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THE SCRANTON TRIBUNE-THURSDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1000.
i1
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PuMldlicd fally, Erpt Sunday, by The Trib
une Publishing Company, t t-'llty Cents Month,
MVY B..WCtlARt, Mltor.
O, F. nVxiICK, HihIiicm MitiHRcr.
Now York Office t ISO Nassau PI.
p. s. vnnF.tiAsn,
.Hole Agnt for I'otelirn Advertising
Entered it the rostofflce l Scranton, P.i
6ccondClass Mull ItatUr.
When spice will permit, Tlie Tribune l always
r:hi to print short letters from It friends War
ns; on current topics, but Its tule Is that these
mmt be sinned, tor publlcitlon, by the writer
real name! and the condition precedent to c
ccptonce Is tint nil contribution hnll b "
ject to editorial icrlslon.
SCHANTON, OCTOUEIt 18, 1000.
REPUBLICAN NOMINATIONS.
Nntionn.1.
Prcildenl-H'f 1.1,1 AH McKtNIXY.
Vicc-Vrcsidctil-THKODOilK U003F.VEI.T.
Stnte.
Concrosmon.nl -Lnreo OAMISIIA A. ClltOW,
noin:itr ii. KOKiii)Kiti:it.
Auditor Ocnernl-i:. II, lIAHUF.Nnr.rtGll.
County.
Congress WIMJAM CONNKMi.
Jiidro-OKOItnn JI. WA1SO.S".
siiptiir .TotiN it. raxows.
Tiftniircr .1. A. SCmjfTO.V.
Ulitrlrt Atnrnny 1VII.MAM It, MttVIS.
Pinthnnotiiry-.IOIIN' rOPKI.ANP.
Clerk of Cnurts-TIIOMAS 1'. DAMULS.
Itoccrdir of (writ-HJIIl. DON'S'.
IlcaloUr of Wills V. K. tlKCK.
Jury Commissioner HOWARD D. STURdES.
Legislature
Flirt Dl.trlct- THOMAS ,T. REYNOLDS,
hjcpml llistrict-JOIl.V SCinUTit. .111.
Third I)ltrlct-l',mVARl JAMKS, JR.
Fourth District 1. A. I'llILUIN.
"If thero 13 nny one who believes
the gold standard is a good thing,
or that it must he maintained, I
warn him not to cast his vote for
me, because I promise him it will
not be Maintained in this country
longer th'nn I am able to get rid of
It." William Jennings Bryan in a
Speech at Knoxville, Tenn., Deliv
ered Sept. 1G, 1S0G.
"The party stands where it did in
1898 on the money question." Will
iam Jennings Bryan, Zanesville, O.,
September 4, 1000.
As to nilitarism.
AMONG the preposterous prop
ositions submitted to the
people by the Democratic
party as among the para
mount Issues of the present campaign,
is the doctrine that the future of the
American nation is imperiled by mili
tarism. Our army is held up as a
source of danger, and the prophesy is
made of dire evils to come when the
iron hand of military rule shall usurn
the constitutional processes of our gov
ernment, to sot up a despot at Wash
ington, These representations are
made with straight faces by the apos
tles of Bryanism, and the excitement
which they throw into their orations
upon this theme might lead the for
eign observer to believe that the rid
iculous proposition is offered In good
faith.
Our own people, however, know bet
ter. They know that the percentage
of soldiers today, with military opera
tions covering both hemispheres and
extending a sailing distance of 10,000
miles, is, in comparison with our total
population, but little, If any larger than
it was in the days of the republic's
infancy. In order that the comparison
between Democratic campaign froth
and actual fact may bo made by any
reader who wishes to inform himself
accurately upon this subject we append
a table complied by the Army and
Navy Register from oftlclal sources;
this table shows the strength of the
regular army of the United States
every ten years from 1S10, as compared
with the population of the United
States In each decennial year:
Army. Population.
1808-1812 .. 9,921 7,239,881
1820 8,942 0,633,822
1830 5,951 12,806,020
1840 10,570 17,009,453
1850 10,763 23,191,876
1860 16,307 31,443,321
1870 37,075 38,558,371
1880 ..VV- 26,509 50,155,783
18P0 ,.,...'.. 27,089 02,622,250
1809 ...,:.... 04,729 75,00O,OOO
Estimated.
It Is true that at present our army,
counting In both regulars and volun
teers, is larger .than before the Spanlbh
American wnr. Rut It does not begin
tn compare with the police and fire
lighting force of the city of Scran'on
in proportion to the population, and
everybody knows that the police force
of the city of Scranton Is Inadenuato
in numbers to the large tail; of pre
serving law and order, and thoroughly
covering, as should be covered, the
territory comprehended within the c'ty
limits. No law-abiding citizen view's
.'In this police force a menace to h's
'liberties: no law-abiding citizen fears
jthat the police force or this city will
Jsome day consplro to overthrow the
Jexlstlng municipal government and
substitute a military despotism with
jhetjtnvftirters' In the city hall. Yt the
Imembershlp of our regular army, in
point-. f Intelligence, education . and
patriotism, compares very favorably
vlth the gentlemen who constitute the
protectors of property and public or
her in fill's city. The ofllcers of our
regular' army, In point of education,
echolnrshlp, familiarity with the hls-
tory, principles and purposes of Amerl
an Institutions, und In their devotion
Jo their country's ling will compare
hot unfavorably with the gentlemen
o direct the transactions of our mu
nicipal 'ffi'Viinment. Why, then, do
we hear the l&sue of militarism raised
In the ope case, and not mentioned In
he other? i
t Thsct Is that this outcry against
Jho' army is a bogus attempt to ere
jite unfounded prejudice; to ruise a
campaign scare without the shadow of
substantial cause. Like Its twin
brother, the so-called "paramount" Is
ue of impei lallsm, t Is a devco rlggod
up by the udiolt Held inarshul of Popu
lism to screen from public view the
ugly uspeot of freo silver coinage N'
American citizen woithy of the name
will lend himself to this attempted de
ception tinloss ho is willing to go before
the people us a. sponsor for fake Issues,
The Tribune as a friend of these distantly and
robber tonctriM would like to sec the trusts
merited Into one bis Octopus. It would hive no
objection to cury Industry In Scranton beln
taken to aoine favored location, because It would
Itho employment tn labor Juit the Mine, nitord
Ins to The Trlbiine'a reasoning. Times.
Tills Is a ptetty tough charge, neigh
bor. Can you prove It? Alto, can you
show your renders hntv tho election of
I'.rynn would prevent tho removal of
an industry from Pcranton It Its man
ngors decided It was wise to move or
bring a new one here If tho proprietors
of it didn't want to come? We ap
preciate that In the present matnphysl.
cal mood of our octopus-hunllng ron
tempornry Mr. lliyan oppenrs to
possess the gift of performing
miracles, yet It would nevertheless bo
Interesting to have tho details of his
supposed power.
The Strike Ended.
ALL perso:is hall with joy tho
final and conclusive settle
ment of tho 'great anthra
cite mine strike and all but
a very few rejoice that it has ended
in Incrensed wages for the men. Tho
miners are now to have their share of
Itppublican prosperity and it has been
tho Republican party which has given
it to them. Rut for Republican times
thero would have been no strike; but
for Mark Hnnna tho strike would not
have bcrn won.
While Irynn was going about tho
country using tho mine strike as a
theme of calamity howling designed
to scare worklngmen into voting the
Democratic ticket; In -other words,
whiles he was using it simply to tnlk
about it, Mark Hanna, without any
nourish of trumpets or attempt at dra
matic oratory, quietly took his coat
off, rolled up his sleeves and proceeded
to Impress upon thu men in control
of the big coal carrying railroads that
the wages of tho miners must be
raised. We don't say that Hanna. did
it all. John Mitchell was the man
who started the ball rolling. Rut it
was Hanna who laid down the law at
headquarters and his part In the, set
tlement contrasts vividly with the part
played by William Jennings Bryan
and the Democratic campaign leaders
in doing nothing for the miner but to
hold him up on the stump and in the
yellow Journals as n "horrible ex
ample" of poverty and distress.
Bryan in talking and Hanna In
working both had Interested motives.
Karh was working lor the benefit)
of his party. But it was Hanna's
work, not Bryan's talk, which pro
duced results. There is a difference
between words and deeds. The min
ers of our valley will appreciate this
when they get their next ray.
If the worklngmen of the United
States could pay store bills with talk,
there is no doubt that men like Bryan
and Conry would be just the men for
them to vote for. But when it comes
to doing things, which is the basis
cf prosperity, no wonder they prefer
the Republican party.
Common Sense About Trusts.
OUR DEMOCRATIC contempor
ary asks us a number of
questions about the so-called
paper trust. It wants to
know If we can consider tho outcn
against the paper trust buncombe.
That depends. It ought not to require
extended argument to convince any
reasoning man that no combination of
capital can permanently surround the
forests ofthe world and levy a dishon
est embargo on the wood pulp used in
the manufacture of news print paper.
It is true, as our contemporary re
marks, that in the past year the price
of paper has advanced. It is also true
that export authorities in the paper
trade predict an early decline in that
price. Why? Because tho demand and
the supply, after a period of excep
tional separation, are getting together.
New companies for the manufacture
of paper are being organized; new
mills erected; new forests Invaded;
now processes of production devised.
If a company at present prices makes
unnatural profit, competition Is Invit
ed, and by a law as Irresistible as
the law of gravitation and as little
subject to statutory regulation, capital
Is attracted to competitive Investment,
with n result thnt In a short time Ine
qualities are equalized.
Tills is true In the paper business, as
In every other business, and It Is the
public's one groat security nga'ti3t ex
tortion. If the editor of oi i contem
porary considers that tro ; esent
prices of news pupor are ev Mtnnt,
with the companies manufacturing it
paying unfairly earned dividends on
enormou.-dy watered stock; in other
words, If ho considers that they arc
gouging tho groat consuming public,
Immensely to their own pecuniary ben
efit, there Is no law on the statu 'o book
to prevent him from joining wl h othPr
capitalists having surplus money in
readiness for attractive Investment to j
enter Into tho Biime field of production
and divide the market. Nothing which
Mr. Bryan could do as present would
expedite the growth of competition,
Just as nothing ho could do as presi
dent would prevent tho present ten
denc toward consolidation In business,
There are certainly specific remedies '
available for tho protection of the pub- i
lie against specific injury resulting
from laigo combinations of capital,
Those are advocated as earnestly liy
Republicans as by Democrats. Anions ,
them Is the proposition to give con
gress control over corporations, to that
It may enant specific laws, placing
conditions and restrictions upon ibe
taking out of charters. This proposi
tion whs submitted to vote at tho last
session of congress. It received tho
vote of practically every Republican
member, und It encountered the odiio.
sltlon of practically every Democratic
member, and the proposition was lost.
For that defeat of u specific and prac
tical remedy for abuses In corporate
management the responsibility rests
directly upon tho Democratic party. It
should not require much knowledge of
the traditional disparity btlween Dem
ocratlc promise and performance to
asstiro the voter that If specific and
Intelligent remedy Is to be applied In
this direction, It will have to como
through tho constructive legislation of
Republican administration. Tho Re
publican party aloue 'has tho experi
ence, and the conservative Instincts
necessnry to the formulation of laws
which will cure abuses In tho busi
ness world without putting tho sub
ject of Us surgical operation to death.
Mere quackery will not lit tho demands
of tho case,
The Times wants its to say some
thing in reply to tho charge of Attor
ney General Monnett of Ohio, that the
McKinley administration bus frus
I trntod every attempt lib has made to
enforce the anti-trust law. Wo know
of nothhig particular to p.iy. It Is
nn assertion without pioof. It is made
by a man who tried to set tho Repub
lican nomination for governor of Ohio
and failed, since which time he has
b(en disregarded. Wo doubt If Mon-
nott would have been so enger io sup
'poit Bryan and throw mud at Mc
Kinley If he had won the nomination
he sought. rolitlc3 1j full of such
enses. Few people are uffected by
' filmic
on October 8 last Hon. Galusha A.
Grow celebrated the fiftieth anniver
sary of his election to congress, His
period of active participation in tho
public life of his country exceeds that
of any other living American, and the
half century it spans includes the
most eventful time In the history of
the world. Yet through It all, Mr.
Grow has passed without blemish upon
his reputation or sign of wear or tear
upon his magnificent physique. Ho
was In Scranton on Saturday, younger
looking than ever, and we doubt that
there is a younger grand old man in
the United States.
If the trusts arc closing up the mills,
factories, shops and tanneries oi the
country as indicated by the perturbed
Times, It is certainly a mystery where
the immense and growing volume of
American production, greater to-day
by millions of dollars than ever before,
comes from.
When Mark Hanna says that he has
proof that Webster Davis got $125,
00ft from the Boers for advocating
their cause in the United States he
confirms a good many of the prevalent
suspicious as to Boer stupidity In busi
ness affairs.
Washington Post: "Young Richard
Croker, with forty ruits of clothes,
a valet, and $10,000 worth of bull pups,
lias gone to college. Yet his dis
tinguished father declares that the
young man has no show these days."'
As Mr. Bryan has been spending so
much energy recently in telling what
the McKinley administration ought to
do, a few specific ninls as to his own
contemplated programme, if elected,
would be interesting.
We infer from remarks in the Times
that the election of Bryan would end
the Barber asphalt "trust." Maybe
it would be no more affective in this
connection than was the election of
Bailey.
Political speeches, brass bands and
red Urn do not usually change the
views of thinking voters, but they are
useful In preventing forgetfulness and
sleep.
Tho decorator who draped the por
trait of Mr. Bryan with Filipino col
ors at the Hoffman House the other
night understood his business loo well.
With the strike now out of the way,
thero is nothing to Interfere with a
rush of fall business. Let us make
up for lost time.
War in South Africa Is over, but
there are still many "difficulties" in
the field.
The "paramount issue" seems to
have succumbed to over-training.
The Trtisf Qtt?sfion
Fairly Discussed
Py Trofessor George Gunton.
IP TllUSTS AHE to be mado a political ia9ue,
in common honesty to the people, the ob
ject thnul'l be frankly stated. The drat
question to nettle Is, what are trusts? Mr.
fliyan and his friendj talk about trusts as if
they were anything and everything that is bad,
but they take no pains to give specific Informa
tion as to what a (nut Is or how it can he ills
tlni;ulihed from any concern tlut is not a trust.
Now as a matter of fact a tnut Is a very definite
thing; It is a combination of different firms und
corporations under one management without dis
BoHing the Individual firing but a transference
of the management of the several properties to
n central 1'ody, to tie managed In trust for the
whole, This particular form of organliatlon has
only been adopted in a few cases: Standard Oil,
Swrar, Whiskey and lcs than a half docn others.
Through public iritcisiu, special legislation and
other causes nil these trusts hue been dissolved
end reorganized as simple stock corporations,
(.o that as a matter of fact not a single "trust"
icmahi' If Mr. Bo an or uny of hla followers
think there id a trust btlll in existence, let them
point it out, tell where it is and where it was
organized. I'nlcss they can put their linger on
at least one trust, they In all decency should
stop talking,
Strictly speaking then, the campaign against
trusts is just wind, It Is a campaign against a
man of straw; but in reality the so-called war
on trusts is a war on corporations, pure and sim
ple, Mr, Drjan has a perfect right to wutt war
against corporations, but be should be honest
about It and frankly dcclaro his real purpose.
I.arso corporations may be a ury bad thing for
the community, and if so they ought to be uhol
Ished, hut un agitation for their abolition should
bo conducted on lionodt principles. It should be
definitely understood that It fa a crusada against
1 irgv corporations. To call it a crusade against
trusts when there ore no trusts Is to practice
u fraud upon the people, At least let us hate
the people who are to vote thejo business con
mns out of existence know what they aie sotlng
against. Certainly before the people of this coun
try ran bo expected to support such a crusade
they have a right to know something about
what it will accomplish.
o
1'lrst, then, are ell corporations to be sup
pressed? If so the preposition is ery simple.
Of course, this can be done it the people want
it, but it would stop every railroad, trolley,
cable and borse-car system in tho country, and
would close moio than CO per cent, of tho maim,
faiturlug and buslncs concern. In fact, ncarljr
all businesses larger than the peanut stand uouhl
have to be dissolved and t (distributed Into small
ciforti, about the equivalent of what existed In
the walled towns tn tho thirteenth century, It
would, In fait, wipe out about all the economic
clTcctivenes that the last Aw centuries of in
duitilal coluilou hate producid. Kor reduction
to economic simplicity and thorough abolition
of monopoly tkU would leave little to be dcilreJ.
It would accomplish the object completely, but
It would reduce ua to birbarlsm. Of course, no
body wanla that. Vet that Ii tho lmpl case
It the war la against all corporations. II It Is
Hot against all corporations, then against which
is the war to 1k directed? If wo are not to
mippreis all, there must be aome apeclfltf line
of distinction between lhoo "to be damned" and
thoe to he "mvciI," There must be r-omo way
of dlstlngulsnlng tho sheep from the go-its.
o
What shall tl he? It cannot be anything relat
ing to the economic or political principle et the
organlratlon, becausa In these respect they are
all alike, Nor Is It In tho character of the In
dustry, becaune the corporation principle applies
to all Industries. There is only one difference
between them and tint Is the lire of their capi
tal, Well, then where rbatl the lino be drawn?
Shall It be at one hundred thousand, at half a
million, flte millions ten millions, flftr millions,
or a hundred millions? Where? If the line Ii
to be drawn anjwherc, eomc economic or polltl
riil reason mint be given for drawing It there,
Upon what economic principle or experience ran
a injunction be made? If there lit any reason,
coiioinle, moral or political, why corporation
with n half million capital Is a good thlner and
one with g million cr five millions capital Is
bad, a benighted world Is waiting for tho In
formation. Thus far not a ray of light has ever
been shed upon that point, though acres of liter,
aturo on the subject have been published,
How rame these corporations to get no large?
Why did tlmy organlto at all? There la one gen
eral reason and It Is this! In the effort to make
the most of Invested capital, It was found by a
long Beries of experlmints that under certain
conditions largo capital could be used to greater
idvantage than small capital; It could produce
more at the same cost, give a larger profit, sell
the products at lower prices and give morn per
manent employment to labor at higher wages.
Every little addition to the stro of Industrial con
cerns has been made for these reasons. Aa the
experiments proved a success they were Increased,
and so from Rmill Individual concerns to partner
ships and corporations the process went on and
on, and If not arbitrarily Interrupted will con
tlnuo to po on Just ao long as tt will yield these
advantages. .Tint so long as adding another mil
lion to the plant will increase the earning capa
city of both the old and new capital, the addi
tions will continue to bo made, and as anon as
the point Is reached where to Increase tho sire
only Increases the unwleldlness and docs not
Increase the economy It will stop.
o
Clearly, then, the history of Industrial growth
and prosperity Is the history of corporate develop
ment. Without corporations productive efficiency
could not have progressed beyond the cconomlo
status of the small individual concerns of at least
a century ogo. A war on corporations, without
some dctlnitc economic basis of discrimination,
then, is simply a war on business success. That
is the character of the present campaign. It Is
based upon no principle of industrial manage
ment of public policy. It rccognbea no line of
distinction between the good and the bad, but
It is a blind, muddled, indiscriminate agitation
against corporation capital, which means a cru
sade against business prosperity. There arc three
ways in which large corporations, miscalled
trusts, affect the public welfare: First, by their
Influences upon prices; second, by their influence
upon wages and employment; third, by their in
fluence upon business stability.
Tho gieat era of corporations in this countiy
is since 18C0. According to the senate report,
which was so comprehensive and exhaustive, there
were fifty-eight classes of products the prices
of which had increased since 18S0. Some had
risen 100 per cent., and a very large number
from 30 to 70 per cent. With one or two excep
tions they were all agricultural or raw material
products, In which the concentration of capital
and the use of machinery had been very slight.
On the other hand, the tables give 140 groups
of manufactured products in svhich capital is
considerably concentrated and machinery used ex
tensively, and In -all prices had fallen from 6 to
40 per cent. The fall in the prices ef products
produced by capitalistic mcthoils was enough
greater than tho rise in prices where hand labor
and small capital were used to make an average
fall in prices of about 4 per cent., and a rise in
wages of ft8 per cent. That is to say, through
the processes of capitalistic methods, from 1S60
to 1S01, the purchasing power of a day's work
was Increased slichtly over 75 per cent., which
is only another way of 'saying that concentrated
capital increased the public welfare 25 per cent,
every ten years since 1860.
The railroads are a type of the large organiz
ations against which the Democratic party is
now waging war. What effect have these cor
porations had in the cost of service to the public?
On this point facts are stronger than phrases.
In 1893 with a lelatlvely small and unintegrated
railroads, tt cost the public 2.21 cents a mile
to ship a ton of merchandise, but by the steady
enlargement of sjslem and lowering of cost with
out reducing and in many instances raising
wages, tho freight charges wcro reduced from
2.21 cents a mile to 75-100 cents a mile or about
04 per cent, as shown by the following table:
Average rate
ner ton
Miles of
Years. railroad.
1S73 70,263
1874 72,355
1575 71,006
1576 70,803
1577 70,083
1878 81,707
1870 86,531
1SS0 93,296
1881 103,143
liS2 111,712
1883 121,455
1SS4 123,370
18S5 128,301
lhS8 i?o.8"0
16S7 "9.257
18S8 1M,109
I860 101,353
1800 100,603
1801 170,760
1802 175,188
1303 177,465
1SU4 170,303
1805 181,021
15,1X3 182,777
per mile,
(cents).
2.210
2.040
1,810
1.855
1.521
1.401
1.201
1.318
1.20J
1,236
1.224
1.123
1.036
1.012
1,034
0.077
0,070
0,027
O.02S
0.011
0.S93
0.804
0.830
o.&oa
Table Showing1 the Trend of Wages During the Period When Corpora
tions Were Developing Most Rapidly.
Number Yearly Per
Industry. of employes. Wages. Amt. cent.
It JO. 1800. 1ES0. 1850. of Inc. ot inc.
Boot and shoe cut stock 2,t65 5,503 $254 $422 $1GS IKU
Hoot and shoe uppers 437 1,703 !I60 625 136 31.0
Hoots and shoes, factory product 111,152 130,333 3s0 476 .00 2J.3
Hoots and shoes, rubber 4,Ui2 0,261 315 423 113 35.3
Poxes, ilgar 2.305 5.537 310 385 M 21,3
Boxes, fancy and paper 0,078 10,051 213 344 00 404
)oc.s, wooden packing 7,722 33,022 MS 405 107 20,8
llrass castings and brass finishings 0,2.17 11,00.1 437 5SI 111 32,0
IlrCKWJie 1,112 7,518 S& 530 170 40,7
Cigar molds 7 112 421 174 53 12.3
Clav and pottery products 10,221 10,200 352 400 117 41.7
Clothing, men's 1C1),S13 2l3,M7 285 156 171 00.0
Clothing, women's, factory product 25,102 12.003 261 417 183 01-3
Cordage and twine 6,135 12,700 286 351 Hi 2.1.7
Cotton goods 1S5.I72 221,585 215 313 (3 27.7
Dentists' n.alerlal 4111 1,214 435 714 220 17.2
l'.lectrlcal apraratiu and supplies ;7l O.ISS K17 .W5 2S 3 2
Knvclopu 1,201 2,501 285 423 138 4S.I
I'oundrj and nwhlno shop products .....115,351 217,751 153 508 115 32.0
Furniture, Including cobfnet making, repairing
and upholstering 52,057 78,607 417 54V ISO 31.1
Gas and lamp fixtures B,M9 &.VKI 478 010 171 05.7
Glass cutting, staining and ornamenting ...... l.isa 3,701 415 053 213 47.S
Gloves and mlttuis 7,007 8.660 215 353 113 Cli.5
Gold and filter reducing and rclliiiiig; not fiom
the ore -"01 UW 53 70S 211 S5.0
Hats and caps, not including wool hats ........ 17,210 27,1'H SH BIS 13t StS
House furnishing Bonds not elsewhere specified .. foi 3,(7 SOrt i5 110 32.5
Instruments, professional and sclentlilc i.ooi 2,371 535 077 lit 20.5
Iron and steel noils nnd spikes, cut and wrought,
Including wile mill 2.010 17,Ufi 431 4W 25 1.8
Iron ond steel pipe, wrought 6,210 12,061 313 431 111 41.1
Ironwork, architectural and ornamental j.uai 1S.B72 435 010 204 t'i.7
Jewelry and instiunuiit mare 138 1,038 SCO 5'jO 107 53.3
Jute and jute goods 525 h'Mi 270 323 51 10.0
Leather goods l.UKI 3,071 413 470 W 7.4
Leatlur. patent and eniinekd 22 2,097 fSl 013 07 11,5
Lithographing ami nigra In J,.';22 0,.W 633 071 131 215
Lock and gunsmlthlne 8t7 2,500 415 6S0 171 41.2
Jlattuw,es nnJ spring beds 2,:;ni 7,'i.l7 M2 v3 120 ' 57.5
Millinery and lau good ..,,,...... ,,. (1,335 11,827 25.1 -IC1 iK 8-'-2
Musical (nstiuments, pianos and materials 0,575 18,017 700 715 IW.1
Oil, rotonseed and cake 11,319 0,301 205 WH 37 H-'
Oil, lubricating .i .. 113 1,172 MM M7 311 02.1
Plumbing and gas fitting ,,,,., v ..,,, n.ilvt 12,512 102 070 l.'l K7.1
Printing and publishing ,.... ..,.,..,,, 5S.I78 165,227 622 035 113 21.0
Printing material ,,,,,,,.,,, ,,. lot S65 617 511 4t d.6
Pulp, wood ,,,,.,,,,,,.,...,...,,,',,,..,,. 1,00 2,830 1107 431 07 18.2
llubbcr and clantle goods , ,,,,...,,. n,2CS o,V)2 iwi too ot 25.0
Shirts .,,,., 25, US 7 32,750 210 320 11U 55.3
bhnweascs ..,,,,..,,.,,.,.,,,... ......,,. ti'ri 1,500 (75 Ml 100 22,0
Silk and silk good , 31,3.17 (0,013 201 380 05 32.0
tillvcrimilthlng , 131 311 6; S07 222 37.0
Silverware .,.,,...,,,,...,,,.., ....,,,,.,,,,, ,o20 2,l(n nvi 701 45 t.3
Spoiling goods , .,,...,. 1,101 2.1W :u 401 IDs "!$
Stationery gooda not elsewhere cpcclfled ,,. a,H7 4,7tll 372 47J 101 27.1
Steam flltingb and heating apparatus '.',474 11,7711 627 Oil 117 22 2
Stereotyping and clectrottplng ,.,, ....,,. 012 1,175 40 721 38 7.8
Tools not elsewhere specified , , 3,161 . 7,005 472 681 112 2J.7
Trunks and tallies ,,,, .,,. 4,531 6,7(5 301 617 121 31.2
Tpefoundlng .. .,,, '.....,,.. 1,086 2,172 482 013 16.1 U3.S
Cm rcllaa and canes , ,.. 8,00 0,803 321 460 145 45.1
Walili aud clock materials , 273 60,1 fOO Sl'i 210 (17.9
Wutch cases , 1,753 3.8C0 655 617 8 1.4
Watch, clock ana Jewelry repairing r ,,, i.ojt 8,017 623 317 114 21.7
Watches .-; m B,W ,675 511 632 41 3.0
M rework, including wire rope and cable ,..,,,,. 4,490 7,017 3S3 603 120 31.3
1807 Diitiiiiut.miittt 1(1,423 0.703
1803 iiiiittiit.iitiittui 186,300 0.753
o
.Vcxt to the ateam railroad corporations those
most railed against are the surface railroad tin
dleaten, especially those which control the sur
face railroad systems In our lirge lilies. Tik'
New Vcrk as an example. All the surface rail
reading in New York city Is In (lie hnidi of two
companies. It was oneo In the hands of it diren
or more companies. Every avenuo line and every
erosatown line waa run by a sepirate company.
Under that regime the mnlltc power tviu horses,
and the public had to pay a separate 5ccnt fare
for every ear bcardtd. With the discovery of the
new motive power, trolleys, cable and lastly
underground conduit trolhys larger capital was
needed to get the best effect from the new
methods, and today the eltUetn of New York
(and by the same process of nearly nil the cities
In tho country) can tide In csrs many tlms aj
commodious and wholesome, twice as fast, ten
times aa far. and be transferred to numerous
other lines, all for one fare. Undtr this system
of concentrated capital and management eltUcns
of New York can boaril a trolley on the New
York side of the llrookljn brldfte, cross the
brldgo and ride some dozen miles to Coney
Island, for S cents, which formerly by another
route cost 40 to 60 cents. Ily nn ogreement be
tween the Third Avenue cnnipiny and elevated
road system, which is practically another large
Integration, passengers ran tratel from the lltt
tcry to New Rocholle, a distance of twenty-five
miles or more, tor 8 cents, a f-cent fare, and n
3-ccnt transfer which by the steam railroads
costs about 40 cents. The next natural atcp,
one that will como 1 not arbitrarily Interfered
with, will be to put the entire lecal transit sys
tem of the metropolis, both surface and elevated,
under one management. Then every road In
etery direction will be open to the public for n
single fare, transfers being accepted from any
to any other cars in the entire city.
o
Tills is true in cities and towns throughout
the country. Would Mr. Brynn's parly suppress
these? If this policy were carried eut into all
lines of industry where largo corporations pre
dominate, the great meat packing establishments
in Chicago, the steel manufacturing corporation
of Pittsburg, tho surface and steam railroad com
panies would have to disband, at least dissolve
Into the smaller concerns of ilfly years ago. This
would mean an Increase of 50 to 100 per cent.
In the price of nearly all machine-made products
which constitute nearly all the manufactured
commodities of modern consumption. In short,
all the progress of the benefit this country and
the world now receive in lower prices and im
proved quality of products during the last fifty
years, fs the result of the experiments of new de
vices Instituted by large and larger corporations,
and an Indiscriminate war on corporations such
ss Mr. Bryan Is conducting is a mad war and on
tho. methods of giving the world cheap wealth.
It Is commonly charged by those enlisted In
this campaign against capital that large corpor
ations destroy the laborer's liberty. A little
touch ef fact would show this to be a pure
phantom of tlie imagination. Nothing could bo
more contrary to the whole history of wage labor.
If thero wcro any truth in this wc might expect
to find that laborers had more freedom and
greater individuality before the wage system be
gan. Yet everybody knows that they had neither
liberty or Individuality; that it was not until
long after the wage system came that laborers
acquired any liberty, political rights or social in
dividuality. The laborer's freedom and Indi
viduality depend upon two things permanence
of employment and good wages. Wherever the
employment of labor Is most permanent and
wages are highest, there tho laborer is moat In
telligent, has tho greatest freedom and the
strongest Individual identity. Where do laborers
get these conditions? It is not where capital
is small and employers are poor. On tho con
trary', It is where large corporations prevail that
wages ore highest and employment most continu
ous, and ever body knows It is there where the
laborers are most Independent. It Is notorious
that large corporations have the least influence
over the opinions and individual conduct of their
laborers, let is be known that a large corpora
tion Is trying to Influence the election of candi
dates for office, and that is the signal for the
worklngmen to vote against them. Instead of
being controlled by the corporations, they act
almost uniformly on the rule of defying and op
posing them. Nor is there any loss of Individual
liberty in becoming a fractional part of a large
productive concern. What society wants is not
individuality as producers, but Individuality as
citizens. What we need I that the laborer should
glvo less and less of his personal energy to earn
ing a living and more and more to his social
and Individual improvement. A permanent stipu
lated income is the first step towards real indi
vidual freedom for the laborers. Nothing is so
depressing to manhood, nothing makes the weak
so cowardly as precarlousness of income. The
small business man who does not knew from
nuartor to quarter, and sometimes from month
to month, whether he can meet his obligations,
is nelthdr so biave, so Intelligent nor ao free a
citizen as the wage laborer in the safe employ
of a largo corporation. As a matter of fact, the
corporation and banker have far more Influence
over the votes of small business men whm
they have befriended or patronized, than they
have over their own laborers. A laborer's free
dom does not depend upon the fact that he works
for wages, hut on the amount of his wages.
With high wages and permanent employment the
laborer's freedom and welfare arc secured. The
laborer has not a single interest, social, economic
or political, in the existence of employers with
small capital.
o
It is also asserted that large corporations in
crease enforced Idleness by displacing labor with
machinery. This is another of those flippant
statements made without regard to the facta. It
is the history of improved machinery, which fa
the same as large corporations, that while the
new machine does more work with the same
labor, through lowering the price of commodities',
it puts the product within the reach of con
stantly increased number of consumers and there
by ultimately Increases the dproand tor labor.
This is demonstrated by the facts in the following
table taken from the United States census in
ISM. It shows the number of laborers employed
In sixty-tour industries in 1880 and 1800, aud
the yearly wages. The two right-hand columns
t.how the amount and per cent, of Increase in
wages:
From this table it will be teen that In every
Industry, Instead of the number ot laborers hav
ing diminished, It has largely increased and the
wages have advanced. On the matter of wages
It Is notorious that the highest wagis arc every
where paid by the large corporations. Otganlred
laborers know Irom bitter cxpcrlcncu lhl the
petty I'CrKPtillnm of labor, the Intention of the
blacklist, tho pcislilenl opposition to all laws
aiming ut tlie Improvement ot the condition ot
Isbor, such as shortening the working day, pro
viding education for Working children, abolition
of the truck Mstem ami olhrre beneficent mess
ureii that hate hern mured during the last quar
ter of a century, were nit obtained against the
bitter and olten petty and persecuting opposition
af the small employers, the employers In whose
IwhAlf this campaign against so-called trusts Is
being waged. The workmen, that Is the Intelli
gent workmen, know that they have always been
able tn gel the best terms, the best treatment
and the highest wages at the hands of the large
corporations.
o
What Is the Influence ot targe corporations
upon business stability and prosperity? This Is
one of the most Important feitures of the sub
ject. The greatest menace to modern society Is
business depressions, which usuilly sro the result
of Ignorant eagerness among competitors. A
slight hoom In business leads tn a rash Increase
of output. Without any general knowledge of
what Is being done elsewhere, each hopes in fill
the new void, with the result of on Increase
ot output wholly disproportionate to the demand,
For Instance, the Illinois farmer when the prlre
of corn Is high will double his acreage tor corn,
and next year finds that he can hardly sell the
corn at any price and Is compelled tn use It for
fuel. Larger concerns tend to remedy this evil
on the same principle that they Invest heavily
In experimentation. They take pains to gother
accurate information on the condition of their
business throughout the world. They find it pays
to be Informed as to what next year's demand
is likely to he. Their Investments arc so large
that they could not afford seriously to miscalcu
late the demands of the market. With their
comparatively accurate information they adjust
their production with great precision to the
present and probable future demand. As a mat
ter of fact, in lines of industry where the very
largest concerns arc organized there Is the least
perturbation. If the raising of corn were in the
hands of .1 few well Informed corporations In
stead of thousands of uninformed small farmers,
the erratic ups and downs In corn-firming would
bo largely avoided. Industrial depressions can
never be eliminated until the relation of pio
ductltc enterprise to general consumption Is re
duced to some degree of precision, which the
small go-as-jou-plcase producers can ncter do.
0
Largo corporations ore superior to small con
cerns; first, because by the use of large capital
and superior methods they improve the quality
and reduce the price of commodities; second,
they are more fatorable than smaller concerns
to high wages, and individual freedom of labor
ers; third, by Introducing scientific precision
into industry they tend to Increase the perman
ence of employment and reduce the tendency to
industrial depressions, all of which are vital ele
ments In the nation's prosperity and progress.
ALWAYS BUSY.
Ladies know, all admit they know, how much
they save when they can buy Edwin C. Burt's
Shoes at fl 50 per pair, In turns and well s,
patent leather and kid tips, button and lace.
Styles they all admire.
Lewis Really
Established ItSS.
Shoes for all the walks a! life.
ilercereaiui
& Conroell
Now open for business at
our new store, 132 Wyo
ming avenue.
We are proud of our store
now, and feel justified in
doing a little talking, but we
prefer to have our friends do
the talking for us,
A cordial invitation- is ex
tended to all to call and see us,
MEECSEEAU & CORNELL
Jewelers and Silversmiths.
w vsa UJ-.srf,y tv
jmisBI1
I fl Wl I, Ml i: aP ff
'! .BmrnrnmommmsEBi
A prominent New York real estate agent says that he had his
attention directed to Ripans Tabiilcs about a year ago by a friend,
who, gave him a box. He had suffered from dyspepsia more or
lcs;;, the effect upon him causing sleeplessness. He tried the.
Tabules and, perhaps, more to his surprise than otherwise,
found they did him a great deal of good, Since then he says he'
has at no time allowed himself to be without a supply, and irv
spealcing about it he was recently overheard to say: "I think!
within the past year I have made a great many customers for1
Ripans Tabules. They really are a first-rate thing."
Anvtl7UpckticMslaiuTWsarASTiiiiluaaiMMraut9a(viUautrlAntinartortsss4soiD1
4na sum-sua f tminThU low (o1 sort U (auradM for titvvorial Uj03oa2uli: Obi Tiloioa I
a tU nrojxml urunt (141 itwlc o-Ji QuJ Uy uuii br Ma-Jiiyt fort riht ami lai SuTitSiss t"sSigii,l
Wuui, . tt tf iw btrost, MHfk-(JiK50(rti lUVLiu ) wluta cat fr fly wits.
FINLH'S
O loves
and
Corsets
We cannot emphasize too strontlf
the Importance of these two Items nnd
the prominent part they both oceupr
In our Rener.il business,
Wc take no second place In either ot
these (lupnrtniantK and our linen com
prises only well Itnown makes ot recog
nized merit InclutllniT tho loading
things as they make their nppcaranoe.
K5d Gloves
Everything new and desirable In now
on our counters, and we have no heiU
tatlon In recommending anything w
show, from the
Best Dollar Giove Made
to our very finest numbers.
We make special mention ot an
EXTRA HEAVY PIQUE WATjKINO
GLOVE, with PEAKIj BUTTON
FASTENING, at
$Eo'
that for durability and usefulness can
not bo excelled. Also our Contemerl
WASHABLE PIQUE, two clasp, at
I.JIO
that have proven an unqualified suc
cess.
CorsetSo
The correct thins In Corsets is, of
course, the
Strafelt Fret, Low Bust
of which we' are showing: several of
the leading makes, from
$L to $?J0 acti
All the standard makes and istylefl
are represented, as usual.
Special attention given to extra
sizes and styles that have to be mado
to order and which cannot be carried
in stock,
510-512
"OOlHi't
Swear
99
If you haven't the proper office aup
piles. Come in and give us a trial.
We havo the largest and most com
plete line of ofllce supplies In North
astern Pennsylvania.
If It's a good thing, we have It. W
make a specialty of visiting cards anc
monogram stationery.
Reynolds Bros1
Stationers and Engravers,
Hotel Jermyn Building.
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