The Scranton tribune. (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, October 23, 1900, Page 4, Image 4

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Pu11tlic! Dully, r.cfpt'Siitnly. tiy Tlie Tfljj
Bne Publishing Comiany, nt Kilty CctiH a Montli.
0. f. nVXIi:K, DtulncM Manager.
New vck omco: iNuRt.KKUNDi
s9L!ARcnL,'L t'rglBL-JItl1J,i!lg--
EnUrcd at the Potofflcc at Scranlon, t'a.,
. Becond-UlMS Mall Matter.
When fpnee wilt permit, The Trltiuni 1 always
elad to print uliort Uttm trom Its friendj lyar.
In on uirrcnt topics, hut Hi rule ltliat tlice
must lie nlgneil. tor publication, liy the writer
real name: and the condition precedent to ac
ceptance li that all contributions shall be ui)'
Jcct to editorial rcilnlon.
Preldcnl-V1LMAM McRINf.KY.
State. flAMJSHA A. OUOW,
iionr.HT it.
Auditor Ocncral-K. U. IlAHM'.Xnniiali.
JudRc ai:onm: m. watso.v.
Ticastirer-J. A. SCH ANTON.
WMrlcl Atc-rncv WILLIAM It. LUWIi
I'lnthonnliirj .IOII.V ('OPIXAND.
Clerk of Courts-TIIOMAS V. BANIULS.
Hecentcr of IIcfiIi KMIL BONN.
ltclsler of - llls-W. K. IIIICK.
Jury Commlisloner-KUWAllI) B. fiTOnGI-S.
I'irst Dhtrlil-TIIOMAS .t. ItKYNOLDS.
brcnml Dhtrlct JOHN FCHEUEft. JU.
Third I)Mrlct UMVARl) JAMES, Jit.
Fourth Dlstrlct-r. A. P1I1LB1N.
"If there is any one who believes
the gold standard is a good thing,
or that it must be maintained, I
warn him not to cast his vote for
me, because I promise him it will
not be maintained in this country
longer than I am able to get rid of
it." William Jennings Bryan in a
Speech at Knoxville, Term., Deliv
ered Sept. 16, 1896.
"The party atands where it did in
1896 on the money question." Will
iam Jennings Bryan, Zanesville, O.,
September 4, 1900.
A National Office.
out of tho splendid policies
o administration which
have been instituted dur
ing the first term of William McKlnley
lequlres more than Mr. McKinley's le
election. Without a congres-s in politi
cal sympathy with him the president of
the United States is powerless and aty
uiu mercy or ponucai opponents more
concerned with the manufacture of
partisan capital than with the dvos
peilty and development of the country.
The Indications, at this time, are that
William McKlnley will be ic-elected by
a larger majority, both of the vote in
the electoral college and of the hodu
lar vote, than was cast for him four
years aso. If the election of congress
men were at largo instead of by separ
ate distilcts, this triumph of the presi
dential nominee would Insuie a con
giess to uoik in unison with him; but
by our method of electing congressmen
disturbance In special localities and
disappointments growing out of pa
tionage distiibution complicate the
problem with factois that have no
ptoper bearing on the pilnelples at
stake. In too many districts the office
of congieisman is looked upon as a
local spoil, when in fact It is essen
tially national in Its significance and
bearing. The congressman fiom a
given district lepiesents more than a
majority of the voters in that dlstiiot
and tho influence of his official action
extends far beyond the boundaries of
his district. The effect of his vote at
Washington i caches every portion of
the United States and affects every
citizen. This Is especially true when
the majoilty In congress Is small; when
a few votes practically exorcise tho
balance of congressional power.
Those considerations should enter
Into tho minds of a citizen when de
tci mining how he should cast his bnl
lot lor this ofhee. If ho is mindful of
the public welfare, anil If he wants to
see the man of his choice for president
supported by a majoilty hi congress
which will enable that man to carry out
his policies of government, he will not
peimlt any merely local prejudice or
peisonal Ill-feeling to sway him, nnd
above all he will not select the nomi
nee of his party for this important na
tional ofllce as the pioper target for a
peisonal nttack. To do so would be In
consistent with his suppoit of the head
of fhe national ticket.
In deciding how to vole two weeks
hence, don't consult piejudice, con
sult common sense. Republican ad
ministration has given good times.
Democratic) administration gave
frightfully bad times. Judge the fu
tuilj bjf tle pnH, Turn tho Democracy
qQ, ' -
; Tin Plate Once More.
M i
rfr-wl XT KElVrcnAT. innmil ixnnn-
uions the local organ of ca.
lamlty, In Its endeavor to
sand-bag tho local tin plato
project and thus deprive Scranton of
a promising now Industry, likely to
be-yetjded as a feedsr to business af
ter" the removal of the steel mills,
has asked us to name an independent
tln;pla,to plant In successful operation
agjjnat tho competition of the Amerl
ca& Tin Plato company, otherwise
HnWvii aa the tin plato "truBt." We
tahw pleasute In naming not only one,
bu tjhteo establishments operated
successfully outside of the "trust,"
und cheerfully lecommend the editor
of Jhq Times to detail an expert to
mitfo ;on examination of their prop.
crtSts und hooks.
'Hie first of these plants Is a Mx-mlll
factory at Washington, Pa., operated
by the Tyler Charcoal Iron mills. A
vlsjt to this establishment will satis
fy any fair-minded man that it is a
success. The second plant to which
we direct our pessimistic friend's at.
tentlon Is. a two-mlll factory located
at Avonmore, Pa.; it Is operated by
thcr Alconla company, of Pittsburg.
We suggest that the Times editor In
clude this establishment In his Itlner.
ary of Investigation. At Muskegon,
M m
Mich., tho Champion Iron and Steel
company conducts a four-mlll plant
In Independence from the American
Tin l'latc company, nnd our informa
tion Is that Us operations nro fully
up to the expectations of the foun
ders. Lot tho Times dlspiove this
If It can. Wo do not, In this connec
tion, Include the twenty-mill plant
now In process of construction nt
Sharon, Pa for the reason that this
has not yet been put lntaoperatlon.
The men concerned In It, however,
nro practical business men, possess
ing ample capital and tho fact that
they are willing to Invest this capital
In so large a plant Justifies tho Infer
ence that they know what they nro
We have no doubt that the election
of Bryan, now happily Improbable,
would seriously Interfere with, If not
effectually prevent, the completion of
the local tin plnte enterprise. The
gentlemen who have subscribed to tho
capital stock of this plant have had
experience with Democratic times, and
It has convinced them that Demo
cratic national administration Is un
favorable to business prosperity. It
will be remembered that it was only
a short time ago that the Democratic
campaign orators wore ridiculing the
possibility of establishing a success
ful tin plato Industry In the United
States. Everybody recollects their de
risive howls i at tho tin plate schedule
of tho McKlnley tariff bill. The
Democratic orators and editors this
year do not contend Hint It Is Impos
sible to establish successful tin plate
Industries In the United States, be
cause tho fact of tliri establishment
of such Industries Is loo manifest for
contradiction. Like their complaints
at the Spanish-American war,' tho
present burden of their comment Is
that the American tin plato industry
hns been too successful. Years ago
they said no tin plate company could
form and do business at a profit In
the United States. Xow they com
plain that the consolidated company
which has grouped together a large
number of tin plate mills scattered
about the country, Is making too
much profit and doing too much busi
ness. It must be clear from these prem
ises that in Democratic eyes prosper
ity is an unpardonable crime.
President Kruger has made a mis
take in not keeping his press bureau
in operation a few weeks longer. For
a man who put up such a determined
leslstence against heavy 'odds Oom
Paul is today receiving very little at
tention from the correspondents and
messenger boys who weie cheering
him na to battle a few months ago.
John Sherman.
XN POINT of extent and vailety
of public service and exper
ience tho illustrious career
closed yesterday will lank
among the great careers of mod
em times. It was the career of an In
cessantly busy man who applied to
public affairs the humc assiduous study,
attention to details and personal fidel
ity to fiduciary relations that make
successful bankers, merchants or other
business men. It offers to young men
the lesson that wheie wonderful genius
Is lacking as a personal endowment a
good substitute can be had In the abil
ity to work hard and take infinite pains.
John Shei man had no silver spoon In
his upbringing. From his twelfth year
he was self-supporting. He never had
a college education; his school was na
ture and men. Up to the time of his
entrance Into the legal profession at
Mansfield, O., in 1844, after a peilod
of close ptudy of law-books In his
brother's office, his career was not dlf
feient from those of most of the young
men of his time. Hut when, at 21 years
of age, he found himself admitted to
the bar with clients fewj he turned lo
politics, got himself elected a national
delegate to the Whig convention that
nominated Zachary Taylor for presi
dent; went In the same capacity four
years later to the Baltlmoie conven
tion which nominated Winlield Scott
and In IS.'j, when 32 years old, was
elected to repiesenl the Mansfield dls
tt let In congress. He had what many
younfr men In those days lacked he
had push.
Yet It Is a blngular fact In reviewing
this man's long and fruitful pel vice in
congress, which from that day was In
tel rupted but twice, and then by calls
to other forms of public work, that not
even In his younger days was he en
thusiastic. He went Into the Fremont
movement, not only because ho did not
want slavery extended.but also because
he did not want It abolished. Ills le
poit as acting chairman of tho com
mittee which liuiulred Into the border
ruflian trembles in Kansas gave a mass
of facts most judiciously digested and
It helped greatly In the formation of
public sentiment but it was notably
dispassionate. Then and afterward
John Sherman seemed to make It a
rule when consldeilng matteis of a
public character always to eliminate
from the operations of his mind any
trace of the personal feelings of John
Sherman, His animation was Intel
lectual rather than passional. Tho one
notable exception to this rule was
when, during Cleveland's second term,
ho got fired up over tho Spanish out
rages In Cuba; but no sooner was ha
made secretary of state In the spring of
the following year than ho Immedi
ately cooled off and he remained cool
to the end,
We shall not try In this brief article
to consider In detail John Sherman's
public services; his peculiar personality
has for us the largo luteiest, His ser
vices are of record where, all who wish
may study and ponder, Undoubtedly
the greatest single act of his life was
his part In effecting specie ledemptlon;
this made his fame International and
has caused contemporaries to rate him
aa a financier alongside Gallatin and
Hamilton. Whether this latins H ex
travasrant or not, time will tell, Ino
thing, though, Is ceitaln. As congress
man, senator and cabinet official John
Sherman exemplified to an unusual de
gree the virtues of Industry, candor,
public and private integrity and a mind
open to the reception of new thoughts
and new facts. He was a partisan hut
not a bigot; he wasted no time on im
possible reforms and took the world
SECtlETAUY ciAOE has shown clearly tho power which Bryan might
use, as president, to nullify the gold standard law, If so disposed. It
becomes then it momentous question what his disposition In the
matter would be, nnd as to this there catv he no doubt. Mr. Bryan
hns pledged himself in public. sdapoIips to use every power, regular and Ir
regular, direct nnd Indirect, to force tho country upon a silver , basis, If ho
Is elected president.
Bryan gives, In his "First Battle,"- the full text of his speech In the cam
paign of 1896 to the business men of Chicago. This speech, being addressed
specially to business men, was supposed to declare his plans and policies
with more, deliberation nnd care than an ordinary effusion on the stump. In
the report of this speech, .since coolly nnd deliberately embodied In his book,
on page C87, ho says:
"And then I propose that we shall say to our foreign creditors that we In
tend to pay our coin obligations In either gold or silver. I propose that we
shall say to them: 'Gentlemen, If you conspire to make that sliver dollar
worth less than the gold dollar, wo shall pay you in that sliver dollar.' You
say that that Is repudiation. I deny It. They bought our bonds only a short
time ago nnd they made a difference between coin bonds and gold bonds,
charging for the risk they took, and now lot them have tho risk which they
charged for. Do you say that they have a right to charge us more because
of the risk they took, ajid that we have not the right to exercise tho option
which they calculated on?"
It will bo noted that Bryan proposed hero a policy which was to bo
followed, not because of any supposed benefit to tho country but solely to
secure revenge upon the foreign bondholder. He did not stop to consider
the question of sawing off the limb on which the country Is sitting nnd start
ing It down toward a silver basis by paying interest In silver. The only pur
pose animating him was that of "getting even" with the foreign bondholders.
Mr. Bryan's threat to havclt out with the bondholder Is a matter that
concerns not those individuals alone but the whole country; hence it Is sig
nificant to know that the threat of striking them over the shoulders of labor
and Industry was not confined to one speech or one occasion. Many times
In the campaign he reiterated his determination to resort to extreme and even
irregular measures to attack the bondholders and the gold standard. Thus In
his speech at Philadelphia (tcport on page 477 of his book) ho boldly declared:
"I have said that If there was anybody who believed the maintenance of
the gold standard absolutely essential, he ought not to vote for me at all.
If I can prevent tho maintenance of the gold standard, you can rely upon
me doing It upon the very first opportunity that the people will give me."
It was no mere slip of the tongue which caused Mr. Bryan to speak
of attacking the gold standard by Irregular and extra legal means. He
did not want his followers to understand that he would use only such power
as the law might give him to force the country on a silver basis. Instead, in
an extraordinary speech made at Ottumwa, Iowa, wheie he spoke of the
"people taking the reins In their own hands," he said also (page 59G of his
"I believe In the restoration of bimetallism, and If I have behind me
the hearts, us well as the votes, of the American people, you may depend
upon it that no power in this country or any other nation will prevent the
opening of our mints to the free coinage of silver on equal terms with gold
and at the present ratio."
Taken by Itself this might have been thought a slip of the tongue, but
not so when viewed in connection with the speeches at Chicago and Phila
delphia, together with the still more foimal one at Madison Squaie. Few
men in Amei lea have ever spoken of taking any official action or Invoking
any power over and above that authorized by the votes of the neople. The
legal ballot is the measure of legal power. But Mr. Bryan told his listeners
at Ottumwa that If he was to have not only the votes of the people but their
hearts, then no power could withstand him. A moment plater, In the same
speech, he spoke of the people waiting until patience was exhausted, then
arousing themselves and taking the lelns of government Into their own hands
a course transcending the law and appealing to the forces of revolution.
The full significance of these utterances Is only to be understood when
they are considered in. the light of the still earlier and more formal one
made at Madison Squaie (Bryan's book, page 320), where he said:
"I shall always refuse to apologize for the exercise of the right to dis
sent from a decision of the Supieme court."
This, be It remembered, Is from the same man who talks about Invoking
powers coming, not from the ballots, but from "the hearts of the people," and
of the multitude taking the reins In their own hands and of seeming revenge
on the foreign holders of our bonds. i
These are revolutionary doctrines, one and all. There Is no lawful or
constitutional power In this country, coming from "the hearts of the peo
ple," as distinguished from their ballots. It takes a three-fourths vote lo
amend tho Constitution, and a mere majority of the people cannot take the
reins into their own hands. Equally certain Is It that foreign holders of out
bonds cannot be disci iminated against and paid In a different coin from those
at home. The Supreme court would bo bound to prevent any such action.
Bryan, of course, knew that and hence the significance of his threat and
warning to that tribunal.
Mr. Biyan knew as well in 1896 as he does now, that some able lawyers
have persistently claimed., that, as a matter of mere legal duty, the Supreme
court would be compelled to declare against a change in tho obligations o"f
contracts from a gold standard to a sliver basis. Bryan, of course, denies
that, but Is not content to stop theie. t
It would no doubt be dangerous for Bryan to nullify tho gold standard
law by paying tho Interest on bonds in silver, but he would have to belle his
own utterances If he stopped there. The revolutionary programme which ho
proposes goes much farther than that. What Is to be the response of law
abiding and law-respecting voters?
very much as ho found It, but the trend
of his Industry was always onward and
upward apd tho contributions which he
made along these lines to the progress
of his country entitle him to grateful
remembrance throughout all time, He
often lamented that he had chosen to
pursue a public vocation; he often en
vied men who were not In the political
game, but though his trials were many
and hia disappointments not few he
has left behind n monument of honor
nblo activity for party and country suf
ficient to compensate for all his politi
cal burfetlngs; and his example will
appeal to all who consider that It la
the enwaid's part to shirk any labor
or lesponblblllty which duty brings.
Hon. Adlal Stevenson la willing that
the Republican party Hhould havo
some comfort. Ho cheerfully places
Pennsylvania In tho McKlnley col
umn. A vote for Conry foi congress Is a
vote for fieo silver, free trade and
the furling of Old Glory whero It floats
established power.
,nlted efforts will give the Repub
llcans of Lackawanna county victory
on every ofllce In contest. Clean the
Democrats out,
"Anything to elect Schadt" Is fast
becoming the Demociallo piogramme.
Republicans, prepare to repel this at
tack. Why should the cream of local poll
tics always be skimmed for the per
sonal benefit of Christy Boland?
Democratic Talk
in Contrast With
Republican Deeds
Comparison of Party Records on the
Subject of Special Legislation in
the Interest of labor.
HOW TUB 1WO pjrllci Imc acquitted tlicm.
Echra in regard to uoiMngmcn U clearly
defined inasscH of fjcti eliovv tlio result o
Democratic promises and Itepublicin pej.
fcimancts. TI19 Democratic paity loo!i to ion.
tlant agitation, with no restrictive U'bI.-IuUom;
tlm ncmiblltnn pirty to audi restriction as will
prevent ailiitrary advance In prices, or reduc
tion in wages tliroutih ecluslc control, but not
t lie destruction hy legislation or injury by ficti
tious agitation of legitimate enterprise through
h'reat manufacturing tjstcina by which production
is cheapened, prices of inanufactuies reduced and
permanency of employment assured, 'lhU is
convincingly IllmtruUd by tho enactment ot
the rocasute l.uoun 83 tho Sherman Aiul-Tiust
law, whkh was cnactul in lb!X) by a llepubll.
can congress and sinned by a Republican prcsU
dent Ilcnjamln HarrUon. Although tho Ueino.
craU snecicd .it the bill, which they contended
was simply a piece of buncombo and would be
only a dead letter, the recent decision! of tho
.Supreme court hate bhonn that it Is at least the
only pleco of legislation cm put upon the stat
ute books which has the semblance of power to
control and, prevent combinations In restraint of
production or commerce. Under this law the .Su
preme court of the United States on the Sltli day
of October, 1S98, held Illegal the Joint Tramo
association, an agreement entered into between
komo thirty-one different railroad compaulu, and
enjoined Its further execution.
In contradistinction to this Is the work of the
Democratic party during the Kiltlcth congress.
As the result ol their agitation the congress au
thorized the house committee on manufactures
to enter upon so Investigation of trusts. Such
distinguished Democratic leaders as Represents,
tho Wllon,' of Wrct Virginia; Representative
Urcckimidgc, o Aikansas; llepresentathe By.
nuui, of Indiana, and Representative Bynuni, of
New York) ro tnembera ot the committee nnd
lliey were Riven power lo administer oaths, ex
amino witnesses, compel the attendance of per
tons nnd the production of papers, ami make
their Investigation a thorough one. Jlore than
109 witncw, Including II, A. Ilaveniejer nnd
Claus Spreckeli, of sugar fame) Mr. Itotkefeller,
Mr. l'lagler arid others of the Standard Oil com.
puny, nnd representative of the cotton bagging
trust ond whiskey trust wens pwmlncd. A
thousand pages of testimony were taken nnd the
committee delnjcd Its report until one day ho
foro the expiration ot congress, when It pre
sented lis testimony tint nude no recommend i
tlon as to legislation, "owing to the present
difference ot opinion between members of the
In 1804 the Democrat ugaln grappled with
the trust problem, nddlnp; to the Wllson-florman
tariff law n series of provisions purporting to
authorise the regulation of trusts, but which
neither the Democratic president nor the Demo
cratic officials who were In power when tho nit
came Into existence made, so far as Is known,
any nttempt to put into operation. The Demo
cracy's professional agitators liac spent much
vocnl effort against trust, but none of them
has .idded to United States statutes any law
providing means tor their extinction. Ilcn Mr.
Uryan, who omits 110 opportunity to declare
hostility to trusts, offers no legislative remedy
other than through constitutional amendment. In
his nddress hefoic the Trust conference In Chi
cago, on Sept. 10, ISuO, he said: "t believe we
ought to have remedies In both state and nation,
and that there should bo concurrent remedies.
I believe In addition to a state remedy thcro
must be a federal remedy, and f believe con
gresi has, or should havo the power to place re
strictions and limitations, even to tha point of
prohibition, upon any corporation organized In
one state that wants to do business outside ot
flic skite. Congress ought now to pass such a
law. If It is constitutional and so declared by
the Supreme court I am in favor ot an amend
ment to tho constitution that will give to con
gress power to destroy every trust In tho coun
try." Yet, in tho face of this assertion, when
the judiciary committee of the house ot repre
sentatives on June 1, 1000, brought before tint
body a Joint resolution, providing for a consti
tutional amendment which should give longresn
power to regulate trusts, only five Democrats
voted for it, while practically every Republican
In the house voted for the measure, but as It
required a two-thirds vote, the Democrats were
strong enough to defeat it.
How btatint are Mr. Bryan's words, and even
those of the prrsent Democratic plitfnrin, de
claring for "an unceasing warfare In nation, state
nnd city against private monopoly in every
form," to the vvorklngman of New Yelk who
has felt the grip of the Ico Trust, now vvoild
famous. At Its head is Augustus Van Wjck,
the master mind who put into shape the Kansas
City platform. The object of this tvust, It
was aptly said recently, "Is to coin fever and
thirst into dividends for Tammany bosses."
Tammany bosses, who made the Kansas City
This platform wai read to the Democratic con
vention by Senator J. K. Jones, of Arkansas.
Senator Jones Is a member of the finance com
mittee of (lie United States senate, and took
an influential part In framing what Is known as
the "Sutrar Trust Tariff" of 1894. Seintor Jon?s
ne.vt distinguished himself as 1 foo to the Sugar
Tru.t a few months ago, when tho Porro nicun
Relief bill was under consideration in the senate.
It wns proposed to use the money collected as
duties on l'oito Rlcan products which had ben
brought Into the United States for the benefit of
the island. That did not strike Senator Jones
favorably and he offered an amendment provid
ing that the money should be returned to those
from whom it had been collected. If lib amend
ment bad been adopted nearly twelve hundred
thousand dollars would have been paid out of
the national tieasury into the treasury of the
Sugar Trust instead of being used for the benefit
of Porto Rico. Rut the Republican senate did
not adopt tho amendment offered by Senator
Jones, who was one of the fiamers of the Kan
sis CJty platform, and is the chairman of the
lirjan national campaign committee.
Representative Richardson, permanent chair
man of the Kansas City convention, and chair
man of the Democratic congressional campaign
committee, also featured himself in the last ses
sion of congress by his attitude toward "trusts
and monopolies." He offered a series of joint res
olutions aimed against them. One provided for
the abolition of duties on sugar and molasses
produced in Cuba and Porto Rico and brought
into t4re United States. After consideration by
tho ways and means committee it was moved
that the resolution be reported back to the house
witli an adverse recommendation. On this mo
tion Mr. Richardson -voted In the negative. From
the adverse report of the committee it appears
that if the joint resolution should become law
the sugar consumers of the United States would
derive no benefit whatever from it, but that
the sugar trust would be better off by the
sum of fourteen million dollars a year more, and
that sugar glow-el's of the United States would
be deprived of a large measure of the protection
necessary to tho maintenance and growth of that
Important domestic indusliy. From time to
time each of the "great leaders" who manufac
ture stuffed trusts to throw mud at, and worse
legislation to curb the real monopolistic combin
ation, lias shown ids hand. Yet they cover up
their tracks by ignoring hlsto- and attempting
to place the blame upon the Republican party,
which has a long record of work in the interest
ot the laborer and against monopolies.
That all combinations of capital arc harmful
to the worUingmau is a disputed fact. That Is
the leason tire Republican party has declared
against a constitutional prohibition of the con
centration of capital. The United State De
partment of Labor made public July, 1P0O, the
renult of a careful investigation of foity-one trust
and industrial combinations. The icport was
prepared by Professor J. W. Jenks, of Cornell
university, the trust expert of tho United Stales
industrial commission, and the material was col
lected by special agents and experts of the
United States Depaitment of Labor. As far
as statistics were available the report 6hovs in
general u greater number of persons employed
and higher wages paid in the same establishment
after the combination than before. Of four
teen establishments giving returns nine kliow an
flrrieasc in the average wages ot superintendents
and foremen, four show a decrease, and in one
there has been no change. Out of these four
teen companies ten were foimed in the jears l.sDS
and lS'J'J, so that comparison of conditions before
and after is a very diicct one. In seven coses
out of the fourteen tho wages of traveling sales
men Increased, in two they decreased, and in one
they icinalned the same. In two cases no
traicllng balet-nun had been cniplojrd liv the
companies entering in the combination, whereas
after tho domination was made Midi nun were
put to vvoik , In one casu in which tiavcllug
salesmen had been cinplo.ved by the separate
companieh their serviced weie dlspmstd with
after tho combination. 'I he average annual
wages of skilled labours have Increased in ten
cases and decreased in two. The average annual
wages of unskilled laborer have Incieased in ten
cases, deceased in one and remained the same In
one, after the coinbln itlon, Taking (be employes
as a whole, tho results show that out of twelve
cases reporting thern had been an Increase of
wages in pine cases and a deciease In three. Tal.
ing all employers collectively in each of the
thirteen combinations reporting, theie have been
but two cases of a decrease in the number of em
plojcs anil but one caso of a decrease in the
total annual wages paid. That theie aic iom
binatioiis that antagonize tire Intel eats nf thn
vvorklngman, and even tho entile nation lire Re
publican party has olna.vs contended, and thoe
it has alwajs btrlun to 6upmi'.-s.
In no lonnliv upon the globe does the web
fjio of the worklngmaii receive as nimh atten
tion as it does in the United States. .aus to
better the condition of the laborer have bien
tussed from time to time, so that it inai he
said that as far as legislation can cffict that
end tho toller Is piotccted a gieat deal nmre in
the United States than In any other luunlrj,
To whom honor for this is due is shown in the
following resumes
Tiro Coolie Trade Prohiblted-ThU Jiw was
passed Feb, 10, ISO,'; amended Feb. 0, IK.'; and
further amended Mauh !l, 187i. Piesident tiiai.t,
in Ida message ot Dec. 7, 1874. laid before ion.
tress a recommendation for the enforcement of
the law. The leglslstlon on lhea several arts was
arcomplikhd by the Republicans in liOi, In the
Thirty-seventh congress, and in )', In the l"i
tleth congress.
Peonage Abolished 'I hU art was passed In
tho Thirty-ninth congiess, when both hoiisei, were
Republican by a large majority, .March 2, 18071
Inspectlou of Steam VwscU-l'aswd duiluej tl e
Fortieth congress, when tho ltepublluins were
In power hi both houses.
Protection ol Seamen Passed duilng the Forty
second congress, when both houses wero under
ccnlrol ot the Republicans. It was amended
during the Forty-third congress, when tiro Re
publican) were in control of both bouses. Servitude 0! Foreigners Abrogated
rnssed during the Forty-third congress, when
hotli houses were under control ot the Republi
cans. Allen Contract Labor Contract tabor law
passed the house March 0, IPSO. All the voles
(gainst the bill were Democratic.
Incorporation of National Trades Unions -l'njseel
the senate June S, PVo, without division. Passed
the house June II, 1SS0, without division.
I'ajmcnt of Per Diem Ktnployes lor Holidays
Pissed without division In the Fatty-ninth con
gies, second session. ,
Labor nf United States Convicts Contract Rjs
teni Prohibited I'asscd the homo Manh, IS).
Passed the senate Feb. 29, 1M7. All the votes
against the bill were Democratic,
noard of Arbitration 1'nwd the house on
April fl. im, with thirty votes against bill, alt
being Dcmociatlr.
Hours of toibor, filter Carriers Law limiting
letter carriers In eight hours a day. Passed In
the somite without division.
Department of loibor 1'as'ed the homo April
III, 188S. lMcd tho senate May 2.1, IWS. All
votes cast against the bill were Domm ratio.
Allen Contract Lalior Passed the house dur
ing the Klflv-Brt tongriss without division Aug.
.TO, 1800. Passed without division Aug. ."0, thirl.
Paved the senate with verbal amendments Sept.
27, 1800.
f Missouri. -f
sV Depositors.
f Ranks. 1804. 181)0. -f
f National lS.WI M.ltlO -f
-f Slate and Private D7.2JJ MI,K) -f
f Savings 0,300 f,5ll f
-f Total 70,170 121,570
Incieasc in No. of depositors.. 48,391
s Amount of Deposits. -sV
f Banks. 1801. 1800. -f
-f National ? I,tl!),"l1 $ 7,014,218
-f State and Private 10,000,(188 19,810,114 s-
f Savings 1.310,104, 2,100,430 -f
f Total $15,746,205 $20,020,783
-f Increase lit deposits $ 13,283,583 -f
f -
South Dakota.
sV Depositors.
-f Ranks. 1604. 1SW. -f
National 5.2OT 7,ti3.-, -f
f State and Private 3,757 10,177 -f
-f Total 0,040 18,112 -f
sV Increase in No. ot depositors.. 0,00.1 -s-
Amount of Deposits, -f
Banks. 1804. ISO!).
-f Natloml $ 2,023,732 $ 3,8.10,105 -f
-f State and Pi hate 0.14,731 3,212,720
Tolal $ 2,038,103 $ 7,D12,01-, -f
4- Increase in deposits ..$ 4,0S4,452
Ladles know, all admit they know-, how much
they t,ave when they can buy Kdwiu C. Burt's
Shoes at is.! 50 per pair, in turns and wells,
patent leather and kid tips, button and lace.
Styles they all admire.
Established 1SSS.
Shoes for all the walks of lite.
& Coeeell
Now open for business at
our anew store, 132 Wyo
ming avenue.
We are proud of our store
novr, and feel justified in
doing a little talking, but we
prefer to have our friends do
the talking for us,
A cordial invitation is ex
tended to all to call and see us,
Jewelers nnd Silversmiths.
sfiflflMillMH-, ?s9flHt&.
. gg.
-Sm iHH 1 1 1
mwiUHtt P Ijl II V firo If It I ft m I llUn ill Hi I
jH&ii jfJfiMiiilK ssfVfV S'Sf'nteJ?. Ji ful w till I li III
JS!T1M m 1 1 hN ill Hill! I
wMUuSm in 1
ai WLmJi a
A special Associated Press reporter lias Knowledge of the remarkable
cure of the wife of a carpeuter who related her experience as follows;
'For a good many )ears 1 have been bothered an awful bight with my
stomach. I got so I couldn't eat anything at all without it wiiring on my
stomach. Lots of times while working I would spit up great inouthfuls
of stuff bitter as gall. I kept getting worse all the time, and took piles of
doctor medicine, but I might as well have taken that much starch for all the
good it did me. It run into neuralgia of the stomach and worked itself all
over me. The new doctor up on zoth street told me when I saw him it
was my stomach that caused all the trouble and give me an order to the
drug store. I took it there and the boy give me a box of
I began getting better, and have used a little over two boxes, and am now
ttound and well."
Special Sale of
Mks for
We offer an ele
gant line of New
Silks, mostly in
lengths of OlC Waist
Pattern, all exclusive
designs and no du
plicates. The de
signs are choice, neat
in effect, and prices
range from 75c to
$1.75 per yard.
We are also show
ing a very elegant
line of
Hew Laces,
Laces Ties and
If you haven't the proper ofllce sup
plies. Come In and give us a trial.
We have the largest ond most com
plete line of office supplies In North
eastern Pennsylvania.
If It's a good thing, wo have It. We
make a specialty of visiting cards and
monogram stationery.
Rey molds Bros
Stationers and Engravers,
Hotel Jermyn Building.
11 ' Mm in, , i.i urn,
- A
.Wiitw M tilMtMiratfatiM. I