The Pittsburgh gazette. (Pittsburgh, Pa.) 1866-1877, July 31, 1868, Image 1

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Republican Mass Meeting
at-City Hall.
Address of RonlJohn Bingham,
of Ohio.
SE!; ifE&LF,Y.
Professor F'ope's . Song.
AmatiiET meeting of the friencie of Grant
and Colfax was held at CitY.Halliast even
ing, and notwithstanding thelimited notice
and heav* rain, which set in about the hour
for assenibling, the Spacious hail was
densely cinwded with the most enthusiastic
audience We haie ever seen in the city. The
campaign of 1868 is fairly- opened; the Re
, publican cramp tires are lighted, and from the
' general enthusiasm which prevailed at the
meeting fiStaight we presume will be_ kept
burning until the second Monday oeNciV
ember. The comModious Hall, RePubli
. can headquarters for the campaign, under
thefareful supervision of. Col. .7.. H. Steyr
, art, iSecretary of the Republican .County
Exe utive Committee, was beautifully dee
grated with innumerable flags and life-size
portraits Of General Grant tastefally ar
ranged in ditTerqnt portions of. the Hall.
An excellent brass band w as in attendaned
' and discoursed brilliant music before the
meeting opened and during the intervals
between the addresses.
At eight o'clock the hall was densely
crowded, yet the masses continued - to , pour
in until there was not standing room lefk,;..
The meeting was called to _ordei by Vol.
Russel Errett, Chairrnan of the'Cofinty Ex
ecutive COmmittee, who proposed the fol.-
/owing list of L, • ' •
Picrzingier-Gen. James E. Moorhead:
William Phillips,. Dr. George McCook,
James Park. Jr., Gen. James 8. Negley,
• ' JameS IL Lion, " Cu.t dances M. Cooper,
-• Col-Joieph Kaye, - James McCandless,
• Lonts.Him, • ' 'Joseph Irwin.
• • B. Oppenheimer, Dr. Wm. J. Gilmore,
.4. Arent, . , Col.•George Gerst; •
H . W. Ihnirr.• : •
.Wrig. H. %Harker,
'..tistrs , V 4 NT • •
Thomat Reese, nerd 00a -
'John Murdock, Jr., Lion...Thom* • Hewerd.r
Dr. A. H. Gross. • • - George H. Anderfion,
livid Holmes.. George F. Rabauser,
0 , 11. Andrew Scott, • Charles Lockhart; I
Wm. llosack, • ••• Dr. J. J. Covert., •-•
Itoo.l Alfred black, ": * Jul: T.. Diane,
31a.-tin Meyers James Smith, •
Julio 11. !nape Jacob Vitchestsin
- 22.71 - I;irdifp - itin g,
Oxley, • Hobert Dnizell,
Robert H. Davis, • Christian Gelb,' •
DaTisiSines. Juieph Ross,
Dr. M. O. Jonas, WiliMm G. Friday,
. John S. Dilworth,' John A. Sergeant,
Eon. John Morrison, John Harrison,
• Angela Am cson. lion. Simon Drum,
' Thomas L. Gamble, William 13. Lea,
' John H. Jones, . . Hamm B. Hammett,
George Garner, " Philip James. •
•J. J. reMenick, Esq., lion. ThomsBJ.Bigham
800. Jae. L. Graham. 1. -
blroCum•Al3l23B—Repo teraotlimllepublican press.
.• 'Gen. Meorbead was loudly called for by
the audience and on taking the chair, thank
ed the ETedutive Committee and the Audi
ence-for the honor conferred iii selecting
him to preside over the_ meeting. It was
truly an honor, he said, to preside over a
i Republican , meeting in Pittsburgh. He
liked the Pittsburgh' boys, 'because they
Would turn out, at the sound of the battle
cry, and wers always ready to ?meet the
• enemy,' on any field. It afforded him great
pleasure, he said, to Meet so many, of his
hiends after a protracted absence, and it
, might be proper/or him to give some ac
count of his stewardship, but he would not
do so now. He would have many
other opportunities lie hoped before the
campaign closed, of . addressing his eon
. stitUentkr, who he was proud to say
wore - not iu the; habit . of galling him
to 'account ; they were too confiding to
-do so. , There were . several able tipeakers
Present from a distance, and he knew full
well, that although. •attentive listeners tto
their own speakers; Pittsburghers were
fond of something new. lie then intro
duced Prof. Pope, the 'great campaign ,
singer, who entertained the audience with'
oho of his original songs entitled '"The
Race to the White House," at the conclu
sion of which, he was enthusiastically
Gen. bieoritead then introduced Hon.
John A. Bingham of Ohio, as the Buckeye
Statntiminn. .
Mr Ringhatn ,
MT It:situ:iv/ Cirizszts:--I cannot pro.
coed to address yon without-thanking your
honored and honorable Representative for
the'v.ery comPlimentary terms in which he
has been pleased to speak of X 11134 The
tributs'whieh he is kind enough to pay me
is the more appreciated fromt.he considera
tion that for many years I, have served
with him in the. Congress of the United'
atatee, where he came to know right well
'the opinions which expressed Mid
the' principles which. were the con
stant solicitude ' - of us" as repro
• sentatives. It not. -needful thin, I
.Should say to you that amongst these
representatives there were faithless men;
but yet your two , 'Representatives .from
Allegheny were always faithful, and if the
peopleof the United States4n every sec-
Um' had but sent to the_ capital men who,
like these Representatives, had tsien mind-.
Ail of the requirements of their oaths, and
of the • interests of their common coma,
try, we, would not have been scourged by,
this unnatural. and unmatched rebellion,
which for fear years drenched the land in
I blhod and the last bittle of which is now
being fonght,by the people of the United
Skates. I stand here to-night as, the repro.
sentative, of the 'great party of iheUnion,.
made up by the true men of every frame- ,
of Isilitical association, who united to pre
ve for us 'qur nation. In the words of
":'5 - I,lant hero of the Valley of the Shen
' •• "tWo things were needful to be
.re the rebellion was conquered:
'these was to - by the bay
waste crnshit by the ballot:"
•• 'the Words, I:if the gallant Phil
a accomPlished on the field 'of
- when the broken battalions
• der Lee surrendered ,to the
.1 - ions of the Republic under
in of the s.entury—Ulysees
S: Grant. [Prolonged attplause.] The last
great battle of the Repu lie and the Consti
tution against this rebellion is to be fought
in the year 1868, and the victory to be won,
if won at all, is to be won under the com
mand of the same gallant leader who won
the other victories by our armies.
It requires no prophetic spirit to foresee •
that the year 1868 will be as memorable
Anthe history of the Republic as any year
of its exigence. If • 1789 I established , the
Constittition by the powers of the ballot,
1868 will preserve and Perpetuate, Consti
tutional Government by the power of the
ballot. It the whole issue, and the only
issue worth talking' about . amongst' the
American . people. In this year, 1868, we
are to decide the question whether the'
Republic, established and maintained by
our fathers, shall be preserved.. We are
to decide •by the ballot ;the supremacy
of the Constitution in every State and Ter.:
ritory of the Republic from ocean to ocean.
There are men who challenge the Constitu
tion. They prate about their love of the
Constitution. There are men 'who chal
lenge the ' supremacy of that instrument.
They call themselves now,, es in 1861, the
Democratic party. Who now,
not know
that in the person'of this rebellion against
the institutions of the American people,
was a party that aimed at the dismember
ment of the Republic—a raid against the
patriots of the land. It was not needful to
constitute a traitor in the sensein which
Douglass uttered the - words, "that a•man
should take up arms against the Republic."
II was not needful to constitute a traitor
that a man should marshatbattalions in the
field to resist the execution of the law. He
was as much a traitor who; in the State of
Pennsylvania or Ohio, in that hour of trial,
declared, as the Democratic party did, de
clare, in Congress and out of Congress, up
on the hustings everywhere, that it was
unconstitutional to defend the Constitution,
and unconstitutional to maintain the unity
of the Republic against the ordinances of
State secession. The party that uttered
these words in the North was,as guilty of the
evil which for four years filled good men
in this laud, and in all lands 'with appre
hensions for the stability of American in
slitutions, asthat other wing of the Demo
cratic party in the SOuth. led by that Chief
of secession, Jefferson Davis, of Missis
It is fit that in the presenting of this is
sue, it should, be presented in plain, clear,
truthful, honest words. That is my pur
pose in addressing you to-night, and my
sole purpose. While I shall speak plainly to
you, ;Is a man honest; plain and blunt, as
myself, ought to speak, especially in the
interests of the institutions of our country,
be sure that , it is furthest ,from my
purpose intentionally to giVe offense to a
single human being who honors me with
his attention. It does not become a mortal
'into whose blood every wind of Heaven
;strikes the coldneseof death to give offense.
But it does become a man to speak plainly
his opinions to his countrymen when the in
stitutions essential to the ?bane, prosperity
and happiness of his country are every
where upon' trial. American institutions
are upon trial to-day before the. American
peciple, and you are to decide this contest
in the elections of October and November,
to the legislative , balls, in the name of the
people and by the authority of the people;
and in the selection of the Chief Magistrate,
in the name of the people to execute the,
force of the law s-'By those elections you
will deckle yoiar future. .
.. Who:is there here that does not know
What this ilountry has suffered tir reason
of a faithless and apostate President;, who
now occupies thePreddential chair? Who'
Is there here who .does not know that the
*guilt of that man teirhueit',l3 l ibutable to
the, party' whichsustalu e d bt ain his apes
tact', and retuned, to recognize the laws -
that the offense of that party is as street as
tharof Andrew Johnpon •himself? Who is
there here who does not know that the at
tempt is being made to-day, in this politi
cal contest, to restore by the ballot what I
was lost by the bayonet, on the part of these 1
conspirators, ' north and south, east and
west. • • ~* 1 •
At last, my coutitrymen—and bear this
in mind while you consider your own ac
tion.touching the settlement of this contrp
versey—at last bear in mind that the vital
power of the Republic is in the ballot,
rather than in the bayonet: that througli,it,
as the instrument of the Colstitution, ' are
ordained and maintained all our legislative
enactments. Through its :finstiumentality
'are Selected oar : tribunals of justice.
Through its instrumentality Executors are
appointed,' and all' these are, abolished.
Armies cannot exist in a Republican 'Gov
ernment except through the power, and
might, and majority of the people. speak
ing first through the ballot, and
finally throughthe laws ordained by the
representativeaof their own choice and of
their own appointment. These are plaiiV
simple propositions that lie upon the sur
face, and hone can be se blind as not, to
recognize their importance and magnitude
as bearing on the questions long pressing
before the American people for their ,final
decision. When the rebellion by arms
was overthrown the fact was apparent to
every, right-minded!man in our laud and. all
'over the ci'vili'zed world that the main ob
ject was. not to overthrow by the Federal
army, not by act of the great loyal of
freemen who had maintained their free in
stitutions through, four years ,by force of
the bayonet, the, object was , not to de
molish those institutions.. 'There was
not anywhere within the limits of
that vast territory which had been • for
four years the sceneof the conflict between
the armies of the Union on the one hand
and of the rebellion on the other, • a Repub
lican government, restirg upon the con
sent of the governed, and conforming to the
requirements of 'the Federal Constitution.
Not one. There was no. Legislature assem
bled from the day that Lee surrendered to
Grant, having any authority to ; legislate
anywhere on American soil, for the reason
that every single member, of the several
members who, sat. in their . respective
Seats at. the' respective , Capitols of
their States, or of that other As-'
sembly- assembled- in the city of Rich
' mond, holding their I carnival of blood
for four long'-years, hail no right to legis
late on any .subject whatever. Is it not
written, in the text Of that great instru
ment, and charter of the liberties of us all
that our Executive,Legislative and Judi
cial officers shall be bound by an oath—that
chain which binds the consciences of men
tathe throne of eternal truth and justice•
to support the Constitution of the United
Ititutee ? i What 'member `of the rebel
:Congrelis at Richinond, when they ran
away before the coining of your victorious
legions on the grey of that morning, on the
7th of April, 180, when our troops leaped
the entrtochmenta at Richmond and car=
rind their banners_ against the blackened
and blasted walls of ~, tlfe doomed
city—What one of ' those fleeing men
hid not endeavored, in defiance ,of
his oath, to overturn 'the: Constitution of
the Milted States? What member of the
Virginia, North; Carolina, South Caiolina,
Alabama, Mississippi, L:nlislana, Florida,'
of,Texas. Legislatures had, not also taken
an'oath in the name of the Confederacy to
uverthrow the Constitution oftlie United
States? This being so, I ask you the qtios.
lion, and demand an answer, by what right
had the alders and abettors of this rebel- 1
lien to fling out their ,banners. and. cry out:,;
that the moment the rebellion Was broken .
they should have representation in Con-
gross? •NOW comes along another Johnson
instead of their folner leader, and they
affix to their banner the name of their new
commander, Seymour, of New York, and
come before the peed() with the cry that
the Southern States have the right of re
presentation in. Congress.: Did not this
organisntion work forfeiture of the, right of
representation in Congress, by having de
clared that States had the right to secede
and that the loyal - people had no right to
coerce them. oh! I regret,, my country
men that this party of demagogues, who
misled honest and, tried men;. cannot be
exposed to the thousands and hundreds of
thousands of those who .believe with and
vote' with the Democratic party, either
fronibabit or prejudice, and who.have no
conception of the damning, blackening
record of these very 'leaders who • come
•before yog in this contest of 1885 But I
regret this is enenf the issues that organi
zation had not the manly candor to avow,.
when it was Seeking aspirants for the
doubtful honor of such a position as, the
President of a Confederacy, not a nation,
but of n Ccinfederacy, broken up at pleas
ure; by the action of each of its mem
bers; that though secession was not ac
complished by the bullet, that they still
hone to succeed by the ballot. The only
difference between Pendleton and Seymour
is that Pendleton is clear and plain - in his
utterances. They both agree with and
compliment each other,. Seymour supports
Pendleton's declaration of to-day,. and
Pendleton supporta Seymour's declaration
of yesterday. That is the adherence to
their own platform, adopted under the
dictation first of. Preston, of KentliiikY,
rscondly of Hampton, of South Carolina;
and last but not • least of Forrest, of Fort
Pillow infamy. That is, the platform was
freed by - three rebel Generals. They pre
paod the platform to be acted upon and
carried out by tho Democratic masSes of
Now, my fellow-citizens, in these con-'
densed remarks I have but indicated what
is really embodied, when, rightly under
stoed,,in the several platforms of the two
great contending parties. That is to say,
the party that advocates secession, and sup
ports secession by armed Jae - hellion, and
railing to make its uccessful, comes to the
rescue and attempt to make it successful
through the omnipotence of the ballot; and
thai other party which met at Chicago, re:
nresenting the true men of the country,
the men of every political organization, but
who are capable in the hour of their coun
try's peril:and trial of forgetting the fierce
ness_ of party bickering and torn'
away from their party associations;'
who are capable of throwing away the
banners of party, and throwing off
the faded uniform of party, and .putting
on the true uniWin of the country, and'
march onward under the bannerol the Re
public, ready to give up all things and sac
rifice all things, and trust in God and in
hope'of a life to come, maintaining Ameri
can institutions, and maintaining undi
vided this grand, glorious, "beautiful
gave to
which God in his providence gaire to
our fathers, and which they have trans
mitted to us and which is to be transmitted
unimpaired tothose coming after us.
When you come to read these various
platforths the first thing to be considered is,
that the party of the Republic at Chicago
declared in favor of the measures of
restoration adopted by the, &ingress of the
United States, while tho, party at New
YOrk, as might bo expected, under the lead
and control of such men asPreston, Hamra
ton and. Forrest, pronounced these acts
tyranny mad nsurstataon.—
Now; my countrymen desire' to say
this, if any
. poor ' worda of mine are
worthy of your attention at all, but this I
pray you, ponder upon what I says whether
it beim° or false. If the utterances Made
by the parties to which I have alluded, and
which I have reiterated in your hearing,
about the acts of reconstruction passed by
• the men chosen through the organization
of the'States of this Union. are unwarrant
hd by the Constitution, and by that higher
law .which lies behind your Constitution,
'then the formation of your matchless Con
stitution was a work of opprtssion and
tyranny, It is more manifest that thin is
.so when you consider the fact that the
great - and - noble men who framed our
matchless form of civil policy and carried
it into effect, recognized it aithe written'
Yaw Of the Federal States, kliown as the
United' States. It was recognized in the
articles. of the Cortstitution- that none of
them should ever 'be altered without the
consent of three-fourths of the States of
the Union: They must be :right, or the
American people must lose =the fruits of
'that seven years' struggle for Independ
.ence and nationality. Washington and his
neerleas associates recognized 'that higher
law given by the God of Nations to indi
vidual men, ' , preserve your. life." Pro
ceeding and Inning upon this law. they gave
us your Constitution. It had its origin In
this great Commonwealth of Pennsylva
nia, and therefore, in the presence of the
people of Pennsylvania, and upon the soil
of Pennsylvania, within the limits of
where that instrument., had its orl
,gln, it is 'that Ushould speak in support
,of • what is being .done by the loyal
people of America to 'preserve their
nationality for the great hereafter. They
offered that Constitution, framed in Phila
delphia in 'B7, to the people of, the several
States of the Union fur ratification or rejec
tion. North Carolina and Rhode Island
refused to consent to the 'change of the
articles of the Federal Constitution; they
refused to ratify the Constitution; refused
to cast a vote ; refused to send repre
sentatives to the first Congress in Now
York in 1789. The State of New York
refused to give ono solitary vote for
that matchless man, the first of Americans
anff foremost pf men, who, while the
"Father of his Country," was yet careless
of all consequences perfme! - to himself.
Inspired with the sense of his obligation,
under God, to Rave his country and nation,
Washington, with uncovered head and, up
lifted hand, in 'the presence of God
and., his country, swore to 'main
tain; and protect and defend 'the Con
stitution of the Union of the United
States, no matter who refused to ratify it.
The 'question was' asked himlliat day., by
demagogues and conspirators. by' the
"tortes;' and "plough boys" of the rovolu
tion, "by what authority& you ordain this
-Constitution Witheffr the consent of the dif
ferent States of tho Union and contrary to
the express letter of the writtenlaw of the
Union?" and the answer was given bytim
in a moment: "We do it; sir; by virtue of
the tratessendent' law of nature and na
ture's God, which charges every people
with the duty of ielf-praservation." •
Now, my countrymen,tell me, upon this
plain statement of facts, whether the logic'
of these demagogues will not apply 'with
much more force against the constitution
ality of the Constitution itself . than
,it does
apply 'against the constitutionality of the
reconstruction acts the Congress
of the United• States in aeoordapeeivith the
express authority of the Constitution. The
Constitution containe 7 the express grant,
however first, that our legislative power
in this. &institution should be veated In a
Congress of the United States; *madly,
that a Congress of the United States
should be composed of a - Senate and a
House of, Representatives chosen by the'
several States of the. Union. r What States
of the _Union? Adhering States of the
Union; States that have, Republican -Goy
ernMenttu States in the words isf the Con-
stitution, whose ofl cial, legislative, e cut r.-
' tive and judicial officers are bound, by an
1- ,,
oath to support the Conptitution. On that
day when this legislation was a lopt
ed by the Confess of the ' U ited
States, every
.or anized State of this
Union, laaVing an organized State go em
inent, having a republican form of go - ern-
Mont, with officer sworn to isuppor . the
Constitution and tl a laws, was repros wed
in Congress and pa ticipated in the le isla
IIIon: Who denies hat the organized eon
titutional, adherin States of the I. ion,
nd--having execu ive oflicere exere sing
their functions,did not participate in this
lekislation? en ed not argue this ues
lion, to . plain,
plain honest people.
When South Carolina had foresworn her
self, and therefore ceasei to exercise legia
!alive power, and to hold protection over
law-abiding citizens, was it not compe- ,
-tent for the Congress of the United
States to provide ,by law, under the
• mouths of your cannon, under the
bayonets of your victorious army, when
they had entered within the limits of
that city of Richmond to, throw the ahelter
of law over every law-abiding man? If it
were not, what sort of a' Goyeructient have
yen? When men cling to the tottering
pillars of:tne Republic, when the Republic
itself was not able to protect them, ought
they not to find protection in your law in
the day of your (victorious power, when :
Your armies took possession of the end?
When Southern leaders spoke against
these amendments to the Constitution, re
fused to elect Representatives to Congress,
and no man could compel them
to do . it, does it result that the .
Government of 'the United States. is
not permitted to legislate over theseun
til they learn to reason and submit to the
authority-of law.- Is that protection which
you: have under the rule which Wade
Hampton and his legions see:fit to give?
Would not that' be to make rebellion itself'
easy? Would not that be surrendering to
rebellion after you had conquered it? We
would then be driveling asses. This
is the kind of logic to which 'these
gentlemen treat the American, people,
iby asking - them to consider if but twenty
live, six or 'seven States are represented,
and that because four, five or six of them
have refused to legislate, should we still
refuse to them the sanction of law—
over those asking for our legislation.
If it is not constitutional and bind
ing over those rebellious States, why
do these gentlemen 'stand and not tell
us at once that all the legislation
of the last eight years overthese disorg,an
izrd States is an overstepping of the require
mens of law, is alike void and unconstitu
tional, because they were not represented
in Congress? This necessarily reoilts. It
must be so. I I am not familiar with the
utterances of these gentlemen in the local
ity of Pennsylvania, in theii State organi
zation, but I am familiar with' their utter
ances in other national organizations. How
are they confirmed in the belief that these
acts of reconstruction are null and void?
In my Saito they gave us notice in their
platform, adopted. at the capital, they
gave us timely warning that Wiese acts of
reconstruction would not be submitted to.
But the other day the leaders gave notice
that the concurrent resolution of Congress,
passed last week, declaring the ratification
of the articles of amendment was itself null
and void. I do not claim for the Amendment
the force of law; but I db claim for it the
force of a notice to all parties concerned in
this country that the Amendment has beeu
adopted. -:,That A mendmpnt constitutes the
central idea 51Y. 0 9- 1 ' nag ' of To 'xt lu 'li"ti"n•
Does not the. Constitetion provido for us
the Means:of amendment? hoes it pot de
clare that ',ongreas may- proposl amend
ments to •tite Constitution of the 'United
States:'which shall to all, intents and- pur
poses become part of the Consti• ution when
ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths
of the ptates of this 'Union ? Have three
fourths thus ratified it ? Oh, say these
Democrat's; three-fourths of the States out
of thirty-Seven have through certain or
ganizations ratified the amendment; but
then, they say, we deny that the reso
lution which but yesterday in the
State of Georgia elected two Senators
to the Senate of the United States was not'l
valid. Pray, Mr. Democrat, what is the
legislature that did this? Was it not the
iegielature-which passed the ordinance of
secession? Why did you not' rind some
man in your Convention at New York to
propose your mode of reconstruction? Mr.
Demagogue, you cannot blow hot and cold
( in this wise. Yon slay States Must be rep
resented in Congress. You know they can
not be represented in the ',Senate except
through the action of a State Legislature.
Now meet the question iiko men. The
amendment has been ratified by twenty
eight States of the Unto], omitting the
States of Ohio and New Jersey. which re
cently repealed their action. But twenty
eight States are three-fourths of thirty-
Seven. It is ratified, and you say it shall
not go into effect: - If it don't go into effect
as the fundamental law of this country ' it
is in vain that hundreds of thousands of the
noblest and bravest and best of our coon
trymon have offered themselves in sacri
fice, laving down their lives in battle for
the defense of your constitution and gov
ernment. The effect of that amendment Is
' to make rebellion_by State secession abso
lutely impossible in this land; to put an
end to the quibbling of these conspirators
a nd demagogues, and to decide for them
selves the constitutionality of all the legis
lation of Congress; and as a last result to
make it impossible to secede from the gov
ernment and.authority ofthe Union. If the
Southern mind had not been filled with all
the hypocritical pretences of demagogues,
and made to believe that it was an inherent
right and honor to overthrow their respec
tive States, this rebellion would hays been
impossible. You could not have ;rallied
the young men of tho South to have follow
ed the flaunting banner of treason had it
not been instilled in their minds from
childhood that they could secede from the
Union and fight down the supromacy.of the
National Constitution.
Wh'at are we saying In this fourteenth
article of amendment? We spy this,
amongst other things, and lot it be printed
upqßLyour tickets when you cast your bal
lots In the great 'elections of itelli: neither
the - United States nor any State shall ever
assume or nayany debt or liability con
traotdd in aid of rebellion or make com
'pensation for emancipated slaves. [Ap
plause.] Not in aid of the .past rebellion,
but. Inlaid of rebellion against' the United
Stated past or future. 'Not a singlhblade of
grass, says that amendment, growing upon
this broad land—broad enough to ; furnish
comfortable homes •for thirty-three mil
lions, and to furnish bread to the civilized
world—not a single blade 'of grass, not 'a
single kernel of corn, shall ever go into the
treasury of treason..
Here stands this Northern Democrat,
with his pretended love for the Constitu
tion,declaring that this amendment, which
,has already been ratified by men represent
ing not loss than twenty-six millions of
people, shall not go into the Constitution
or become a part of the fundamental law
of the land. Why? Wby? Because it
makes it impossible forever to restore the,
"Lost Cause."
I have not done with tho discussion of
this subject, for this hi only of the essence
of this great issue, and when this story is
told, the, story of the conflict past and prey
ent Is told, and the peoplO may decide tbe
issue in the sections of this fourteenth sill,-
ele ofamend went. There is another notice
able provision of the aendment : that the
national debt, including the bounties and
pensions to soldiers and sailors, shall never
ho questioned. This is strong language. It
was necessary h. put' it there, if these
States were to be restored, and being re
stored speedily, Certainly,these 'dema
gogues. who are running aout with the
cry that these Black Republican* did not
want to restore the Union, are much ason
ished, when, lo! and behold, they wake
up on this bright morning in the mont of
July, in the year 1868, and find - that th e
Black Republicans had, in the Providence
of God, and by the aid of the legions of the
Republie, lifted up eight out of the eleven'
of the revolted States and formed - them
again as the pillars of .the Republic,
and raised them to their place and
power in the Union of the States.
If Mississippi is not yet restored, - if Texas
is not yet restored, if Virginia is ;not yet
restored, it is not the fault of the repre
sentatives of the people, who have made
the same provisions for their speedy res
toration as for the other eight States
represented in CongreSs. If you can-.
not know why this is, ask Seymour ot
New York, Wade Hampton, of South Caro
lina, or Je' Davis, of God knows where.
[Litughter. I Re flies from his country for
hiii e,ouriiry's good. They can answer. It.
wits wits not wise, or prudent or proper,to recog
nie the supremacy of that great national
charter which haunted them in the field,
andby the help of the same never ceasing
ProVidence, by the omnipotence of the bal
lot; next November they will be conquered
completely and forever. They. are out
because they will not come in. They,
are out, not out of the Union,
but out of the Halls of Represen
tation. They, do not share the pres
ent political' power of the nation; they
do not vote in the electoral college. Simply.
they would not "sit down clothed in their_
right mind" at the feast of a triuinphant,
but a just, humane and beheficent people.
Until they choose to submit to the same just,
and humane and beneficent law, the sway
of which is this day acknowledged and
bowed before, from distant Maine to
distant Oregon, I say let them sit there
in sackcloth and ashes. The people
that wilt not 'submit to the first idea of
Democratic government have .no right to
participate in a Democratic Govern
ment,—the principle that "the ma
jority shall rule," In obedience to the fun
damental law of the land, and in obedi
ence to that higher law, justice itself,
which is the attribute of God, and which
belonged to his nature before worlds were.
and shall be part, of his nature when ,
worlds have perished, and by which na-
Lions are to be futiged,—justice, even
among men, demands satisfaction.
These are the two principles of the amend
mebt—first, tribute shall not tie paid. us'
support rebellion against the government
of a just and free people; second, that no
man hi the Natienal_Councils, or in any
' State ,or Legislathre of the , Union, shall
ever question the validity of the national
debt, including the pensions of soldiers and
sailors. That is the language of the amend=l
thent, and let no dbmagogue attempt to get
ria of its force, for the words are as true as
Holy Writ. Just as they are true, let no
man attempt to get rid of the force of these
simple words,—so just, and embodying in
beautiful form the nation's gratitude to its
dean and living defenders.
The national debt, including the bounties
to soldiers and sailors, shall never becalled
in questiOn—never while the nation lives,
laecause it is part of the price paid for you
national existence, and because it is the
pledge of this :great people. , When the
mother gave the stay of her old age; saeri=
Heed= him for the advailee of her country,?.
and 'when he went down in the tempest..of \
•thegreat conilict, the nation would be-un
true to itself did it hesitate to fulfill- the
pledge to stippn-t her. Remember the,
pledge! Let us make , it good!
NOG ii*ord do these demagogues utter
about that part of the debt protected in this
amendment in regard to the soldiers and
sailors; but their howl is about the bond
holders. .The man who gave the earnings
of his life, honorably acquiredit 'may be
it the mine or in the mill—to support the
drooping elandard of the republic in the
hour of her trial, when the - heavens were
covered with blackness, and the habita
tions of the people were filled with death,
is, to be told by these mouthing politicians,
"you <are a bloated bondholder and we
won't 'pay 3 ou."
- I want these demagog,ues toisimembet
that "honesty is the best policy" with
nationsas with men. In the words of
Chancellor Kent, "religion and morality,
which ought to govern individuals in pri
vate life, ought'to gevertt nationalities, for
the reason that nationalities are collections
of men." I believe It Is written in that
letter which God gave to the infant, nations
that "Righteousness exalteth a nation.",
It is a disgrace for a nation, when it has the
means, to refuse to pay its honest debts,
especially when the debt was aid - Amami
for its . preservation—to enable it to keen
place in the family of - nations. For a na
tion when its has the means is refuse to pay
its debts Is simply national dishonor, widen
Is natiOnat death—anti what a death!
Forylead nationalities thereis no resurrec
tion. For them there is no new heaven or
new earth. The nation that repudiates its
honest contracts when it ha 4 the means to
pay them disables itself forever afterwards
to make a contract, and simply, leaves it
self naked to its.enemies. -
' You repudiating demagogue! I under
stand your demagoguery. You propose
simply this; to make secession hereafter
easy and sure of success. lam not sur
prised that Jolt Davis is at this time of the
opinion that it, is improper that you shotild
pay the . bondholders-the man who fled
from the city of treason and Ives driven to
the wall, until he was taken, flying in his
unmentionable garments. It is - surprising
that any honest man, believing in a fair
dui's wales for a fair day's work, should
be found listening for a moment to repudi
ating any honest debt, public or private,
individual or national. I have said enough
on this point. •
It - was always the purpose of^ the
National Constitution that before.: the
majesty of the law rich or poor,
wise or simple, strong or weak, should be
protected in their rights. This was meant
when they pat into that Constitution the
simple but strong words , "no 'Person shall
be deprived of - life, or liberty, or 'prop
erty without f:itie process 'of law." They
meant plainly what they 'said. T ey did
not say what these- modern denia agues
prate about, that no white person sh 11 be
deprived of life, or liberty, or property,
without duo process of la*. The question
would have been raised, how white must a
man be before he is entitled to the protec
tion of the Constitution? .
Justice from the most ancient times to this
hour was understood among all intelligent,
people to be that which gives to ej•ery . man
his right or his due; but in•tbe j ogress of
this great conflict, in the course of this war
for the Union, every fetter upon j the limb .
of every slave turned to ashes, and when
the cloud lifted from your stricken field of
battle, the sun in its course through the
Heavens across this Continent of ours look
ed not down upon a slave. It was fit there
fore that we should put these words into
the Constitution, "That neither the United
States, nor any State, shall ever make com
pensation for emancipated slaves." It this
limitation be not put, there,' every man
conversant with this question knows that in
the absence of this' limitation, it is
competent for the ,Legislature of
any State of this Lnion to tax to
exhaustion their people, to make
compensation for the four million of'eman
ciliated slaves. Naw„ Mr. Jefferson Davis,
if there is to be any compensation made,
on account of your emancipated slaves, I
insist upon it that the compensation shall
not be made to you, brit to your slaves.
Why, saY these gentlemen, should wo in
terfere with it? We slitfuld interfere_with.
it, because we do not intend hereafter that
the institution shall be recognized by law
upon American soil. We intend that the
Spirit of the Constitution shall proclaim to
every man, to all hereafter, no matter
whether an African, a European, or Asia
atic sun first burned upon him: •no matter
in what disastrous battle his liberties were
first trodden down, the moment that he
first sets foot on American soil,.bythe spirit
of tbe American Constitution and by
the letter of it. he is equal to the first
man in the Republic. It is that• which
made your Constitution from tho begin
ning the new evangel to the nations; 'Which
shook eyery throne of despotism in the
old world; which made every tyrant across
thg waters hold the reins of power' with a
more tremulous and unsteady hand; whioh
summoned hither the lifetime of then now
listening tome, whole nationalities from
the powers of urope—nationalities made
up of, the. workers and of the builders, the
men whose toil feeds and clothes' and
shelters nations, and who haye contributed
so niuch to give us our proud :position to
day as foremost among all the nations of
the world. 7 W,e therefois put into the
amendmentindt only the words I have
quoted, these other wor a that' "no State
in this Damn shall deny o any person the
equal protection of the aws,' and "that
Congress shall have pow r by appropriate
7egislation to enforce this prohibition.",
They say "von are legislating nov.-Jor \
the. nigger." For God's sake, let us
be gentlemen, at least, and let WI use the
language of gentlemen in this controversy.
That is avulgar word; it is not 'found in
the lexicon of gentlemen at all, and I sup
pose that it is an abbreviation of that word
that is found there, "negid." It does not
represent nationality; thank God, it does
represent nationality everywhere within
the pale of Christendom, and it has not
quite as much relation to the complexion
of a man's face as it has to the complexion
of a man's heart; it signifies a mean fellow
—a chap that robs hen roosts; that breaks
into sheep folds; that breaks the law of the
Stone Table, and heals false witness against
his neighbor. I do not care if he be as
white as the driven snow, he is a nigger in
the voenbulary of this fellow. Oh ! you say
you are legislating by that- amendment for
the protection of the neirro; but whyshould
he not be protected? But it is for tlie protec
tion of us all, youars'a person as Well as he,
and the language is that "no Stateghalldeny
to any person within its,:jurisdiction the
equal protection of the laws." Equality in
the rights of persons, has nothing to
do with voting. That. is a conventional ar
rangement after the States are Organized:
but these rights of persons are as tini'versal
as the material structure of man, and with
respect to these rights the provision is,
"that no State shall hereafter deny to any
person the eqnal protection of the laws.
Oh l there is a divineness in it. Jeff. Davis
himself is a person; Robert Toombs is a
person; the five hundred thousand men
who but yesterday lifted their hands in de
fiance against the holy "temple of your laws
'are-:persons; and yet, by this provision,
they are equally, under the protection of
the law, and every State in the Union,
North as well as South, East as well as
West, is to be bound hereafter to se
cure to them that . equal protection.
'lt is . the law of forgiveness. It is
in humble imitation of\ that utterance
of Him who made the Heavens and the
earth, when the first crime was committed
upon this planet, according to his own re
i cord, ..which covered one - brow with ashy
palen'e.s.s and the terrible beauty of death,
and the other with the - danilning blot of -
fratracide, he set his seal uffili the brow of
the murderer, "Lest whosoever might find
him, slay him." He Set his seal , upon his
brow to hush theory for blood. In imita
tion of this grand example the American
peoplo are about to put into thiiieTunda
mental conditions that no State - Audi deny -
to any person, no matter how guilty, the
"equal protection of the law." , In the light-
I of this great texample, we ,may . 114t4 the
words of that inspired poet "of our times,
when he speaks 'of man "seeming most
like.a God when mercy reasons justice."
We reason our justice with mercy. We put
them all under the protection of the law. '
But, do you say you "would not object to
it if you only exclude the negro.' But
why exclude him? He constitutes the
majority, by a hundred thousaad, to-day"
in the State of South Carolina. He was
born on the soil; he is a freeman to-day by
force of your laws; by force of that great
battle of liberty which was fought by your
return ing
. : . and unretairning braves. They.
in the providence of God, made him free
by the sWord, and the great people who
sent them out sealed them by the irrepeal
able covenant which your own representa
tive aided to put in the Constitution : "That 7 .
hereafter-.slavery or involuntary servitude,.
except in punishment for crime,.is forever
'prohibited on American soil." The major
ity in his own -State, why, should he not
vote or have a voice in it 2 And especially
why should he not -when be accepted your
beautiful banner as the syrnbol of liberty, .
as It had' beeii in the past the symbol of •
oppression? Follow that brave fellow in
the thickest of the fight,: when before the
guns of Fort 'Wagner, when a braver man
went not down in thii conflict, with the
blood of youth upon • his brow, fall
of learning, full ofpromise ' gone
to lead. colored regiment in. South Caro- '-
line ht 'the thickest of the fray, follow ,his
color-bearer, wounded in the fight; follow
him in the day by his dead. Colonel; fol
low him as be drags his limbs along and
with his expiring breath utters these
words: "Boys, I did not let the dear old
flag touch the ground;" and then tell me
whether such men are not as much entitled'
'to to the equal protection of your lawS ail the, -
rebels who ridged your land with grave'S * .
and made vacant chaint around .every''
hearth-stone in the land. 'That is my De.. -•
'ruoes ac y. Put every man under ' eßual .
protection of the laws, and give - - -
the security of tho law that he thayeelciy
the fruits of his own honest toil: That Is
one way to make institutions :'perpetual
Bless every man with equal pititectien, '
and every man will have an ettnel3titekest
In their perpetuation. It pains `Me, my
countrymen, to be compelled to coin mr
heart's drops into words to liersuade the
American people tat-make their . laws just,
and thereby.make - them porpetiud. ...‘
I would summon to my aid ecknight in
this humble offering I am making -the , .
words of the Father of American Demoo
racy, who is known familiarly as the anther
of the Declaration of Independence, whci
when he came to die lifted up his wither
ed hands to Heaven, and with his expiring - ,.:- :
breath said: 44 I commit my spirit to God ' - !
and my daughter to my 'Country." Frill as '
he was with, honors, of world-wide fame;;;"
crowned with Presidential honors by his'.'
grateful countrymen, ho could not lay
Himself down in peace without the a5....` .
surance that his country with its just goy- --
ernment rr,
surviyin ,, would shelter with.
(Continued on Eighth Pago.)