught in the hold near the bailers. She
was immediately sunk by cutting a hole
in the.bosi , . She lies in fifteen feet water.
A large portion of her cargo can be saved
in a damaged condition, but her hall is
probably rained.
-The Insurrection In Cuba.
Bs Telegraph to the Plttatruzett linens.)
HAVANA, March 10.—The insurgents
in the neighborhood of. Segue number
1,600, and are under command of an
American named Rudolph Pole, fornierly
in•the Confederate service, and lately a
clerk in a mercantile house in Caibarue.
Advicea from the interior represent the
troops are advancing against the rebels
in every direction. The Government
officers are working hard to re-establish
communication, between Neuvitas I and
Puerto Principe. Skirmishes have taken
[place at Baca, near Neuvitas, and
at Parliarlia. Two fights within
forty-eight hours are reported; in
one of which, according to Govern
ment accounts, s one hundred and
seventy-five insurgents were killed., No
reports of these engagements have been
received from, the Cuban side. Forty
rebel prisoners have arrived here from
Remdias. The rebels who were defeated
at Majorl are moving toward Holguin.
The Xiaro says that the wealthy
planters and merchants are 'dissatisfied
with the abolition proclamation issued
by the insurgents in the central depart
ment.
Georgia and the Amendment.
(By Telegraph to the Plttaburgh Gazette.),
ATLANTA. March 16.—The House pass
ed the. Fifteenth Amendment by a vote
of 57 to 46. Republicans present and
not voting 18. Republicans voting ,nay
4. It is made the special order in the
Senate for tomorrow afternoon.
—General Canby has issued an order
appropriating about four hundred 'And
thirty live thousand dollars out of the
State Treasury of Texas, to carry on the
Provisional government of that tate
during the current year. It is said that
more than one-third of this amount is
for, the Penitentiary, which will return
most of the amount thus appropriated.
FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS.
(Continued from First Page.)
read from a book, to'the effect that the
claim that the President could create a
vacancy in offices withoutthe advice and
consent of the Senate was absurd. -
Mr. YATES could not agree with that
opinion,
Mr. EDMUNDS said what he had read
was the opinion of one of the judges
on the impeachment trial, Senator Yates.
of Illinois. [Laughter.l
Mr. YATES insisted that all he had said
on that occasion was good law. (Laugh
ter.) He did not now, however. propose
.to go into the question of law. He had
voted for the impeachment of President
Johnson, and under the same circum
stances should vote so again, and if Presi
dent Grant should at any time go back on
.his party, or on the principles on which
he was elected, he (Mr.. Yates) would
be the ilxst, to denounce him. The Pres
ident, however, had shown no inclination
to do this, and therefore there was no
reason why Congress should manifest a
want of confidence in him by keeping
this law upon the statute book. The
present President had vindicated his
right to the people's confidence on a
thousand battle fields, and although he
was not one of his favorites, yet he was
anxious that the President should have a
fair chance in the administration of the
government.
Mr. FESSENDEN said he would vote
for the repeal of the law. He would not
do so, however, on the ground that to
vote - otherwise would - exhinit a distrust
in the President, but bemuse he had op
posed the law from the first, and had
foreseen and foretold that its operations
would do more evil than good. He had
not opposed it because he thought it un
constitutional. On the contrary, he be
lieved Congress might impose upon the
President the restriction which this law
did impose. He thought the Senate
had already a sufficient check on the
action of the President in the power
to withhold its assent froth his nomina
tions. He had been unable, therefore, to
support this law, at the time of Reenact
ment, because, although it seemed to be
demanded for that occasion, he had never
been in the habit of framing his legisla
tion for particular occasions. The great
evil which had attended the_operation of
the law was that it , had transferred the
power of appointment to office from the
Executive to the members of the House
of Representatiires. This transfer had
been attended with very bad results, and
he was, therefore, prepared to vote
for the repeal of the law. He
would repeat, however, his vote
would not be given for repeal on
the ground that to vote otherwise
would indicate a want of confidence in
the President. He did not think it ne
cessary. or dignified, to be continually
referring to the confidence of the people
and Congress in the President. The peo.
pie had but recently elected, and it was
to be presumed the people had confi
dence in him. He did not mean to lec
ture the Senate, but he thought it was
not necessary, or in good taste, to be
continually slavering the Presidentwith
praise. and talking about his battles and
victories. General Grant had ceased to
be General and had become President of
the United States, and was likely to have
a bard time it. (Laughter.) He
(Mr. Fessenden) expected to stand by
the President. to approve of his
official conduct that seemed to him good
And excuse all that was mistaken, and
the President would be more than mor
tal if he did not make some mistakes.
He was in the habit of determining his ac
tion upon all measures of legislation that
came before him without regard to per
sons, or its probable effect upon them,
and only with regard to his duty to him
self, to the Senate and to the greal con
stituency which he represented. He
would vote for the repeal of this law,
only becarlse it was a bad one, and not
with regard to its effect upon any person
or persons.
Mr. YATES said whether the Senator
from Maine intended to lecture anybody
or not, he (Ur. Yates) did not intend to
be lectured: . The Senator said that in
legislating in regard to officers of the
Government he never considered the
person holding an office; but the facts
were quite the other way, because that
Senator, in voting for the Tenure-of-
Office act, did so with direct reference to
the person who held the office of Presi
dent.
Mr. FESSENDEN—I did not vote for
It.
Mr. YATES—WeII, others did, and
they voted with reference to the person
holding the office of President, and I
maintain that we ought to consider-the
person who holds an office in legislating
with reference to that office, lind insist
that it was proper to refer to Gen. Grant's
battles.
Mr. HOWARD prokested against the
imputation of the Senator from Indiana,
(Mr. Morton) that to vote against the re
peal of the suspension of this law
would indicate a want of confi
dence in the President. The imputation
was without foundation, entirely gzatni
tons. The law itself, he thought, an ex
cellent one, and his chief object in voting
• for it had not been to restrain Andrew
Johnson, but to put upon the statute book
an enactment as necessary to the Ex
ecutive as to the people. It was true the
misconduct of President Johnson had
given the occasion for the enactment.
but occasions have always suggested the
enactment of laws. No one could have
a higher sense than he of the patriotism
and brilliancy of General Grant's military
career,
and he trusted his civil career
would be as bright. He expected it
would be, as he intended to give his
support to every eat and suggestion of
the President that he could approve;
but he would not be swerved from the
line of his duty as a legislator by regard
for President Grant or any other hu
man being.. He never had learned,
and never would learn, to "olOok
the pregnant hinges of the knee,
that thrift may follow fawning."
The constitutionality of the act seemed
to hlm so clear as to hardly admit of de
bate. It required the concurring action
of the President add the Senate to put
a man into office. 'How could the Presi
dent alone undo that which he had been
'unable to do without the advice and con
sent of the Senate? This consideration
aloise seemed to settle the question; but
his view was sustained. by some of the
greatest statesmen that the ,country had •
produced, Webster, Clay; Benton, and
Calhoun.
In conclusion, Mr. HOWARD again
denied that to vote against the repeal of
the tau indicated a want of confidence in
the President, and expressed• the opin
ion, that the President himself would
hurl back the imputation if he heard it.
He (Mr. Howard) was willing, for the
sake of being In harmony with his
brother Senators, to vote to suspend the
law for a certain time, but he felt in do
ing so he had• done a great deal, and
would not, under any circumstances,
agree to its repeal.
Mr. EDMUNDS thought a disinter
ested spectator, if there were any such,
would have some curiosity to know the
occasion of this attempt to strike off the
statute book a law for which some of the
wisest and purest fathers of the country
had struggled, and for the want of which
Executive patronage had more than
once, by direct intervention, been used
to control and coerce the will of the
people. The supporters of the at-
tempt to repeal this law were of.
two classes. The Democratic party
la the Senate advocated it in a solid
body, some probably on principle, but
others no doubt in the hope that by re
pealing tbe law the Republican party
would put itself in the wrong and stand
before the people of the country and the
world as a party which had resorted to a
mean and unconstitutional contrivance
against an Executive that it did not like,
and now makes baste to abandon it in
favor of one it did like. Acting with
the Democrat.° party were some of the
most able members of the Republican
party, who, however, acted in this case
of ours as a government men instead
of a government of lawie ,There being
this strong combination for the repeal of
the law, it was worth while for Senators
seriously to consider what It was they
were asked to do. He would remind
them that history was not silent on the
question. It was the old question of one
man against the power of the people, as
represented by their own .agent. The
question had been mooted in the first
Congress. of the United States, where
the advocates of a strong Executive
quarreled with the constitution as it was,
because it did not give them a strong
enough government, because the Execu
tive was not near enough in power to a
King. :The debates in that drat session
were not public, but had been handed
down to us in the notes of one of the
Senators taken upon the spot, a portion
of which he would read. Mr. Edmunds
then read from manuscript a Icing and
interesting account of the debate, show
ing, in conclusion, that it was only by
the casting vote of the President of the
Senate, John Adams that the advocates
of a strong Execut ive triumphed. Re
then Went on to say the question was too
groat to be determined with refer
ence to he personal character of
any single President or Vice Pres
ident, or the circumstances of any
particular time. . It It was a question
not merely for to-day or to-morrow, but
for the future, when we should have
perhaps one hundred States and one hun
dred millions of people.- He thought, in
this view. the Senate ought carefully to
consider whether it could wisely dik est
itself of a power whicn all, except Demo
crats, confessed belonged to it under the
Constitution, or might properly be
conferred on if by law. Was
there .no danger . that we should
have another Johnson ? Had the
the millenitim really came, because the
people had just succeeded in electing an
honest President and Vice President?
He feared not. There would be a coun
try left after Grant and Colfax should
have passed awaythere would be the
contentions of parties and factions as
heretofore—the army of postmasters
and collectors and assessors would still
attend the primary . meetings, [laughter]
and there would be the same danger
that had always existed of :Executive
patronage. When left to the Executive
alone, would it not be a temptation, in
closely contested elections, for the Exec
utive in office to refuse to surrender the
reins of the Government, and to keep
control of them by this means?
After further - discussion, and- without
a vote, the Senate, at four o'clock, went
into executive session, and shortly after
adjourned.
I=l
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Mr. M ' CULLOM, on presenting a pe
tition of Messrs. Bliss and Masterman,
moved to appoint a select committee to
investigate the conduct of the late Minis
ter to 'Paraguay, and that of the officers
of the South Atlantic squadron. Referred
to Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. BUFFINGTON - introduced a bill
to extend the vessel registry law. Re
ferred to Committee on Commerce,
The nickel coinage bill was then taken
up, and the House refused to order the
previous question, as !moved by Mr.
Kelley.,
Mr. BUTLER moved that the material
be contracted for' by public actvertise
ment, in order, be said, to prevent the
possibility of a job.
Mr. JUDD sustained the amendment
and the bill.
Mr. MA.YNARD objected to abolishing
the ten cent paper currency.
Mr. WOOD • sustained . Mr. Butler's
amendment.
The bill then, onmotion of Mr. DAVIS,
was recommitted.
Mr: BEAMAN introduced a bill divi.
ding Texas into several States and Ter
ritories. Referred to Reconstruction
Committee.
Mr. DAWES introduced a bill regula
ting the compensation in cases of contes
ted elections. Referred toElection Com
mittee. .No mileage or per diem is to
be paid until the question 'is decided
by the House, then only to the person to „
whom the seat is awarded, that the
unsuccesaftil party shall be allowed by
the Committee on Accounts only the
amount actually expended by him in the
contest.
Committees were called for reports;
but no reports were made.
The SPEAKER presented a message
from the President, with a communica
tion in reference to the Pacific Railroad.
Referred to Pacific Railroad Committee.
On motion of Mr. BINGHAM, the Ju
diciary Committee was authorized to ap
point a Clerk.
On motion of Mr. STEvzNSON, the
undistributed books of the last Congress
were ordered to be distributed among the
members of the present Congress.
Adjourned.
THE COM&
U. S. District Court--Judge McCandless
TUESDAY, March 16.—1 n the matter of
L. and A. R. McConnell, bankrupts; a
•petition was filed for them to answer
their schedule by the' assignee for their
creditors, setting forth a claim for dam
ages for having an injunction issued
against the bankrupts by certain creditors
of James Robb; the petition was resisted
by the McConnells, as the claitn - ilid-not
pass by the assignment under the I act.
The rule to show cause came up for ar
gument this morning. J. H. , Bailey, .,
for the petitioners, and Hall Patterson,
Esq. ; for the bankrupts. His Honor,
Judge McCandless, took charge of the
papers and will give a decision at an
early day.
Quarter Sessions—Judge Stowe.
TUESDAY, March 16.—1 n the case of
George W. Cooder, for felonious shoot
in
in& reported Monday, the jury found a
verdict of not guilty.
John WeaVer, John Sutton and Wm.
Bolick, indicted for stealing goods from
the Cleveland and Pittsburgh freight
cars which were standing on the track
in Manchester, were placed on trial. It
will be remembered that the parties
were tried last week, but the jury failed
to agree. Yesterday the jury, after a
brief absence, brought in a verdict of
guilty in manner and form as indicted.
Wm. Davis, who, on Monday, plead
guilty to an indictment for larceny,' was
called up for sentence. The Court asked
the prisoner why he had committed the
offense. He replied that "some boys
told him to do it."
Judge Stowe remarked that ths excuse
was a poor one, and the offense was of
such a character as p would justify the
Court in sendinhe risoner to te Pen-
itentiary, but in g
c t onsideration of the fact
that several gentlemen had said that his
previous chtuscter was good, the sen-