KVW r-,, , jf ?, w- pi r' 19 THE SCR ANTON TRIBUNE-TUESDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1900. jjjfij" Pv,.J. i n. i -? Pu11tlic! Dully, r.cfpt'Siitnly. tiy Tlie Tfljj Bne Publishing Comiany, nt Kilty CctiH a Montli. MVY H. 1IICIIAIII), Kdllor. 0. f. nVXIi:K, DtulncM Manager. New vck omco: iNuRt.KKUNDi s9L!ARcnL,'L t'rglBL-JItl1J,i!lg-- EnUrcd at the Potofflcc at Scranlon, t'a., . Becond-UlMS Mall Matter. When fpnee wilt permit, The Trltiuni 1 always elad to print uliort Uttm trom Its friendj lyar. In on uirrcnt topics, hut Hi rule ltliat tlice must lie nlgneil. tor publication, liy the writer real name: and the condition precedent to ac ceptance li that all contributions shall be ui)' Jcct to editorial rcilnlon. SCRANTON, OCTOBER 23, 1900. REPUBLICAN NOMINATIONS. National. Preldcnl-V1LMAM McRINf.KY. Vltc-Vrcsldcnt-IIIUODORB HOOSIIVKLT. State. Concrcnienat.l.ar(0 flAMJSHA A. OUOW, iionr.HT it. Foi:imr.ni:it. Auditor Ocncral-K. U. IlAHM'.Xnniiali. County. CorRicM-WII.MAM CONNF.t.Ti. JudRc ai:onm: m. watso.v. MurtlT JOHN' II. FIXI.OUS. Ticastirer-J. A. SCH ANTON. WMrlcl Atc-rncv WILLIAM It. LUWIi I'lnthonnliirj .IOII.V ('OPIXAND. Clerk of Courts-TIIOMAS V. BANIULS. Hecentcr of IIcfiIi KMIL BONN. ltclsler of - llls-W. K. IIIICK. Jury Commlisloner-KUWAllI) B. fiTOnGI-S. Legislature. I'irst Dhtrlil-TIIOMAS .t. ItKYNOLDS. brcnml Dhtrlct JOHN FCHEUEft. JU. Third I)Mrlct UMVARl) JAMES, Jit. Fourth Dlstrlct-r. A. P1I1LB1N. "If there is any one who believes the gold standard is a good thing, or that it must be maintained, I warn him not to cast his vote for me, because I promise him it will not be maintained in this country longer than I am able to get rid of it." William Jennings Bryan in a Speech at Knoxville, Term., Deliv ered Sept. 16, 1896. "The party atands where it did in 1896 on the money question." Will iam Jennings Bryan, Zanesville, O., September 4, 1900. A National Office. THE SUCCESSFUL working out of tho splendid policies o administration which have been instituted dur ing the first term of William McKlnley lequlres more than Mr. McKinley's le election. Without a congres-s in politi cal sympathy with him the president of the United States is powerless and aty uiu mercy or ponucai opponents more concerned with the manufacture of partisan capital than with the dvos peilty and development of the country. The Indications, at this time, are that William McKlnley will be ic-elected by a larger majority, both of the vote in the electoral college and of the hodu lar vote, than was cast for him four years aso. If the election of congress men were at largo instead of by separ ate distilcts, this triumph of the presi dential nominee would Insuie a con giess to uoik in unison with him; but by our method of electing congressmen disturbance In special localities and disappointments growing out of pa tionage distiibution complicate the problem with factois that have no ptoper bearing on the pilnelples at stake. In too many districts the office of congieisman is looked upon as a local spoil, when in fact It is essen tially national in Its significance and bearing. The congressman fiom a given district lepiesents more than a majority of the voters in that dlstiiot and tho influence of his official action extends far beyond the boundaries of his district. The effect of his vote at Washington i caches every portion of the United States and affects every citizen. This Is especially true when the majoilty In congress Is small; when a few votes practically exorcise tho balance of congressional power. Those considerations should enter Into tho minds of a citizen when de tci mining how he should cast his bnl lot lor this ofhee. If ho is mindful of the public welfare, anil If he wants to see the man of his choice for president supported by a majoilty hi congress which will enable that man to carry out his policies of government, he will not peimlt any merely local prejudice or peisonal Ill-feeling to sway him, nnd above all he will not select the nomi nee of his party for this important na tional ofllce as the pioper target for a peisonal nttack. To do so would be In consistent with his suppoit of the head of fhe national ticket. In deciding how to vole two weeks hence, don't consult piejudice, con sult common sense. Republican ad ministration has given good times. Democratic) administration gave frightfully bad times. Judge the fu tuilj bjf tle pnH, Turn tho Democracy qQ, ' - ; Tin Plate Once More. M i rfr-wl XT KElVrcnAT. innmil ixnnn- uions the local organ of ca. lamlty, In Its endeavor to sand-bag tho local tin plato project and thus deprive Scranton of a promising now Industry, likely to be-yetjded as a feedsr to business af ter" the removal of the steel mills, has asked us to name an independent tln;pla,to plant In successful operation agjjnat tho competition of the Amerl ca& Tin Plato company, otherwise HnWvii aa the tin plato "truBt." We tahw pleasute In naming not only one, bu tjhteo establishments operated successfully outside of the "trust," und cheerfully lecommend the editor of Jhq Times to detail an expert to mitfo ;on examination of their prop. crtSts und hooks. 'Hie first of these plants Is a Mx-mlll factory at Washington, Pa., operated by the Tyler Charcoal Iron mills. A vlsjt to this establishment will satis fy any fair-minded man that it is a success. The second plant to which we direct our pessimistic friend's at. tentlon Is. a two-mlll factory located at Avonmore, Pa.; it Is operated by thcr Alconla company, of Pittsburg. We suggest that the Times editor In clude this establishment In his Itlner. ary of Investigation. At Muskegon, yy M m Mich., tho Champion Iron and Steel company conducts a four-mlll plant In Independence from the American Tin l'latc company, nnd our informa tion Is that Us operations nro fully up to the expectations of the foun ders. Lot tho Times dlspiove this If It can. Wo do not, In this connec tion, Include the twenty-mill plant now In process of construction nt Sharon, Pa for the reason that this has not yet been put lntaoperatlon. The men concerned In It, however, nro practical business men, possess ing ample capital and tho fact that they are willing to Invest this capital In so large a plant Justifies tho Infer ence that they know what they nro about. We have no doubt that the election of Bryan, now happily Improbable, would seriously Interfere with, If not effectually prevent, the completion of the local tin plnte enterprise. The gentlemen who have subscribed to tho capital stock of this plant have had experience with Democratic times, and It has convinced them that Demo cratic national administration Is un favorable to business prosperity. It will be remembered that it was only a short time ago that the Democratic campaign orators wore ridiculing the possibility of establishing a success ful tin plato Industry In the United States. Everybody recollects their de risive howls i at tho tin plate schedule of tho McKlnley tariff bill. The Democratic orators and editors this year do not contend Hint It Is Impos sible to establish successful tin plate Industries In the United States, be cause tho fact of tliri establishment of such Industries Is loo manifest for contradiction. Like their complaints at the Spanish-American war,' tho present burden of their comment Is that the American tin plato industry hns been too successful. Years ago they said no tin plate company could form and do business at a profit In the United States. Xow they com plain that the consolidated company which has grouped together a large number of tin plate mills scattered about the country, Is making too much profit and doing too much busi ness. It must be clear from these prem ises that in Democratic eyes prosper ity is an unpardonable crime. President Kruger has made a mis take in not keeping his press bureau in operation a few weeks longer. For a man who put up such a determined leslstence against heavy 'odds Oom Paul is today receiving very little at tention from the correspondents and messenger boys who weie cheering him na to battle a few months ago. John Sherman. XN POINT of extent and vailety of public service and exper ience tho illustrious career closed yesterday will lank among the great careers of mod em times. It was the career of an In cessantly busy man who applied to public affairs the humc assiduous study, attention to details and personal fidel ity to fiduciary relations that make successful bankers, merchants or other business men. It offers to young men the lesson that wheie wonderful genius Is lacking as a personal endowment a good substitute can be had In the abil ity to work hard and take infinite pains. John Shei man had no silver spoon In his upbringing. From his twelfth year he was self-supporting. He never had a college education; his school was na ture and men. Up to the time of his entrance Into the legal profession at Mansfield, O., in 1844, after a peilod of close ptudy of law-books In his brother's office, his career was not dlf feient from those of most of the young men of his time. Hut when, at 21 years of age, he found himself admitted to the bar with clients fewj he turned lo politics, got himself elected a national delegate to the Whig convention that nominated Zachary Taylor for presi dent; went In the same capacity four years later to the Baltlmoie conven tion which nominated Winlield Scott and In IS.'j, when 32 years old, was elected to repiesenl the Mansfield dls tt let In congress. He had what many younfr men In those days lacked he had push. Yet It Is a blngular fact In reviewing this man's long and fruitful pel vice in congress, which from that day was In tel rupted but twice, and then by calls to other forms of public work, that not even In his younger days was he en thusiastic. He went Into the Fremont movement, not only because ho did not want slavery extended.but also because he did not want It abolished. Ills le poit as acting chairman of tho com mittee which liuiulred Into the border ruflian trembles in Kansas gave a mass of facts most judiciously digested and It helped greatly In the formation of public sentiment but it was notably dispassionate. Then and afterward John Sherman seemed to make It a rule when consldeilng matteis of a public character always to eliminate from the operations of his mind any trace of the personal feelings of John Sherman, His animation was Intel lectual rather than passional. Tho one notable exception to this rule was when, during Cleveland's second term, ho got fired up over tho Spanish out rages In Cuba; but no sooner was ha made secretary of state In the spring of the following year than ho Immedi ately cooled off and he remained cool to the end, We shall not try In this brief article to consider In detail John Sherman's public services; his peculiar personality has for us the largo luteiest, His ser vices are of record where, all who wish may study and ponder, Undoubtedly the greatest single act of his life was his part In effecting specie ledemptlon; this made his fame International and has caused contemporaries to rate him aa a financier alongside Gallatin and Hamilton. Whether this latins H ex travasrant or not, time will tell, Ino thing, though, Is ceitaln. As congress man, senator and cabinet official John Sherman exemplified to an unusual de gree the virtues of Industry, candor, public and private integrity and a mind open to the reception of new thoughts and new facts. He was a partisan hut not a bigot; he wasted no time on im possible reforms and took the world BRYAN'S REVOLUTIONARY THREATS. SECtlETAUY ciAOE has shown clearly tho power which Bryan might use, as president, to nullify the gold standard law, If so disposed. It becomes then it momentous question what his disposition In the matter would be, nnd as to this there catv he no doubt. Mr. Bryan hns pledged himself in public. sdapoIips to use every power, regular and Ir regular, direct nnd Indirect, to force tho country upon a silver , basis, If ho Is elected president. BRYAN'S CHICAGO THHEAT. Bryan gives, In his "First Battle,"- the full text of his speech In the cam paign of 1896 to the business men of Chicago. This speech, being addressed specially to business men, was supposed to declare his plans and policies with more, deliberation nnd care than an ordinary effusion on the stump. In the report of this speech, .since coolly nnd deliberately embodied In his book, on page C87, ho says: "And then I propose that we shall say to our foreign creditors that we In tend to pay our coin obligations In either gold or silver. I propose that we shall say to them: 'Gentlemen, If you conspire to make that sliver dollar worth less than the gold dollar, wo shall pay you in that sliver dollar.' You say that that Is repudiation. I deny It. They bought our bonds only a short time ago nnd they made a difference between coin bonds and gold bonds, charging for the risk they took, and now lot them have tho risk which they charged for. Do you say that they have a right to charge us more because of the risk they took, ajid that we have not the right to exercise tho option which they calculated on?" A POLICY OF REVENGE. , It will bo noted that Bryan proposed hero a policy which was to bo followed, not because of any supposed benefit to tho country but solely to secure revenge upon the foreign bondholder. He did not stop to consider the question of sawing off the limb on which the country Is sitting nnd start ing It down toward a silver basis by paying interest In silver. The only pur pose animating him was that of "getting even" with the foreign bondholders. THE PHILADELPHIA THREAT. Mr. Bryan's threat to havclt out with the bondholder Is a matter that concerns not those individuals alone but the whole country; hence it Is sig nificant to know that the threat of striking them over the shoulders of labor and Industry was not confined to one speech or one occasion. Many times In the campaign he reiterated his determination to resort to extreme and even irregular measures to attack the bondholders and the gold standard. Thus In his speech at Philadelphia (tcport on page 477 of his book) ho boldly declared: "I have said that If there was anybody who believed the maintenance of the gold standard absolutely essential, he ought not to vote for me at all. If I can prevent tho maintenance of the gold standard, you can rely upon me doing It upon the very first opportunity that the people will give me." DOUBTFUL AND IRREGULAR POWERS. It was no mere slip of the tongue which caused Mr. Bryan to speak of attacking the gold standard by Irregular and extra legal means. He did not want his followers to understand that he would use only such power as the law might give him to force the country on a silver basis. Instead, in an extraordinary speech made at Ottumwa, Iowa, wheie he spoke of the "people taking the reins In their own hands," he said also (page 59G of his book): "I believe In the restoration of bimetallism, and If I have behind me the hearts, us well as the votes, of the American people, you may depend upon it that no power in this country or any other nation will prevent the opening of our mints to the free coinage of silver on equal terms with gold and at the present ratio." Taken by Itself this might have been thought a slip of the tongue, but not so when viewed in connection with the speeches at Chicago and Phila delphia, together with the still more foimal one at Madison Squaie. Few men in Amei lea have ever spoken of taking any official action or Invoking any power over and above that authorized by the votes of the neople. The legal ballot is the measure of legal power. But Mr. Bryan told his listeners at Ottumwa that If he was to have not only the votes of the people but their hearts, then no power could withstand him. A moment plater, In the same speech, he spoke of the people waiting until patience was exhausted, then arousing themselves and taking the lelns of government Into their own hands a course transcending the law and appealing to the forces of revolution. CHALLENGE TO THE. SUPREME COURT. The full significance of these utterances Is only to be understood when they are considered in. the light of the still earlier and more formal one made at Madison Squaie (Bryan's book, page 320), where he said: "I shall always refuse to apologize for the exercise of the right to dis sent from a decision of the Supieme court." This, be It remembered, Is from the same man who talks about Invoking powers coming, not from the ballots, but from "the hearts of the people," and of the multitude taking the reins In their own hands and of seeming revenge on the foreign holders of our bonds. i REVOLUTIONARY BRYANISM. These are revolutionary doctrines, one and all. There Is no lawful or constitutional power In this country, coming from "the hearts of the peo ple," as distinguished from their ballots. It takes a three-fourths vote lo amend tho Constitution, and a mere majority of the people cannot take the reins into their own hands. Equally certain Is It that foreign holders of out bonds cannot be disci iminated against and paid In a different coin from those at home. The Supreme court would bo bound to prevent any such action. Bryan, of course, knew that and hence the significance of his threat and warning to that tribunal. Mr. Biyan knew as well in 1896 as he does now, that some able lawyers have persistently claimed., that, as a matter of mere legal duty, the Supreme court would be compelled to declare against a change in tho obligations o"f contracts from a gold standard to a sliver basis. Bryan, of course, denies that, but Is not content to stop theie. t HE PLAINLY MEANS TO "DISSENT FROM THE DECISIONS OF THK SUPREME COURT," NOT ONLY IN THAT INSTANCE BUT IN ANY OTHERS WHERE THAT TRIBUNAL MIGHT FEEL BOUND TO UPHOLD THE GOLD STANDARD AND THE OBLIGATIONS OF THE LAW, AS AGAINST THE INVOCATION OF IRKREGULAR AND UN AUTHORIZED POWERS DERIVED FROM "THE HEARTS OF THE PEO PLE," AND NOT FROM BALLOTS CAST IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE CONSTITUTION AND THE LAWS. It would no doubt be dangerous for Bryan to nullify tho gold standard law by paying tho Interest on bonds in silver, but he would have to belle his own utterances If he stopped there. The revolutionary programme which ho proposes goes much farther than that. What Is to be the response of law abiding and law-respecting voters? very much as ho found It, but the trend of his Industry was always onward and upward apd tho contributions which he made along these lines to the progress of his country entitle him to grateful remembrance throughout all time, He often lamented that he had chosen to pursue a public vocation; he often en vied men who were not In the political game, but though his trials were many and hia disappointments not few he has left behind n monument of honor nblo activity for party and country suf ficient to compensate for all his politi cal burfetlngs; and his example will appeal to all who consider that It la the enwaid's part to shirk any labor or lesponblblllty which duty brings. Hon. Adlal Stevenson la willing that the Republican party Hhould havo some comfort. Ho cheerfully places Pennsylvania In tho McKlnley col umn. A vote for Conry foi congress Is a vote for fieo silver, free trade and the furling of Old Glory whero It floats established power. ,nlted efforts will give the Repub llcans of Lackawanna county victory on every ofllce In contest. Clean the Democrats out, "Anything to elect Schadt" Is fast becoming the Demociallo piogramme. Republicans, prepare to repel this at tack. Why should the cream of local poll tics always be skimmed for the per sonal benefit of Christy Boland? Democratic Talk in Contrast With Republican Deeds Comparison of Party Records on the Subject of Special Legislation in the Interest of labor. HOW TUB 1WO pjrllci Imc acquitted tlicm. Echra in regard to uoiMngmcn U clearly defined inasscH of fjcti eliovv tlio result o Democratic promises and Itepublicin pej. fcimancts. TI19 Democratic paity loo!i to ion. tlant agitation, with no restrictive U'bI.-IuUom; tlm ncmiblltnn pirty to audi restriction as will prevent ailiitrary advance In prices, or reduc tion in wages tliroutih ecluslc control, but not t lie destruction hy legislation or injury by ficti tious agitation of legitimate enterprise through h'reat manufacturing tjstcina by which production is cheapened, prices of inanufactuies reduced and permanency of employment assured, 'lhU is convincingly IllmtruUd by tho enactment ot the rocasute l.uoun 83 tho Sherman Aiul-Tiust law, whkh was cnactul in lb!X) by a llepubll. can congress and sinned by a Republican prcsU dent Ilcnjamln HarrUon. Although tho Ueino. craU snecicd .it the bill, which they contended was simply a piece of buncombo and would be only a dead letter, the recent decision! of tho .Supreme court hate bhonn that it Is at least the only pleco of legislation cm put upon the stat ute books which has the semblance of power to control and, prevent combinations In restraint of production or commerce. Under this law the .Su preme court of the United States on the Sltli day of October, 1S98, held Illegal the Joint Tramo association, an agreement entered into between komo thirty-one different railroad compaulu, and enjoined Its further execution. o In contradistinction to this Is the work of the Democratic party during the Kiltlcth congress. As the result ol their agitation the congress au thorized the house committee on manufactures to enter upon so Investigation of trusts. Such distinguished Democratic leaders as Represents, tho Wllon,' of Wrct Virginia; Representative Urcckimidgc, o Aikansas; llepresentathe By. nuui, of Indiana, and Representative Bynuni, of New York) ro tnembera ot the committee nnd lliey were Riven power lo administer oaths, ex amino witnesses, compel the attendance of per tons nnd the production of papers, ami make their Investigation a thorough one. Jlore than 109 witncw, Including II, A. Ilaveniejer nnd Claus Spreckeli, of sugar fame) Mr. Itotkefeller, Mr. l'lagler arid others of the Standard Oil com. puny, nnd representative of the cotton bagging trust ond whiskey trust wens pwmlncd. A thousand pages of testimony were taken nnd the committee delnjcd Its report until one day ho foro the expiration ot congress, when It pre sented lis testimony tint nude no recommend i tlon as to legislation, "owing to the present difference ot opinion between members of the committee." 0 In 1804 the Democrat ugaln grappled with the trust problem, nddlnp; to the Wllson-florman tariff law n series of provisions purporting to authorise the regulation of trusts, but which neither the Democratic president nor the Demo cratic officials who were In power when tho nit came Into existence made, so far as Is known, any nttempt to put into operation. The Demo cracy's professional agitators liac spent much vocnl effort against trust, but none of them has .idded to United States statutes any law providing means tor their extinction. Ilcn Mr. Uryan, who omits 110 opportunity to declare hostility to trusts, offers no legislative remedy other than through constitutional amendment. In his nddress hefoic the Trust conference In Chi cago, on Sept. 10, ISuO, he said: "t believe we ought to have remedies In both state and nation, and that there should bo concurrent remedies. I believe In addition to a state remedy thcro must be a federal remedy, and f believe con gresi has, or should havo the power to place re strictions and limitations, even to tha point of prohibition, upon any corporation organized In one state that wants to do business outside ot flic skite. Congress ought now to pass such a law. If It is constitutional and so declared by the Supreme court I am in favor ot an amend ment to tho constitution that will give to con gress power to destroy every trust In tho coun try." Yet, in tho face of this assertion, when the judiciary committee of the house ot repre sentatives on June 1, 1000, brought before tint body a Joint resolution, providing for a consti tutional amendment which should give longresn power to regulate trusts, only five Democrats voted for it, while practically every Republican In the house voted for the measure, but as It required a two-thirds vote, the Democrats were strong enough to defeat it. 0 How btatint are Mr. Bryan's words, and even those of the prrsent Democratic plitfnrin, de claring for "an unceasing warfare In nation, state nnd city against private monopoly in every form," to the vvorklngman of New Yelk who has felt the grip of the Ico Trust, now vvoild famous. At Its head is Augustus Van Wjck, the master mind who put into shape the Kansas City platform. The object of this tvust, It was aptly said recently, "Is to coin fever and thirst into dividends for Tammany bosses." Tammany bosses, who made the Kansas City platform! This platform wai read to the Democratic con vention by Senator J. K. Jones, of Arkansas. Senator Jones Is a member of the finance com mittee of (lie United States senate, and took an influential part In framing what Is known as the "Sutrar Trust Tariff" of 1894. Seintor Jon?s ne.vt distinguished himself as 1 foo to the Sugar Tru.t a few months ago, when tho Porro nicun Relief bill was under consideration in the senate. It wns proposed to use the money collected as duties on l'oito Rlcan products which had ben brought Into the United States for the benefit of the island. That did not strike Senator Jones favorably and he offered an amendment provid ing that the money should be returned to those from whom it had been collected. If lib amend ment bad been adopted nearly twelve hundred thousand dollars would have been paid out of the national tieasury into the treasury of the Sugar Trust instead of being used for the benefit of Porto Rico. Rut the Republican senate did not adopt tho amendment offered by Senator Jones, who was one of the fiamers of the Kan sis CJty platform, and is the chairman of the lirjan national campaign committee. Representative Richardson, permanent chair man of the Kansas City convention, and chair man of the Democratic congressional campaign committee, also featured himself in the last ses sion of congress by his attitude toward "trusts and monopolies." He offered a series of joint res olutions aimed against them. One provided for the abolition of duties on sugar and molasses produced in Cuba and Porto Rico and brought into t4re United States. After consideration by tho ways and means committee it was moved that the resolution be reported back to the house witli an adverse recommendation. On this mo tion Mr. Richardson -voted In the negative. From the adverse report of the committee it appears that if the joint resolution should become law the sugar consumers of the United States would derive no benefit whatever from it, but that the sugar trust would be better off by the sum of fourteen million dollars a year more, and that sugar glow-el's of the United States would be deprived of a large measure of the protection necessary to tho maintenance and growth of that Important domestic indusliy. From time to time each of the "great leaders" who manufac ture stuffed trusts to throw mud at, and worse legislation to curb the real monopolistic combin ation, lias shown ids hand. Yet they cover up their tracks by ignoring hlsto- and attempting to place the blame upon the Republican party, which has a long record of work in the interest ot the laborer and against monopolies. 0 That all combinations of capital arc harmful to the worUingmau is a disputed fact. That Is the leason tire Republican party has declared against a constitutional prohibition of the con centration of capital. The United State De partment of Labor made public July, 1P0O, the renult of a careful investigation of foity-one trust and industrial combinations. The icport was prepared by Professor J. W. Jenks, of Cornell university, the trust expert of tho United Stales industrial commission, and the material was col lected by special agents and experts of the United States Depaitment of Labor. As far as statistics were available the report 6hovs in general u greater number of persons employed and higher wages paid in the same establishment after the combination than before. Of four teen establishments giving returns nine kliow an flrrieasc in the average wages ot superintendents and foremen, four show a decrease, and in one there has been no change. Out of these four teen companies ten were foimed in the jears l.sDS and lS'J'J, so that comparison of conditions before and after is a very diicct one. In seven coses out of the fourteen tho wages of traveling sales men Increased, in two they decreased, and in one they icinalned the same. In two cases no traicllng balet-nun had been cniplojrd liv the companies entering in the combination, whereas after tho domination was made Midi nun were put to vvoik , In one casu in which tiavcllug salesmen had been cinplo.ved by the separate companieh their serviced weie dlspmstd with after tho combination. 'I he average annual wages of skilled labours have Increased in ten cases and decreased in two. The average annual wages of unskilled laborer have Incieased in ten cases, deceased in one and remained the same In one, after the coinbln itlon, Taking (be employes as a whole, tho results show that out of twelve cases reporting thern had been an Increase of wages in pine cases and a deciease In three. Tal. ing all employers collectively in each of the thirteen combinations reporting, theie have been but two cases of a decrease in the number of em plojcs anil but one caso of a decrease in the total annual wages paid. That theie aic iom binatioiis that antagonize tire Intel eats nf thn vvorklngman, and even tho entile nation lire Re publican party has olna.vs contended, and thoe it has alwajs btrlun to 6upmi'.-s. ci In no lonnliv upon the globe does the web fjio of the worklngmaii receive as nimh atten tion as it does in the United States. .aus to better the condition of the laborer have bien tussed from time to time, so that it inai he said that as far as legislation can cffict that end tho toller Is piotccted a gieat deal nmre in the United States than In any other luunlrj, To whom honor for this is due is shown in the following resumes Tiro Coolie Trade Prohiblted-ThU Jiw was passed Feb, 10, ISO,'; amended Feb. 0, IK.'; and further amended Mauh !l, 187i. Piesident tiiai.t, in Ida message ot Dec. 7, 1874. laid before ion. tress a recommendation for the enforcement of the law. The leglslstlon on lhea several arts was arcomplikhd by the Republicans in liOi, In the Thirty-seventh congress, and in )', In the l"i tleth congress. Peonage Abolished 'I hU art was passed In tho Thirty-ninth congiess, when both hoiisei, were Republican by a large majority, .March 2, 18071 Inspectlou of Steam VwscU-l'aswd duiluej tl e Fortieth congress, when tho ltepublluins were In power hi both houses. Protection ol Seamen Passed duilng the Forty second congress, when both houses wero under ccnlrol ot the Republicans. It was amended during the Forty-third congress, when tiro Re publican) were in control of both bouses. Involur.tt.ry Servitude 0! Foreigners Abrogated rnssed during the Forty-third congress, when hotli houses were under control ot the Republi cans. Allen Contract Labor Contract tabor law passed the house March 0, IPSO. All the voles (gainst the bill were Democratic. Incorporation of National Trades Unions -l'njseel the senate June S, PVo, without division. Passed the house June II, 1SS0, without division. I'ajmcnt of Per Diem Ktnployes lor Holidays Pissed without division In the Fatty-ninth con gies, second session. , Labor nf United States Convicts Contract Rjs teni Prohibited I'asscd the homo Manh, IS). Passed the senate Feb. 29, 1M7. All the votes against the bill were Democratic, noard of Arbitration 1'nwd the house on April fl. im, with thirty votes against bill, alt being Dcmociatlr. Hours of toibor, filter Carriers Law limiting letter carriers In eight hours a day. Passed In the somite without division. Department of loibor 1'as'ed the homo April III, 188S. lMcd tho senate May 2.1, IWS. All votes cast against the bill were Domm ratio. Allen Contract Lalior Passed the house dur ing the Klflv-Brt tongriss without division Aug. .TO, 1800. Passed without division Aug. ."0, thirl. Paved the senate with verbal amendments Sept. 27, 1800. ' BEPUBLICAN OBJECT LESSONS. f Missouri. -f sV Depositors. f Ranks. 1804. 181)0. -f f National lS.WI M.ltlO -f -f Slate and Private D7.2JJ MI,K) -f f Savings 0,300 f,5ll f -f Total 70,170 121,570 Incieasc in No. of depositors.. 48,391 s Amount of Deposits. -sV f Banks. 1801. 1800. -f -f National ? I,tl!),"l1 $ 7,014,218 -f State and Private 10,000,(188 19,810,114 s- f Savings 1.310,104, 2,100,430 -f f Total $15,746,205 $20,020,783 -f Increase lit deposits $ 13,283,583 -f f - South Dakota. sV Depositors. -f Ranks. 1604. 1SW. -f National 5.2OT 7,ti3.-, -f f State and Private 3,757 10,177 -f -f Total 0,040 18,112 -f sV Increase in No. ot depositors.. 0,00.1 -s- Amount of Deposits, -f Banks. 1804. ISO!). -f Natloml $ 2,023,732 $ 3,8.10,105 -f -f State and Pi hate 0.14,731 3,212,720 4. Tolal $ 2,038,103 $ 7,D12,01-, -f 4- Increase in deposits ..$ 4,0S4,452 ALWAYS BUSY. Ladles know, all admit they know-, how much they t,ave when they can buy Kdwiu C. Burt's Shoes at is.! 50 per pair, in turns and wells, patent leather and kid tips, button and lace. Styles they all admire. LewisRilIy Established 1SSS. Shoes for all the walks of lite. Jlercereatm & Coeeell Now open for business at our anew store, 132 Wyo ming avenue. We are proud of our store novr, and feel justified in doing a little talking, but we prefer to have our friends do the talking for us, A cordial invitation is ex tended to all to call and see us, IEECE1EAU k G0NN1ELL Jewelers nnd Silversmiths. sfiflflMillMH-, ?s9flHt&. . gg. -Sm iHH 1 1 1 mwiUHtt P Ijl II V firo If It I ft m I llUn ill Hi I fnifiSnll jH&ii jfJfiMiiilK ssfVfV S'Sf'nteJ?. Ji ful w till I li III JS!T1M m 1 1 hN ill Hill! I wMUuSm in 1 ai WLmJi a A special Associated Press reporter lias Knowledge of the remarkable cure of the wife of a carpeuter who related her experience as follows; 'For a good many )ears 1 have been bothered an awful bight with my stomach. I got so I couldn't eat anything at all without it wiiring on my stomach. Lots of times while working I would spit up great inouthfuls of stuff bitter as gall. I kept getting worse all the time, and took piles of doctor medicine, but I might as well have taken that much starch for all the good it did me. It run into neuralgia of the stomach and worked itself all over me. The new doctor up on zoth street told me when I saw him it was my stomach that caused all the trouble and give me an order to the drug store. I took it there and the boy give me a box of RIPANS TABILES I began getting better, and have used a little over two boxes, and am now ttound and well." FINLEY'S Special Sale of Mks for Waists We offer an ele gant line of New Silks, mostly in lengths of OlC Waist Pattern, all exclusive designs and no du plicates. The de signs are choice, neat in effect, and prices range from 75c to $1.75 per yard. We are also show ing a very elegant line of Hew Laces, Laces Ties and Lace 512 Swear 99 If you haven't the proper ofllce sup plies. Come In and give us a trial. We have the largest ond most com plete line of office supplies In North eastern Pennsylvania. If It's a good thing, wo have It. We make a specialty of visiting cards and monogram stationery. Rey molds Bros Stationers and Engravers, Hotel Jermyn Building. Fanicy 11 ' Mm in, , i.i urn, ffS0DBlt59 66Doo9t fr" 57 - A I N . i-i. .Wiitw M tilMtMiratfatiM. I