The Pittsburgh gazette. (Pittsburgh, Pa.) 1866-1877, July 31, 1868, Image 1
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A • *,;y am • 4—, ~ - -----,—..,- q I ' ___lM r= ll !'!: 6 77it4 / 1 71 . 4 . xia :1 .... 1 .;, - I— s -e.S. , - \ - , ''\ ---... 1 . ___ __ . .. ••••,....------,_ ---___ 1 , . • , • ' Y -. . , - ' .- ,-- -------- - -- t -- T• - --4 , -_= .__-___ - -- -__--..---,_ - ,:.--..-._,-,-_. - _ •.,, . • • . . . • . . .._.,• . . i : . . Mil MI voi,ukE THIRD EM1101: VIN7IO O'CLOCK A. M. GRANT AND COLFAX,. ; . Republican Mass Meeting at-City Hall. THE oAlkll' FIRES LIGHTED. Address of RonlJohn Bingham, of Ohio. REM ARKS BT ,ICWORTHINGTO?i: , - ;AND SE!; ifE&LF,Y. Professor F'ope's . Song. AmatiiET meeting of the friencie of Grant and Colfax was held at CitY.Halliast even ing, and notwithstanding thelimited notice and heav* rain, which set in about the hour for assenibling, the Spacious hail was densely cinwded with the most enthusiastic audience We haie ever seen in the city. The campaign of 1868 is fairly- opened; the Re , publican cramp tires are lighted, and from the ' general enthusiasm which prevailed at the meeting fiStaight we presume will be_ kept burning until the second Monday oeNciV ember. The comModious Hall, RePubli . can headquarters for the campaign, under thefareful supervision of. Col. .7.. H. Steyr , art, iSecretary of the Republican .County Exe utive Committee, was beautifully dee grated with innumerable flags and life-size portraits Of General Grant tastefally ar ranged in ditTerqnt portions of. the Hall. An excellent brass band w as in attendaned ' and discoursed brilliant music before the meeting opened and during the intervals between the addresses. At eight o'clock the hall was densely crowded, yet the masses continued - to , pour in until there was not standing room lefk,;.. The meeting was called to _ordei by Vol. Russel Errett, Chairrnan of the'Cofinty Ex ecutive COmmittee, who proposed the fol.- /owing list of L, • ' • • • , OFFICERS: Picrzingier-Gen. James E. Moorhead: • VICE PRESIDENTS. • ' William Phillips,. Dr. George McCook, James Park. Jr., Gen. James 8. Negley, • ' JameS IL Lion, " Cu.t dances M. Cooper, -• Col-Joieph Kaye, - James McCandless, • Lonts.Him, • ' 'Joseph Irwin. • • B. Oppenheimer, Dr. Wm. J. Gilmore, .4. Arent, . , Col.•George Gerst; • H . W. Ihnirr.• : • .Wrig. H. %Harker, '..tistrs , V 4 NT • • Thomat Reese, nerd 00a - 'John Murdock, Jr., Lion...Thom* • Hewerd.r Dr. A. H. Gross. • • - George H. Anderfion, livid Holmes.. George F. Rabauser, 0 , 11. Andrew Scott, • Charles Lockhart; I Wm. llosack, • ••• Dr. J. J. Covert., •-• Itoo.l Alfred black, ": * Jul: T.. Diane, 31a.-tin Meyers James Smith, • Julio 11. !nape Jacob Vitchestsin - 22.71 - I;irdifp - itin g, Oxley, • Hobert Dnizell, Robert H. Davis, • Christian Gelb,' • DaTisiSines. Juieph Ross, Dr. M. O. Jonas, WiliMm G. Friday, . John S. Dilworth,' John A. Sergeant, Eon. John Morrison, John Harrison, • Angela Am cson. lion. Simon Drum, ' Thomas L. Gamble, William 13. Lea, ' John H. Jones, . . Hamm B. Hammett, George Garner, " Philip James. • •J. J. reMenick, Esq., lion. ThomsBJ.Bigham 800. Jae. L. Graham. 1. - blroCum•Al3l23B—Repo teraotlimllepublican press. .• 'Gen. Meorbead was loudly called for by the audience and on taking the chair, thank ed the ETedutive Committee and the Audi ence-for the honor conferred iii selecting him to preside over the_ meeting. It was truly an honor, he said, to preside over a i Republican , meeting in Pittsburgh. He liked the Pittsburgh' boys, 'because they Would turn out, at the sound of the battle cry, and wers always ready to ?meet the • enemy,' on any field. It afforded him great pleasure, he said, to Meet so many, of his hiends after a protracted absence, and it , might be proper/or him to give some ac count of his stewardship, but he would not do so now. He would have many other opportunities lie hoped before the campaign closed, of . addressing his eon . stitUentkr, who he was proud to say wore - not iu the; habit . of galling him to 'account ; they were too confiding to -do so. , There were . several able tipeakers Present from a distance, and he knew full well, that although. •attentive listeners tto their own speakers; Pittsburghers were fond of something new. lie then intro duced Prof. Pope, the 'great campaign , singer, who entertained the audience with' oho of his original songs entitled '"The Race to the White House," at the conclu sion of which, he was enthusiastically 'cheered. HON.- JOHN A. BINGHAM Gen. bieoritead then introduced Hon. John A. Bingham of Ohio, as the Buckeye Statntiminn. . Mr Ringhatn , MT It:situ:iv/ Cirizszts:--I cannot pro. coed to address yon without-thanking your honored and honorable Representative for the'v.ery comPlimentary terms in which he has been pleased to speak of X 11134 The tributs'whieh he is kind enough to pay me is the more appreciated fromt.he considera tion that for many years I, have served with him in the. Congress of the United' atatee, where he came to know right well 'the opinions which expressed Mid the' principles which. were the con stant solicitude ' - of us" as repro • sentatives. It not. -needful thin, I .Should say to you that amongst these representatives there were faithless men; but yet your two , 'Representatives .from Allegheny were always faithful, and if the peopleof the United States4n every sec- Um' had but sent to the_ capital men who, like these Representatives, had tsien mind-. Ail of the requirements of their oaths, and of the • interests of their common coma, try, we, would not have been scourged by, this unnatural. and unmatched rebellion, which for fear years drenched the land in I blhod and the last bittle of which is now being fonght,by the people of the United Skates. I stand here to-night as, the repro. sentative, of the 'great party of iheUnion,. made up by the true men of every frame- , of Isilitical association, who united to pre ve for us 'qur nation. In the words of ":'5 - I,lant hero of the Valley of the Shen ' •• "tWo things were needful to be .re the rebellion was conquered: 'these was to - crush.it by the bay waste crnshit by the ballot:" •• 'the Words, I:if the gallant Phil a accomPlished on the field 'of - when the broken battalions • der Lee surrendered ,to the .1 - ions of the Republic under in of the s.entury—Ulysees S: Grant. [Prolonged attplause.] The last great battle of the Repu lie and the Consti tution against this rebellion is to be fought in the year 1868, and the victory to be won, if won at all, is to be won under the com mand of the same gallant leader who won the other victories by our armies. 1, It requires no prophetic spirit to foresee • that the year 1868 will be as memorable Anthe history of the Republic as any year of its exigence. If • 1789 I established , the Constittition by the powers of the ballot, 1868 will preserve and Perpetuate, Consti tutional Government by the power of the ballot. It the whole issue, and the only issue worth talking' about . amongst' the American . people. In this year, 1868, we are to decide the question whether the' Republic, established and maintained by our fathers, shall be preserved.. We are to decide •by the ballot ;the supremacy of the Constitution in every State and Ter.: ritory of the Republic from ocean to ocean. There are men who challenge the Constitu tion. They prate about their love of the Constitution. There are men 'who chal lenge the ' supremacy of that instrument. They call themselves now,, es in 1861, the Democratic party. Who now, not know that in the person'of this rebellion against the institutions of the American people, was a party that aimed at the dismember ment of the Republic—a raid against the patriots of the land. It was not needful to constitute a traitor in the sensein which Douglass uttered the - words, "that a•man should take up arms against the Republic." II was not needful to constitute a traitor that a man should marshatbattalions in the field to resist the execution of the law. He was as much a traitor who; in the State of Pennsylvania or Ohio, in that hour of trial, declared, as the Democratic party did, de clare, in Congress and out of Congress, up on the hustings everywhere, that it was unconstitutional to defend the Constitution, and unconstitutional to maintain the unity of the Republic against the ordinances of State secession. The party that uttered these words in the North was,as guilty of the evil which for four years filled good men in this laud, and in all lands 'with appre hensions for the stability of American in slitutions, asthat other wing of the Demo , cratic party in the SOuth. led by that Chief of secession, Jefferson Davis, of Missis sippi. It is fit that in the presenting of this is sue, it should, be presented in plain, clear, truthful, honest words. That is my pur pose in addressing you to-night, and my sole purpose. While I shall speak plainly to you, ;Is a man honest; plain and blunt, as myself, ought to speak, especially in the interests of the institutions of our country, be sure that , it is furthest ,from my purpose intentionally to giVe offense to a single human being who honors me with his attention. It does not become a mortal 'into whose blood every wind of Heaven ;strikes the coldneseof death to give offense. But it does become a man to speak plainly his opinions to his countrymen when the in stitutions essential to the ?bane, prosperity and happiness of his country are every where upon' trial. American institutions are upon trial to-day before the. American peciple, and you are to decide this contest in the elections of October and November, to the legislative , balls, in the name of the people and by the authority of the people; and in the selection of the Chief Magistrate, in the name of the people to execute the, force of the law s-'By those elections you will deckle yoiar future. . .. Who:is there here that does not know What this ilountry has suffered tir reason of a faithless and apostate President;, who now occupies thePreddential chair? Who' Is there here who .does not know that the *guilt of that man teirhueit',l3 l ibutable to the, party' whichsustalu e d bt ain his apes tact', and retuned, to recognize the laws - that the offense of that party is as street as tharof Andrew Johnpon •himself? Who is there here who does not know that the at tempt is being made to-day, in this politi cal contest, to restore by the ballot what I was lost by the bayonet, on the part of these 1 conspirators, ' north and south, east and west. • • ~* 1 • At last, my coutitrymen—and bear this in mind while you consider your own ac tion.touching the settlement of this contrp versey—at last bear in mind that the vital power of the Republic is in the ballot, rather than in the bayonet: that througli,it, as the instrument of the Colstitution, ' are ordained and maintained all our legislative enactments. Through its :finstiumentality 'are Selected oar : tribunals of justice. Through its instrumentality Executors are appointed,' and all' these are, abolished. Armies cannot exist in a Republican 'Gov ernment except through the power, and might, and majority of the people. speak ing first through the ballot, and finally throughthe laws ordained by the representativeaof their own choice and of their own appointment. These are plaiiV simple propositions that lie upon the sur face, and hone can be se blind as not, to recognize their importance and magnitude as bearing on the questions long pressing before the American people for their ,final decision. When the rebellion by arms was overthrown the fact was apparent to every, right-minded!man in our laud and. all 'over the ci'vili'zed world that the main ob ject was. not to overthrow by the Federal army, not by act of the great loyal of freemen who had maintained their free in stitutions through, four years ,by force of the bayonet, the, object was , not to de molish those institutions.. 'There was not anywhere within the limits of that vast territory which had been • for four years the sceneof the conflict between the armies of the Union on the one hand and of the rebellion on the other, • a Repub lican government, restirg upon the con sent of the governed, and conforming to the requirements of 'the Federal Constitution. Not one. There was no. Legislature assem bled from the day that Lee surrendered to Grant, having any authority to ; legislate anywhere on American soil, for the reason that every single member, of the several members who, sat. in their . respective Seats at. the' respective , Capitols of their States, or of that other As-' sembly- assembled- in the city of Rich ' mond, holding their I carnival of blood for four long'-years, hail no right to legis late on any .subject whatever. Is it not written, in the text Of that great instru ment, and charter of the liberties of us all that our Executive,Legislative and Judi cial officers shall be bound by an oath—that chain which binds the consciences of men tathe throne of eternal truth and justice• to support the Constitution of the United Ititutee ? i What 'member `of the rebel :Congrelis at Richinond, when they ran away before the coining of your victorious legions on the grey of that morning, on the 7th of April, 180, when our troops leaped the entrtochmenta at Richmond and car= rind their banners_ against the blackened and blasted walls of ~, tlfe doomed city—What one of ' those fleeing men hid not endeavored, in defiance ,of his oath, to overturn 'the: Constitution of the Milted States? What member of the Virginia, North; Carolina, South Caiolina, Alabama, Mississippi, L:nlislana, Florida,' of,Texas. Legislatures had, not also taken an'oath in the name of the Confederacy to uverthrow the Constitution oftlie United States? This being so, I ask you the qtios. lion, and demand an answer, by what right had the alders and abettors of this rebel- 1 lien to fling out their ,banners. and. cry out:,; that the moment the rebellion Was broken . they should have representation in Con- PITTSBURGH; FRIEGVY, JULY" 3E. 1868. , gross? •NOW comes along another Johnson instead of their folner leader, and they affix to their banner the name of their new commander, Seymour, of New York, and come before the peed() with the cry that the Southern States have the right of re presentation in. Congress.: Did not this organisntion work forfeiture of the, right of representation in Congress, by having de clared that States had the right to secede and that the loyal - people had no right to coerce them. oh! I regret,, my country men that this party of demagogues, who misled honest and, tried men;. cannot be exposed to the thousands and hundreds of thousands of those who .believe with and vote' with the Democratic party, either fronibabit or prejudice, and who.have no conception of the damning, blackening record of these very 'leaders who • come •before yog in this contest of 1885 But I regret this is enenf the issues that organi zation had not the manly candor to avow,. when it was Seeking aspirants for the doubtful honor of such a position as, the President of a Confederacy, not a nation, but of n Ccinfederacy, broken up at pleas ure; by the action of each of its mem bers; that though secession was not ac complished by the bullet, that they still hone to succeed by the ballot. The only difference between Pendleton and Seymour is that Pendleton is clear and plain - in his utterances. They both agree with and compliment each other,. Seymour supports Pendleton's declaration of to-day,. and Pendleton supporta Seymour's declaration of yesterday. That is the adherence to their own platform, adopted under the dictation first of. Preston, of KentliiikY, rscondly of Hampton, of South Carolina; and last but not • least of Forrest, of Fort Pillow infamy. That is, the platform was freed by - three rebel Generals. They pre paod the platform to be acted upon and carried out by tho Democratic masSes of thelNorth. Now, my fellow-citizens, in these con-' densed remarks I have but indicated what is really embodied, when, rightly under stoed,,in the several platforms of the two great contending parties. That is to say, the party that advocates secession, and sup ports secession by armed Jae - hellion, and railing to make its uccessful, comes to the rescue and attempt to make it successful through the omnipotence of the ballot; and thai other party which met at Chicago, re: nresenting the true men of the country, the men of every political organization, but who are capable in the hour of their coun try's peril:and trial of forgetting the fierce ness_ of party bickering and torn' away from their party associations;' who are capable of throwing away the banners of party, and throwing off the faded uniform of party, and .putting on the true uniWin of the country, and' march onward under the bannerol the Re public, ready to give up all things and sac rifice all things, and trust in God and in hope'of a life to come, maintaining Ameri can institutions, and maintaining undi vided this grand, glorious, "beautiful gave to which God in his providence gaire to our fathers, and which they have trans mitted to us and which is to be transmitted unimpaired tothose coming after us. When you come to read these various platforths the first thing to be considered is, that the party of the Republic at Chicago declared in favor of the measures of restoration adopted by the, &ingress of the United States, while tho, party at New YOrk, as might bo expected, under the lead and control of such men asPreston, Hamra ton and. Forrest, pronounced these acts tyranny mad nsurstataon.— Now; my countrymen desire' to say this, if any . poor ' worda of mine are worthy of your attention at all, but this I pray you, ponder upon what I says whether it beim° or false. If the utterances Made by the parties to which I have alluded, and which I have reiterated in your hearing, about the acts of reconstruction passed by • the men chosen through the organization of the'States of this Union. are unwarrant hd by the Constitution, and by that higher law .which lies behind your Constitution, 'then the formation of your matchless Con stitution was a work of opprtssion and tyranny, It is more manifest that thin is .so when you consider the fact that the great - and - noble men who framed our matchless form of civil policy and carried it into effect, recognized it aithe written' Yaw Of the Federal States, kliown as the United' States. It was recognized in the articles. of the Cortstitution- that none of them should ever 'be altered without the consent of three-fourths of the States of the Union: They must be :right, or the American people must lose =the fruits of 'that seven years' struggle for Independ .ence and nationality. Washington and his neerleas associates recognized 'that higher law given by the God of Nations to indi vidual men, ' , preserve your. life." Pro ceeding and Inning upon this law. they gave us your Constitution. It had its origin In this great Commonwealth of Pennsylva nia, and therefore, in the presence of the people of Pennsylvania, and upon the soil of Pennsylvania, within the limits of where that instrument., had its orl ,gln, it is 'that Ushould speak in support ,of • what is being .done by the loyal people of America to 'preserve their nationality for the great hereafter. They offered that Constitution, framed in Phila delphia in 'B7, to the people of, the several States of the Union fur ratification or rejec tion. North Carolina and Rhode Island refused to consent to the 'change of the articles of the Federal Constitution; they refused to ratify the Constitution; refused to cast a vote ; refused to send repre sentatives to the first Congress in Now York in 1789. The State of New York refused to give ono solitary vote for that matchless man, the first of Americans anff foremost pf men, who, while the "Father of his Country," was yet careless of all consequences perfme! - to himself. Inspired with the sense of his obligation, under God, to Rave his country and nation, Washington, with uncovered head and, up lifted hand, in 'the presence of God and., his country, swore to 'main tain; and protect and defend 'the Con stitution of the Union of the United States, no matter who refused to ratify it. The 'question was' asked himlliat day., by demagogues and conspirators. by' the "tortes;' and "plough boys" of the rovolu tion, "by what authority& you ordain this -Constitution Witheffr the consent of the dif ferent States of tho Union and contrary to the express letter of the writtenlaw of the Union?" and the answer was given bytim in a moment: "We do it; sir; by virtue of the tratessendent' law of nature and na ture's God, which charges every people with the duty of ielf-praservation." • Now, my countrymen,tell me, upon this plain statement of facts, whether the logic' of these demagogues will not apply 'with much more force against the constitution ality of the Constitution itself . than ,it does apply 'against the constitutionality of the reconstruction acts passed.by the Congress of the United• States in aeoordapeeivith the express authority of the Constitution. The Constitution containe 7 the express grant, however first, that our legislative power in this. &institution should be veated In a Congress of the United States; *madly, that a Congress of the United States should be composed of a - Senate and a House of, Representatives chosen by the' several States of the. Union. r What States of the _Union? Adhering States of the Union; States that have, Republican -Goy ernMenttu States in the words isf the Con- stitution, whose ofl cial, legislative, e cut r.- - ' tive and judicial officers are bound, by an 1- ,, oath to support the Conptitution. On that day when this legislation was a lopt ed by the Confess of the ' U ited States, every .or anized State of this Union, laaVing an organized State go em inent, having a republican form of go - ern- Mont, with officer sworn to isuppor . the Constitution and tl a laws, was repros wed in Congress and pa ticipated in the le isla t IIIon: Who denies hat the organized eon titutional, adherin States of the I. ion, nd--having execu ive oflicere exere sing their functions,did not participate in this lekislation? en ed not argue this ues lion, to . plain, plain honest people. When South Carolina had foresworn her self, and therefore ceasei to exercise legia !alive power, and to hold protection over law-abiding citizens, was it not compe- , -tent for the Congress of the United States to provide ,by law, under the • mouths of your cannon, under the bayonets of your victorious army, when they had entered within the limits of that city of Richmond to, throw the ahelter of law over every law-abiding man? If it were not, what sort of a' Goyeructient have yen? When men cling to the tottering pillars of:tne Republic, when the Republic itself was not able to protect them, ought they not to find protection in your law in the day of your (victorious power, when : Your armies took possession of the end? When Southern leaders spoke against these amendments to the Constitution, re fused to elect Representatives to Congress, and no man could compel them to do . it, does it result that the . Government of 'the United States. is not permitted to legislate over theseun til they learn to reason and submit to the authority-of law.- Is that protection which you: have under the rule which Wade Hampton and his legions see:fit to give? Would not that' be to make rebellion itself' easy? Would not that be surrendering to rebellion after you had conquered it? We would then be driveling asses. This is the kind of logic to which 'these gentlemen treat the American, people, iby asking - them to consider if but twenty live, six or 'seven States are represented, and that because four, five or six of them have refused to legislate, should we still refuse to them the sanction of law— over those asking for our legislation. If it is not constitutional and bind ing over those rebellious States, why do these gentlemen 'stand and not tell us at once that all the legislation of the last eight years overthese disorg,an izrd States is an overstepping of the require mens of law, is alike void and unconstitu tional, because they were not represented in Congress? This necessarily reoilts. It must be so. I I am not familiar with the utterances of these gentlemen in the local ity of Pennsylvania, in theii State organi zation, but I am familiar with' their utter ances in other national organizations. How are they confirmed in the belief that these acts of reconstruction are null and void? In my Saito they gave us notice in their platform, adopted. at the capital, they gave us timely warning that Wiese acts of reconstruction would not be submitted to. But the other day the leaders gave notice that the concurrent resolution of Congress, passed last week, declaring the ratification of the articles of amendment was itself null and void. I do not claim for the Amendment the force of law; but I db claim for it the force of a notice to all parties concerned in this country that the Amendment has beeu adopted. -:,That A mendmpnt constitutes the central idea 51Y. 0 9- 1 ' nag ' of To 'xt lu 'li"ti"n• Does not the. Constitetion provido for us the Means:of amendment? hoes it pot de clare that ',ongreas may- proposl amend ments to •tite Constitution of the 'United States:'which shall to all, intents and- pur poses become part of the Consti• ution when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the ptates of this 'Union ? Have three fourths thus ratified it ? Oh, say these Democrat's; three-fourths of the States out of thirty-Seven have through certain or ganizations ratified the amendment; but then, they say, we deny that the reso lution which but yesterday in the State of Georgia elected two Senators to the Senate of the United States was not'l valid. Pray, Mr. Democrat, what is the legislature that did this? Was it not the iegielature-which passed the ordinance of secession? Why did you not' rind some man in your Convention at New York to propose your mode of reconstruction? Mr. Demagogue, you cannot blow hot and cold ( in this wise. Yon slay States Must be rep resented in Congress. You know they can not be represented in the ',Senate except through the action of a State Legislature. Now meet the question iiko men. The amendment has been ratified by twenty eight States of the Unto], omitting the States of Ohio and New Jersey. which re cently repealed their action. But twenty eight States are three-fourths of thirty- Seven. It is ratified, and you say it shall not go into effect: - If it don't go into effect as the fundamental law of this country ' it is in vain that hundreds of thousands of the noblest and bravest and best of our coon trymon have offered themselves in sacri fice, laving down their lives in battle for the defense of your constitution and gov ernment. The effect of that amendment Is ' to make rebellion_by State secession abso lutely impossible in this land; to put an end to the quibbling of these conspirators a nd demagogues, and to decide for them selves the constitutionality of all the legis lation of Congress; and as a last result to make it impossible to secede from the gov ernment and.authority ofthe Union. If the Southern mind had not been filled with all the hypocritical pretences of demagogues, and made to believe that it was an inherent right and honor to overthrow their respec tive States, this rebellion would hays been impossible. You could not have ;rallied the young men of tho South to have follow ed the flaunting banner of treason had it not been instilled in their minds from childhood that they could secede from the Union and fight down the supromacy.of the National Constitution. Wh'at are we saying In this fourteenth article of amendment? We spy this, amongst other things, and lot it be printed upqßLyour tickets when you cast your bal lots In the great 'elections of itelli: neither the - United States nor any State shall ever assume or nayany debt or liability con traotdd in aid of rebellion or make com 'pensation for emancipated slaves. [Ap plause.] Not in aid of the .past rebellion, but. Inlaid of rebellion against' the United Stated past or future. 'Not a singlhblade of grass, says that amendment, growing upon this broad land—broad enough to ; furnish comfortable homes •for thirty-three mil lions, and to furnish bread to the civilized world—not a single blade 'of grass, not 'a single kernel of corn, shall ever go into the treasury of treason.. Here stands this Northern Democrat, with his pretended love for the Constitu tion,declaring that this amendment, which ,has already been ratified by men represent ing not loss than twenty-six millions of people, shall not go into the Constitution or become a part of the fundamental law of the land. Why? Wby? Because it makes it impossible forever to restore the, "Lost Cause." I have not done with tho discussion of this subject, for this hi only of the essence of this great issue, and when this story is told, the, story of the conflict past and prey ent Is told, and the peoplO may decide tbe issue in the sections of this fourteenth sill,- MEI ele ofamend went. There is another notice able provision of the aendment : that the national debt, including the bounties and pensions to soldiers and sailors, shall never ho questioned. This is strong language. It was necessary h. put' it there, if these States were to be restored, and being re stored speedily, Certainly,these 'dema gogues. who are running aout with the cry that these Black Republican* did not s want to restore the Union, are much ason ished, when, lo! and behold, they wake up on this bright morning in the mont of July, in the year 1868, and find - that th e Black Republicans had, in the Providence of God, and by the aid of the legions of the Republie, lifted up eight out of the eleven' of the revolted States and formed - them again as the pillars of .the Republic, and raised them to their place and power in the Union of the States. If Mississippi is not yet restored, - if Texas is not yet restored, if Virginia is ;not yet restored, it is not the fault of the repre sentatives of the people, who have made the same provisions for their speedy res toration as for the other eight States represented in CongreSs. If you can-. not know why this is, ask Seymour ot New York, Wade Hampton, of South Caro lina, or Je' Davis, of God knows where. [Litughter. I Re flies from his country for hiii e,ouriiry's good. They can answer. It. wits wits not wise, or prudent or proper,to recog nie the supremacy of that great national charter which haunted them in the field, andby the help of the same never ceasing ProVidence, by the omnipotence of the bal lot; next November they will be conquered completely and forever. They. are out because they will not come in. They, are out, not out of the Union, but out of the Halls of Represen tation. They, do not share the pres ent political' power of the nation; they do not vote in the electoral college. Simply. they would not "sit down clothed in their_ right mind" at the feast of a triuinphant, but a just, humane and beheficent people. Until they choose to submit to the same just, and humane and beneficent law, the sway of which is this day acknowledged and bowed before, from distant Maine to distant Oregon, I say let them sit there in sackcloth and ashes. The people that wilt not 'submit to the first idea of Democratic government have .no right to participate in a Democratic Govern ment,—the principle that "the ma jority shall rule," In obedience to the fun damental law of the land, and in obedi ence to that higher law, justice itself, which is the attribute of God, and which belonged to his nature before worlds were. and shall be part, of his nature when , worlds have perished, and by which na- Lions are to be futiged,—justice, even among men, demands satisfaction. These are the two principles of the amend mebt—first, tribute shall not tie paid. us' support rebellion against the government of a just and free people; second, that no man hi the Natienal_Councils, or in any ' State ,or Legislathre of the , Union, shall ever question the validity of the national debt, including the pensions of soldiers and sailors. That is the language of the amend=l thent, and let no dbmagogue attempt to get ria of its force, for the words are as true as Holy Writ. Just as they are true, let no man attempt to get rid of the force of these simple words,—so just, and embodying in beautiful form the nation's gratitude to its dean and living defenders. The national debt, including the bounties to soldiers and sailors, shall never becalled in questiOn—never while the nation lives, laecause it is part of the price paid for you national existence, and because it is the pledge of this :great people. , When the mother gave the stay of her old age; saeri= Heed= him for the advailee of her country,?. and 'when he went down in the tempest..of \ •thegreat conilict, the nation would be-un true to itself did it hesitate to fulfill- the pledge to stippn-t her. Remember the, pledge! Let us make , it good! NOG ii*ord do these demagogues utter about that part of the debt protected in this amendment in regard to the soldiers and sailors; but their howl is about the bond holders. .The man who gave the earnings of his life, honorably acquiredit 'may be it the mine or in the mill—to support the drooping elandard of the republic in the hour of her trial, when the - heavens were covered with blackness, and the habita tions of the people were filled with death, is, to be told by these mouthing politicians, "you <are a bloated bondholder and we won't 'pay 3 ou." - I want these demagog,ues toisimembet that "honesty is the best policy" with nationsas with men. In the words of Chancellor Kent, "religion and morality, which ought to govern individuals in pri vate life, ought'to gevertt nationalities, for the reason that nationalities are collections of men." I believe It Is written in that letter which God gave to the infant, nations that "Righteousness exalteth a nation.", It is a disgrace for a nation, when it has the means, to refuse to pay its honest debts, especially when the debt was aid - Amami for its . preservation—to enable it to keen place in the family of - nations. For a na tion when its has the means is refuse to pay its debts Is simply national dishonor, widen Is natiOnat death—anti what a death! Forylead nationalities thereis no resurrec tion. For them there is no new heaven or new earth. The nation that repudiates its honest contracts when it ha 4 the means to pay them disables itself forever afterwards to make a contract, and simply, leaves it self naked to its.enemies. - ' You repudiating demagogue! I under stand your demagoguery. You propose simply this; to make secession hereafter easy and sure of success. lam not sur prised that Jolt Davis is at this time of the opinion that it, is improper that you shotild pay the . bondholders-the man who fled from the city of treason and Ives driven to the wall, until he was taken, flying in his unmentionable garments. It is - surprising that any honest man, believing in a fair dui's wales for a fair day's work, should be found listening for a moment to repudi ating any honest debt, public or private, individual or national. I have said enough on this point. • It - was always the purpose of^ the National Constitution that before.: the majesty of the law rich or poor, wise or simple, strong or weak, should be protected in their rights. This was meant when they pat into that Constitution the simple but strong words , "no 'Person shall be deprived of - life, or liberty, or 'prop erty without f:itie process 'of law." They lk meant plainly what they 'said. T ey did not say what these- modern denia agues prate about, that no white person sh 11 be deprived of life, or liberty, or property, without duo process of la*. The question would have been raised, how white must a man be before he is entitled to the protec tion of the Constitution? . Justice from the most ancient times to this hour was understood among all intelligent, people to be that which gives to ej•ery . man i his right or his due; but in•tbe j ogress of this great conflict, in the course of this war for the Union, every fetter upon j the limb . of every slave turned to ashes, and when the cloud lifted from your stricken field of battle, the sun in its course through the Heavens across this Continent of ours look ed not down upon a slave. It was fit there fore that we should put these words into the Constitution, "That neither the United States, nor any State, shall ever make com pensation for emancipated slaves." It this limitation be not put, there,' every man NUMRER 182. conversant with this question knows that in the absence of this' limitation, it is competent for the ,Legislature of any State of this Lnion to tax to exhaustion their people, to make compensation for the four million of'eman ciliated slaves. Naw„ Mr. Jefferson Davis, if there is to be any compensation made, on account of your emancipated slaves, I insist upon it that the compensation shall not be made to you, brit to your slaves. Why, saY these gentlemen, should wo in terfere with it? We slitfuld interfere_with. it, because we do not intend hereafter that the institution shall be recognized by law upon American soil. We intend that the Spirit of the Constitution shall proclaim to every man, to all hereafter, no matter whether an African, a European, or Asia atic sun first burned upon him: •no matter in what disastrous battle his liberties were first trodden down, the moment that he first sets foot on American soil,.bythe spirit of tbe American Constitution and by the letter of it. he is equal to the first man in the Republic. It is that• which made your Constitution from tho begin ning the new evangel to the nations; 'Which shook eyery throne of despotism in the old world; which made every tyrant across thg waters hold the reins of power' with a more tremulous and unsteady hand; whioh summoned hither the lifetime of then now listening tome, whole nationalities from the powers of urope—nationalities made up of, the. workers and of the builders, the men whose toil feeds and clothes' and shelters nations, and who haye contributed so niuch to give us our proud :position to day as foremost among all the nations of the world. 7 W,e therefois put into the amendmentindt only the words I have quoted, these other wor a that' "no State in this Damn shall deny o any person the equal protection of the aws,' and "that Congress shall have pow r by appropriate 7egislation to enforce this prohibition.", They say "von are legislating nov.-Jor \ the. nigger." For God's sake, let us be gentlemen, at least, and let WI use the language of gentlemen in this controversy. That is avulgar word; it is not 'found in the lexicon of gentlemen at all, and I sup pose that it is an abbreviation of that word that is found there, "negid." It does not represent nationality; thank God, it does represent nationality everywhere within the pale of Christendom, and it has not quite as much relation to the complexion of a man's face as it has to the complexion of a man's heart; it signifies a mean fellow —a chap that robs hen roosts; that breaks into sheep folds; that breaks the law of the Stone Table, and heals false witness against his neighbor. I do not care if he be as white as the driven snow, he is a nigger in the voenbulary of this fellow. Oh ! you say you are legislating by that- amendment for the protection of the neirro; but whyshould he not be protected? But it is for tlie protec tion of us all, youars'a person as Well as he, and the language is that "no Stateghalldeny to any person within its,:jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Equality in the rights of persons, has nothing to do with voting. That. is a conventional ar rangement after the States are Organized: but these rights of persons are as tini'versal as the material structure of man, and with respect to these rights the provision is, "that no State shall hereafter deny to any person the eqnal protection of the laws. Oh l there is a divineness in it. Jeff. Davis himself is a person; Robert Toombs is a person; the five hundred thousand men who but yesterday lifted their hands in de fiance against the holy "temple of your laws 'are-:persons; and yet, by this provision, they are equally, under the protection of the law, and every State in the Union, North as well as South, East as well as West, is to be bound hereafter to se cure to them that . equal protection. 'lt is . the law of forgiveness. It is in humble imitation of\ that utterance of Him who made the Heavens and the earth, when the first crime was committed upon this planet, according to his own re i cord, ..which covered one - brow with ashy palen'e.s.s and the terrible beauty of death, and the other with the - danilning blot of - fratracide, he set his seal uffili the brow of the murderer, "Lest whosoever might find him, slay him." He Set his seal , upon his brow to hush theory for blood. In imita tion of this grand example the American peoplo are about to put into thiiieTunda mental conditions that no State - Audi deny - to any person, no matter how guilty, the "equal protection of the law." , In the light- I of this great texample, we ,may . 114t4 the words of that inspired poet "of our times, when he speaks 'of man "seeming most like.a God when mercy reasons justice." We reason our justice with mercy. We put them all under the protection of the law. ' But, do you say you "would not object to it if you only exclude the negro.' But why exclude him? He constitutes the majority, by a hundred thousaad, to-day" in the State of South Carolina. He was born on the soil; he is a freeman to-day by force of your laws; by force of that great battle of liberty which was fought by your return ing . : . and unretairning braves. They. in the providence of God, made him free by the sWord, and the great people who sent them out sealed them by the irrepeal able covenant which your own representa tive aided to put in the Constitution : "That 7 . hereafter-.slavery or involuntary servitude,. except in punishment for crime,.is forever 'prohibited on American soil." The major ity in his own -State, why, should he not vote or have a voice in it 2 And especially why should he not -when be accepted your beautiful banner as the syrnbol of liberty, . as It had' beeii in the past the symbol of • oppression? Follow that brave fellow in the thickest of the fight,: when before the guns of Fort 'Wagner, when a braver man went not down in thii conflict, with the blood of youth upon • his brow, fall of learning, full ofpromise ' gone to lead. colored regiment in. South Caro- '- line ht 'the thickest of the fray, follow ,his color-bearer, wounded in the fight; follow him in the day by his dead. Colonel; fol low him as be drags his limbs along and with his expiring breath utters these words: "Boys, I did not let the dear old flag touch the ground;" and then tell me whether such men are not as much entitled' 'to to the equal protection of your lawS ail the, - rebels who ridged your land with grave'S * . and made vacant chaint around .every'' hearth-stone in the land. 'That is my De.. -• 'ruoes ac y. Put every man under ' eßual . protection of the laws, and give - eiery.man- - - the security of tho law that he thayeelciy the fruits of his own honest toil: That Is one way to make institutions :'perpetual Bless every man with equal pititectien, ' and every man will have an ettnel3titekest In their perpetuation. It pains `Me, my countrymen, to be compelled to coin mr heart's drops into words to liersuade the American people tat-make their . laws just, and thereby.make - them porpetiud. ...‘ I would summon to my aid ecknight in this humble offering I am making -the , . words of the Father of American Demoo racy, who is known familiarly as the anther of the Declaration of Independence, whci when he came to die lifted up his wither ed hands to Heaven, and with his expiring - ,.:- : breath said: 44 I commit my spirit to God ' - ! and my daughter to my 'Country." Frill as ' he was with, honors, of world-wide fame;;;" crowned with Presidential honors by his'.' grateful countrymen, ho could not lay Himself down in peace without the a5....` . surance that his country with its just goy- -- ernment rr, surviyin ,, would shelter with. (Continued on Eighth Pago.) II