THE SCRAKTON TRIBUNE WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 23. 1896.
9
Relations Committee to tmi Reccz
jaizfeg Her
Tn presentinp to the senate the resn
lutioii from the committee on foreign
1'ilnUonn. favoring the recognition of
Cuban inclopunilein.-i'. Senator Cameron,
of Pennsylvania, submitted u lonar re
port In explanation of the committee's
anion. It says:
"ConRresH. at Its last session, after
lunjr and patient consideration, adopt
ed with pi antral unanimity the view
expressed by your committee that the
time hnd come or resuming Interven
tion with Spain for the recognition of
the Independence of Cuba. Spain hav
ing declined to listen to any represen
tation founded on an umbM'stunclint?
between herself and the insurgents,
und congress, having pledged itself to
friendly intervention, the only ques
tion that remains to be decided Is the
nature of the next slip to be tukon.
with proper regard to the customs and
Usages of nations.
"Hefore deciding this cstlon. your
committee has preferred to examine
with some cure all the instances which
have occurred during this century of
Insurgent peonies claiming Independ
ence by right of revolt. The Inquiry
has necessarily l"il somewhat far. es
pecially because the right of revolt or
insurrection, if Insurrection can be
properly called a rlt;ht. sec-ins in ev
ery instance except one to have cur
ried with it a corrcMoonding interven
tion. "Kor convenience we have regarded
tioth Insurrection and Intervention us
recognized lights and have attempted
to ascertain tile limits within which
these rights have been exercised, and
their force admitted by general consent
of nations.
"The long duration of the French
revolutionary wars which disturbed the
entire world for live ano: twenf years,
and left It In a state of great contu
sion, fixed the beginning of our modern
international systems at the year lSlii
111 the treaties of Vie nna, of l'arls, and
if the Holy Alliance. The settlement
of local disturbances under the inllu
ence of the powers parties to these
treaties proceeded without serious dis
agreement until isi!l. when the (rocks
rose in Insurrection against the sultan.
The modern precedents of Kurooean
insurrection unci iitp'rveiitlon where
independence was the isruu Involved
began with H recce.
THE (1KKCIAX riiKCKDKNT.
The revoltlon broke wiit In (ireece
fit the end of Marc h, ls:'l. Within a
month the rebeis got possession of all
the open country, and nil the towns ex
cept so far us they were held by 'furn
ish garrisons. The sultan Immediately
called all Mussulmans to arms; the
Greek patriarch was hung at the door
of his own ehrch at Constantinople;
several hundred merchants were mas
sacred; several hundred churches were
destroyed, and the llusslun ambassa
dor insulted.
"At Troppuu, in November. 1S20, the
three powers of Itussia. Austria und
I'russla united In signing a protocol
expressly intended to assert the right
of intervention in ull cases where a
European iover 'should suffer. In its
internal regime, an alteration brought
nbout by revolt, nnd the results of
which are menac ing for other states.'
The language of this protocol had
much to do with the subsequent course
of events: 'Faithful to the principles
they have proclaimed and the respect
due to the authority of every ligitlmate
government as well as to cvcjry act
which emanates from its free will, the
Billed powers will engage to refuse their
icognition to changes consummated
by Illegal methods. W hen states where
such ihaimvii shall have been effeclu
nted sbnll cause other countries to feur.
by their proximity, an imminent dan
ger, nnd when the allied powers run
exercise In regard to them an elllcacious
and ' nellcent action, they will employ,
in order to restore them to the bosom of
the alliance, at lirst friendly processes;
in the second place, a coercive force,
if the exercise of that force becomes in
dispensable." After reviewlne the diplomatic con
test this produced, the report proceeds:
"In the whole discussion, from March
1821, until January, lSUM, the right of
intervention was never disputed except
Iiy Turkey. On that point the whole
law was stated in conversation be
tween the ambassador and the Turkish
minister. The Turk took the ground
that everything had been done by
Turkey If she hud satisfied her treaty
obligations. 'Everything as against
Ttussiu," replied Slrungford, the Hrillsh
embassador, 'but not as regards the al
lies nnd friends of the Porte.'
"According to Turkish law it was not
allowed to leave a house In a condition
that endangered a neighbor's safety.
The Turkish government believed it
had restored the old solidity of the wall,
but Lord Htransforcl feared they were
mistaken. 'God forbid." snid the Turks,
'but in any case this would be our
affair, not yours.' 'God forbid.' repent
ed Lord Strangford. 'for this Is our af
fair as well us yours.'
CANNINGS VIEW OF BELLIGER
ENCY. "This was the situation when Lord
Custlereagh died and George Canning
liecamo prime minister of England. He
began by recognUing Greek belliger
ency. The Greeks Issued a proclama
tion declaring u strict blockade of the
ports of Patrasand Lepanto, and there
upon the Ionian high commissioner, on
the 17th of November, l!-4, recognized
this communication from persons ex
ercising the functions of government In
Greece,' and ordered 'all ships and boats
of whatever description bearing the
Ionian Hay to respect the same In the
most strict and exact manner.'
"This seems to haS'e been the step
leading to Canning's somewhat famous
definition of the nature of belligerency.
In 1S2B the Turkish government, we are
told, complained that the itritish gov
ernment allowed to the Greeks a bel
ligerent character, and observed that it
appeared to forget that to subjects in
rebellion no national character could
properly belong.
"To this remonstrance Canning re
plied, through the lij-ltlsh resident at
Constantinople, that 'the character of
the belligerency was not so much a
principle as a fact; that a certain de
gree of forces nnd consistency ac
quired by any mass of population en
gaged in war entitled that population
to be treated as a belligerent, and even
If their title were questionable, ren
dered it the Interest, well understood,
of all civilized nations so to treat
them.'
"This proposition must have seemed
somewhat broad, even to Canning, for
in applying it to the special case in
Greece he added that ' n power or
community, call it which you will,
which was at war with another and
which covered the sea with Its cruis
ers, must either be acknowledged as a
belligerent or dealt with as a' pirate.'
"At that time no other power than
England, and Turkey least of all. ad
mitted the necessity of this alternative,
since the war had tnen lasted four
years without producing It; but whnt
no other power was ready to
admit In lR2n became the accepted law
of all Europe In 18(51 in a form much
more pronounced.
"Although this dictum of Canning's
was never, so far as we know, official
ly published. It was quoted by Lord
John Russell, then her majesty's Prin
cipal secretary of state for foreign af
fairs, in his speech which he made in
the house Of commons. May 6, 1861, as
kit single and sufficient authority to
ON CUBA
mUti kt Senate Farcfen
MepeMeiee.
Justify the step upon which he and his
colleagues in the government had de
cided, of recognizing the belligerency
of the, 'power or communty' which he
oclally called the .Southern Confed
eracy of America.' and which at that
time had not a ship at sea or an army
on land, and which had given as yet no
official evidence of war to the British
government. Simultaneously the same
action was adopted by the government
of France, which 'concurred entirely
In the views of her majvsty's govern
ment,' und whose concurrence In the
absence of protest or objection by any
cither power made Kussell's view the
uccepttd practice of Eurole.'
"Canning's recognition of Greek bel
ligerency in 1X21. ae well as the Joint
recognition of the Southern Confed
eracy of America' In lstil. was only the
first step toward an anticipated sys
tem cif intervention. Then France
Joined with En:;lard and Hussia. and
the three power's en July . 1S27. united
In a furnu.1 treaty, signed in London,
which committed them to armed In
tervention in case the sultan should
still reject their in-offered mediation
within the space of one month.
TRIPLE INTERVENTION.
The preamble to this treaty set forth
the motives) which led the three sov
ereigns to intervene; ."Penetrated with
the necessity of putting an end to the
sanguinary contest which, by delivering
up the Greek provinces al'.d the isles of
the Archipelago to ull tile disorders of
anarchy, produce daily fresh Impedi
ments to the commerce of the Eu
ropean states unci give occasion to
piracy, which not only expose the sub
jects of the high contracting purties
to considerable losses, but beside ren
der necessary burdensome measures of
protection and repression: H. M. the
king of the I'liltitl Kingdom of Great
Jiritain and Ireland, and H. M., the
king of France and Navarre, having
beside received on the part of tin;
Greeks a pressing; request to Interpose
their mediation with all the ottoman
Porte, and belugas well as his majesty
title emueror of the Kusslas animated
by the desire of stopping the; el'lusion of
blood, and of arresting the evils ot all
kinds which might arise from the con
linuullon of such n state of things,
have resolved to unite their cIToris and
to regulate the operation therein' by a
forma! treaty with a view ol re-establishing
peace between the contending
parties by means of an arrangement
which Is called for as much by human
ity as by interest ol the repose of Eu
rope. "The treaty proceeded to bind the
three parties to otter their mediation
Immediately on the basis of the Turkish
suzerainty and Greek self-government,
and in case Turkey should not accept
within one inc mt h the proposed med:u
tlon, the powers should prevent further
hostilities by ordering their squadrons
to interpose.
"The Turkish government, August
"0, reiterated Its decided, unconditional,
final and unchangeable refusal to re
ceive any proposition on behalf of the
Greeks. The next day the ambassadors
sent the necessary orders to their
squadrons, and 111 attempting to carry
out these orders the admirals, much to
the regret of the Hrillsh government,
brought on the buttle of Navarino, Oc
tober 2, 1S27."
THE RECOGNITION OF I'ELGH'M.
The report next takes up the Helslnn
revolution of ls:;u. It says:
"When the French revolution of July,
ls::e, occurred. It spread instantly to
Hie Netherlands. Toward the end of
August. Kill, disturbances began, and
soon became so serious us to threaten
grave complications abroad as well as
at home. Without concerning with or
supporting King Willium, the powers
Imposed an Immediate armistice cm both
parlies. Naturally the Helglan relicts
then declared themselves independent.
With such encouragement, their safety
was guaranteed almost beyond the pos
sibility of risk.
The clulm of independence was made
Nov. 18, WWi, unci was recognized one
month later by the powers In their sev
enth conference, Ieo. L'd. The repre
sentatives of the live powers, whose
names are among the most famous in
diplomacy Tulleyrund. Llevan, Ester
huzey, Palmerston, Hit low adopted,
without the adhesion or even an Invi
tation to be present of the Nether
lands ministry, a protocol which an
nounced intervention puie und simple;
beginning with the abrupt recognition
of the revolutionary government: "The
plenipotentiaries of the five courts of
the Helglum government to the armis
tice proposed to It, and which the king
of the Netherlands has also accepted
the conference will occupy Itself in dis
cussions concerning the new arrange,
ments most proper to combine the fu
ture Independence, of Belgium with the
Inteiests and the security ot tile either
powers und the preservation of the
European equilibrium."
The Netherlands minister Immediate
ly recorded. Dec. 22, n formal prot-st,
and a reservation of King William's
right to decide on such ulterior meas
ures as should be taken In the double
Interests of his own dignity and the
well being of his faithful subjec ts.
The report then tells of the protest of
Holland, followed by a Holland mili
tary expedition which was met by 40 -IWO
French troops.- The report con
tinues: "Thus within less than a year, after
rebellion had broken out, and without
waiting for evidence of the right or the
military force of the Insurrection, ev
ery sort of Intervention took place,
diplomatic and military, joint and
separate. Nor did the Intervention
stop with the measur.es taken for the
succor of Itelgium.
"As King Wllllnm. of Holland, con
tinued to reject the conditions imposed
by the powers and held Antwerp as a
pledge for more favorable condition:) of
peace, the governments of France and
England abandoning the European
concert, nnnounced that they should
put their naval and military forces in
motion, und accordingly the lirltlsh
government. November. 1S;!2. embar
goed the Dutch ships und blockaded the
Dutch coast, while the French army,
Nov. II, formally laid siege to Ant
werp." The report says that Ihe Polish re
bellion of 1S.H seemed to have no value
as a precedent except as far as it of
fered an example of the power of Rus
sia, us the Helglan Insurrection had
shown In the power of England and
Fiance when in union. It continues:
THE QUESTION OF HUNGARY.
"The next European people vvho
claimed recognition us nn Independent
fumlly of the nations seems to have
been the Hungarians. On the Mth of
April, 18-)!', the Hungarian diet formal
ly declared Hungary an Independent
state nnd the Hupshtirg dynasty for
ever deposed from the throne. The
next duy the diet elected Louis Kossuth
provincial president.
"The young emperor, Francis Joseph,
Instantly appealed for aid to the Czar
Nicholas of Russia, who instantly in
tervened. The czar Issued a manifesto
April 27, stating the fuels and the
grounds on which his intervention was
believed to lie legitimate. This paper
founded the right of Intervention, not
on the weakness of the belligerent, but
nn his strength. Russia asserted as a
principle that she must intervene, be
cause If she did not Intervent, Hungary
would establish her independence
" 'The Insurrection In Hungary, be
gan the manifesto of April 27. 1849, 'has
of lete made so much progress that '
Russia cannot possibly renin lu inactive.
Such a state of things endangers our
dearest interests and prudence comiels
us to anticipate the dltticultles it pre
pares for us.'
"This precedent tended to establish
the right of every government to Inter
vene in the atfairs of foreign states
who saw taelr situation should 'tend
to endanger its own safety or the polit
ical equilibrium on its frontier," As
fur as la known every other govern
ment in the world tactlly acquiesced
in the establishment of this precedent.
"If any government recorded a pro
test it was that of the United States,
but even the United States protested
only by Interference from the acts and
language of the president. Secretary
Clayton signed his instructions July IK,
18-4M. six weeks after the Russian troops
had been ordered to enter Hungary.
The language of these instructions was
as emphatic and as decisive as that of
the czar's circular. "Should the new
government prove to be In your opinion
firm and stable, you might Intimate, if
you should see fit. that the president
would in that event b. gratified to re
ceive a diplomatic agent from Hungary
to the United States by or before the
next meetlns of congress, and that he
entertains no doubt whatever that In
case her new government should prove
to be tlrm and stable her independence
would be sptedllv recognized by that
enlightened body.'
"The Russian Intervention brought
the Hungarian w ar so quickly to nn end
that before October all resistance wus
over, and when congress met early In
December. 184U, President Taylor's an
nual message could only proclaim whut
would have been American policy.
"To some expressions In the Instruc
tions the Austrian minister was or
dered to take execution. He nrotested
accordingly. Denied Webster bud then
become secretary of state and replied
to the protest In a paper known as the
Ittilseiiiann letter. In which he declared
that he believed it to be the American
policy nnd the law In regard to new
nationalities claiming recognition.
RIGHTS REGARDING INTERVFN
TION. "Of course questions of prudence na
turally arise In reference to new states
brought by successful revolution Into
the family of nations; but It Is not to
be required of neulruNpowers that they
should await the recognition of the
new government by the parent state.
"No principle of public law has been
more frequently acted upon within tne
last thirty years by the great powers
of the world than this. Within thnt
period eight or ten states have estab
lished Independent governments with
in the limits of the colonial dominions
of Spain on this continent, and In Eu
rope the same thing hus been done
by Helglum and Greece. The exist
ence of ull these governments was rec
ognized by some of the leading powers
of Europe us well as by the United
Slates before It was acknowledged by
the strcs from which they hud sepa-'
rated themselves.
if, therefore, the United States had
gone so far as formally to acknowl
edge the Indepemh fc,;' oftllungary. al
though, as the event has proved. It
would have been a precipitate step
and ore from which no benefit would
have resulted to either party, it would
not. nevertheless, have been an act
against the l?.v of nations, provided
they rook no part In her contest with
Austria.
"Thiif, on both sides the right to In
tervene both for ond against the Hun
garians seems to have been claimed
and not expressly denied by either;
and no power appears to have offered
even so much opposition as was shown
bv President Taylor to the principles
or to the acta of Russia, which set
tled the course of history.
"Resides the four precedents of
Greece, fttlgiuin. Poland und Hungary,
where new national ties were In oiles
tlon, a much larger number of Inter
ventions occurred In Europe In the
process of disruption or consolidation
which has on one hand disintegrated
the ancient empires of the sultan, of
Spain, of Hie church, and on the other
concentrated the new systems of Ger
many, Russia and Italy.
"Interventions have occurred most
conslcuoiisly In Spuln by Frunce In
is:t; in Portugal by England. In 1827;
again In Spain und Portugal In is:!ti, by
England and France, under what was
called the quadruple treaty; In Pied
mont and Naples by the Holy AlUance,
in 1H2. and In so many instances since
1S4S that the mere enumeration would
be Urns and dllllcult: but none of the
disturbed countries claimed permanent
independence, under a form of revolu
tion, unless It were perhaps the states
of the church of Rome, which on Feb
ruary 8, 1X4!', declared the Pope to be
deposed and set up a provisional gov
ernment under a revolutionary trium
virate. FRENCH POLICY STATED.
"The French Executive, Louis Napo
leon, gave another direction to the pol
icy ot France. He Immediately sent a
French army to Clvlta Vecchiu, which
landed there on April 26, and after a
bloody struggle drove the republican
government out of Rome. The French
entered Rome on July 3. Pope J Ills IX
returned there In April, 1S50, und during
the next twenty years Rome remained
under the occupation of the French
army. The only reason given by Frunce
in this instance for Intervention was
that the occupation of Rome was nec
essary In order to 'maintain the po
litical Influence ol France.' This was
the ground taken by President Louis
Napoleon In explaining his course to
the chambers in l.H;,(.
"The Hrillsh government acquiesced
In this rule of European law or prac
tice, on May n, l.xr.l. Lord Palmerston,
then foreign secretary, said in parlia
ment in reply to a formal inquiry that
the occupation of Rome was a meas
ure undertaken by France In her own
discretion and In the exercise of her
own judgment. The P.iitlsh government
hnd been no party to this measure.
France had exercised her own rights
in regard to It, and It was not ot all
necessary that the precious concur
rence of the lirltlsh government should
have been observed In this manner.
The liritish government had been no
party to thin aggression and could not,
therefore, be said to have concurred
In it. It was a matter on which they
might have an opinion, but In which
they hud no particular right by treaty
or otherwise to Interfere'
MANY INTERVRNTtONS IN TUR
KEY. "Since the year 1S27 Interventions in
the affairs of the Ottoman empire has
been so constant ns to create a body of
Jurisprudence and u long series of
treaties on which the existence of oil
political systems of .Southeastern Ku
hope seems now to be more or less en
tirely bused. Not only Greece, Mon
tenegro, Roumunla, Bulgaria, Servia
and Egypt have been the creations of
such intervention or the objects of Its
restraints, but nlso Sumos. Crete and
even the Lebunons owe their legal stat
us to the same iiourrce.
"An authority so great must nssuine
pome foundation In law, sreing that the
entire world acquiesced not only in the
practical exercise of the force, but also
In the principle on which It rested,
whatever that principle wus.
"The treaty of lierltn In 1S78 was a
broad assertion of the right of the Eu
ropean fiowcrs to regulate the uffulrs
ot the Ottoman empire, but the treaty
contains no principle of jurisprudence
on which the right rests. The pre
amble merely declares that the powers,
'being desirous to regulate, with a view
to European order, the questions raised
in the East by the events of the late
years and by the war terminated by
the preliminary treaty of San Ktefano,
hove been ununlinously of opinion that
the meeting of a cor.gress would offer
the best mentis of facilitating an un
derstanding.' So liberal tt Use of the
right of intervention has reldom been
made, but the principle t f jurispru
dence on which It rested hc .'xjverljeen
ofllelnlly declared.
"These six precedents Include, as far
as Is known, every Instance where a
claim to Independence has been made
by any people whatever, in Europe,
since the close of the Naiioieonic wars
in 1815. Other successful revolutions,
such as those of Tuscany and the states
ot the Church of 185! were the imme
diate results of Intervention, and that
of Naples in U60 was from first to lust
perhaps the most striking example
of intervention in modern times, al
though Naples hardly thought it neces
sary to pass through any intermediate
stage of recognition as an independent
authority.
"The six precedents, therefore, consti
tute the entire Kumpean law on the
subject of intervention In regard to
European people claiming Independence
by right of revolution. There is no
other authoritative source of the law;
for the Judicial courts of Kumiie were
bound to follow the political decisions;
and the opinions of private persons,
whether Jurists or imlltU luns, being
without sain t lull could not be uccepttd
as law.
"From this hotly of precedent It Is
clear that Europe has invariably as
serted and praetici'd the right to In
terfere, both collectively and separate
ly, amicably and forcibly In every in
stance except that of Poland, where a
European people has resorted to insur
rection to obtain Independence.
"The right Itself has been based on
various "grounds. 'impediments to
commerce; burdensome measures of
protection and repression; 'requests' of
one or both parties 'to Interpose;' 'ef
fusion of blood' und 'evils of all kinds;'
'humanity,' nnd 'the repose of Eu
rope' (Greek treaty of 1827). 'A warm
desire to arrest with the shortest pos
sible deluy the dlsorcer a;-,d effusion
of blood' tprotcK'ol of Nov. 4. lXul). In
the case of Helglum); 'His own safety
or the pitieal equilibrium n the fron
tiers of iilsempirc' (Russian circular
of April 27, IS-ltt. in the case cf Hun
gary); 'to sufeguarel the Interests nnd
honors' und to 'maintain the political
inlluenoe' of the intervening power'
(French declarations of 184!l-.riO In re
gard to the stales or the church). Fin
ally in the latest nnd must consider
able, because absolutely unanimous,
act of all Europe, simply the 'desire to
regulate' (preamble tn the treuty ot
lterlln in 1878, covering the recognition
of Servia, Roumanla, Montenegro and
Itulguriu).
The report then turns to the experi
ence of Asia. In regard to Asia, it
says that probably all authorities
agree that the entire fabric of the Eu
ropean supremacy, whether In Asiatic
Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, India,
Slam or China, rests on the right of in
tervention. PRECEDENTS IN AMERICA.
The American precedents are han
died exhaustively. The report says
that America, both North and South,
has alwuys aimed to moderate Euro
pean intervention and to restrict Its
exercise. It cites George Canning In u
speech on the foreign enlistment act in
1823 in which he said:
"We have spent much time In teach
ing other powers the nature of u strict
neutrality, and generally speaking we
found the most reluctant scholars. If
I wished for a guide in a svstein of
ncutiullty, I should take ttuit laid
down by America tn the days of the
presidency of Washington and the sec
retaryship of Jefferson."
After tracing the uprisings In Mexico,
Venezuela, Chile and Argentine Re
public, against Spanish rule, the report
suys:
"The question of Intervention began
in 1817. The Spanish government up
penled to the united powers for Spain.
The Czar openly took sides with Spuln,
and when In September, 1817, the Span
ish government aske-d permission to
build several ships of war in the Rus
sian dockyards, the Czar suggested
thut Spain should buy ships of the line
mid three frigutes belonging to the
Russlon navy. This was done and the
ships were sent to the seat of war. At
the same time, In October, 1817, the
Russian government Instructed the am
bassador In London to press on the
British government the great import
ance of European intervention.
AGAINST EUROPEAN MEDIATION.
"President Monroe de'dded, as early
as April, 1818, to discourage European
mediation. In August he made a form
al proposal to the Itritish and
French governments for a concerted
afd contemporary recognition of
Rucnos Ayres, whose detucto Inde
pendence, made that country the natur
al object of a lirst step toward the es
tablishment of a general policy.
"In December he notilied both gov
erments that he had patiently waited,
without Interfering In the policy of the
allies, but as they had not agreed upon
anything and as the fact of the inde
pendence of liuenos Ayres appeared
established, he thought their recogni
tion was necessary. In Janary. 181!),
he announced to them that he was
actually considering the measure.
"Thus all parties had agreed as early
as 1817 and 1S18 upon the propriety of
Intervention between Spuln and her
colonies, lioth the United States and
Europe asserted that the time had
come; they disagreed only as to the
mode. When Lord Custlereagh, at the
congress in Aix-la-Chupelle in Octo
ber, 1818, proposed to the four other
powers to Intervene In the war between
Spain and her American colonies bv
uddre'ssing offers of mediation to the
two belligerents,' Russia energetically
opposed und rejected the scheme, not
because it was Intervention, and to thnt
exieni recognized riglits in the In
surgents.
S
"When President Mom 'OP tntmtirtao,l
his tint that no interference could be
countenanced by him except on the bas
is of independence, he declared In ad
vnnce the only mode of intervention
which he meant to permit. If he wait
ed before carrying it out, It was only
because, in the actual balance of Euro
pean power, he felt that Isolated action
might injure the cause he had deter
mined to help. He walte'd In vain.
MONROE ADVISED RECOGNITION.
"Neither England nor any other pow
er moved again. After a delay of four
years from the time when he began his
polity the Creek revolt In Europe and
the military successes of Holivar ond
Iturhide In America gave the desired
opportunity, and Monroe sent the con
gress his celebrated message of March
8. 122, recommending the- recognition of
till the revolted colonies of Spain
Mexico, Colombia, Chill and J menus
Ayivs.
"These countries asked no more. They
based their claim on their independence
defacto, und Monroe admitted Its force.
" 'The province's,' he said, 'whic h have
dec lared their Independence and ure in
the enjoyment of It. ought to be recog
nized.' He added 'the measure Is pro
posed under a thorough conviction that
It Is In strict accord with the ln'.v of
nations.'
"In realty It created the law, so far as
Its action went, and Its legality wus
recognized, by no European power
Nevertheless Monroe's net, which ex
tinguished the last hopes of the Holy
Alliance In America, produced the deep
est sensation among European conser
vatives and cave to the United States
extraordinary consideration. England
used It as a weapon at the congress of
Vcroonu to threaten the other powers
when they decided on Intervention In
Spain. Slowly Canning came over
wholly to tin! side of Monroe, us France
and Austria forced bis hands In Spain.
"The principle thus avowed by Can
ning added 11 tt 1;? to the European law
of intervention; but the principle
avowed by Monroo creuted an entire
body of American jurisprudence. As an
Isolated act It meant little, but in Mon
roe'n view It wus not nn isolated uct. ,
MONROE DOCTRINE FOLLOWED.
"It was part of a t-ystem altogether
jiow and wholly American. Monroe lost
no time In doubts or hesitation. In his
annual messnue of December, 1823, he
announced the principle (the Monroe
Doctrine) that the new nations which
his act alone- had recognized as Inde
pendent were by that act placed outside
of the European system, and that the
United States would regard any at
tempt tp extend that system among
them as unfriendly to the United States.
From that day to this the American
people have always and unanimously
supported and approved the Monroe
doctrine. They needed no reasoning to
prove thut it was vital to their safety.
"Within that range President Monroe
attempted to build up an American
system. He disclaimed the right or
the intention to interfere with actual
European possessions In America so
Ions; as these communities were con
tented to remain European, but he
claimed and exercised under the broad
est principle the right to Intervene tn
favor of communities thnt plainly dis
played their wish and their power to
be American, and. what was vital to
the exercise of his claim, he asserted
and used In its fullest extent the right
to Judge for himself and finally both as
to "time and mode.' both when and how
any particular community had proved
its will and its rlsht to claim admis
sion Into the American system.
Against the opposition or all Europe
and at the lisk of many and serious
embarrassments, Monroe took and
successfully held ground which his
successors have struggled, with varying
fortune to maintain."
THE CASE OF TEXAS.
In the case or the recognition or Tex
as, the report eiuotes from a report
made on June 18. 18:i. by Mr. Clay,
from the senate committee on foreign
relations, which says:
"The recognition of Texas as an In
dependent power mny be made by the
United States in various ways; tirst,
by tre'aty; second. lr the. passing of a
luw regulating e-oi.TTierclul Intercourse
between the two powers; third, by
bonding a diplomatic agent to Texas
with the usual credentials: or, lastly,
by the executive, receiving and ac
crediting a diplomatic representative
fiom Texas, which would be a recog
nition as far as the executive only is
competent to make It.
"In the tlrst nnd third modes the
concurrence of the senate In Its ex
ecutive character would be necessary,
and In the second in Its legislative
character. The senate alone, without
the co-operatlem of some other branch
ot the government, is not competent to
recognize the existence of any power.
"The president or the United States
by the constitution hus the charge of
their' foreign Intercourse. Regularly
he ought to take the initiative in the
acknowledgment of the Independence
of any new power, but In this case he
has not yet done it. for rensons which
he, without doubt, deems sufficient. If
in any Instance the president should be
lards he may be ciulckened In the ex
ercise of his power by the expression of
the opinion or by other acts, of one or
both branches of congress, as" was
done lrt relation to the republic formed
out of Spanish America.
"But the cummittee do not think that
on this occasion any tardiness Is Justly
Imputable to the executive. About
three months only have elapsed since
the establishment of nn Independent
government in Texas, and It is not un
reasonable to wait a short time to see
what rts operation will be, and espe
cially whether it will afford those guar
antees .which foreign powers have a
right to expect before they Institute
relations with It.
"Tuklng this view of the whole mat
ter, the committee conclude by com
mending to the senate the adoption of
the following resolution:
" 'Resolved. That the Independence
of Texas ought to be acknowledged by
the United States whenever satisfac
tory Information shnll be received that
it has In successful operation a civil
government cupable of performing the
duties and fulfilling the obligations of
an independent power.
PRESIDENT JACKSON'S VIEWS,
The report then quoted from Presi
dent Andrew Jackson In his Texas mes
sage of December 21, lSllti. as follows:
" 'In the preamble to the re-solution
of the house of representatives It is dls
tlnctly Intimated that the exiediency
of recognizing the independence of Tex
as should be felt to the decision ot
congress. In this view, on the ground
of expediency, I am disposed to concur;
and do not therefore consider it neces
sary to express my opinion as to the
strict constitutional right of the execu
tive either apart from or In conjunction
with the senute over the subject. It is
to be presumed thut on no future oc
casion will a dispute arise, as none has
heretofore occurred, between the exe
cutive und the legislature in the exer
cise of the power of rcognition.
" 'It will always be considered con
sistent with the spirit of the constltu
tion, and most safe, that it should be
exercised, -when probably leading to
war, with a previous understanding
with that body, by whom war can alone
be declared and by wliom all the pro
visions for sustaining Its perils must
be furnished. Its submission to con
gress, which represents in one of its
branches the states of this union and
in the other there may be reasonable
ground to apprehend so grave a conse
quence, would certainly afford the full
est satisfaction to our own country and
a perfect guarantee to all other nations
of the Justice nnd prudence of the
measures which mlMht be adopted.' "
The report suys that the Initiative
thus asserted by congress and conced
ed by President Jackson to congress
tn the case of the recognition of Texas,
was followed In the case of Hungary
by President Taylor, which caused his
agent to Invite the revolutionary gov
ernment of Hungary to Bend to the Uni
ted Slates a diplomatic representative,
since the president entertained no doubt
In such case at the next meeting of
congress "her independence would be
speedily recognized by that enlightened
body."
The report continues:
"Until now no further question has
been raised in regard to the powers of
congress. So much space has been tak
en by this historical summary that the
case of Texas must be passed over
without further notice, and the cases
of Haytl and Santo Domingo may be
set aside as governed by peculiar Influ
ences. The record shows thnt in every
Instance except Poland, down to 18.i0,
where any people have claimed Inde
pendence by right of revolt, the right
of intervention has been exercised
against the will of one or the other
party to the dispute. In every in
stance the only question that has dis
turbed the Intervening powers hus re
garded neither the right nor the policy
so much as the 'time and mode' of ac
tion. RECOGNITION OF THE CONFED
ERACY. "The only difference between the Eu
ropean and American practice wus that
the United States aimed at moderating
or restricting the extreme license of Eu
ropean Intervention, and this was the
difference which brought the United
States necrlv Into the collision with
Europe In 18(11 and 18IU.
"Lords Palmerston and Russell, as
well a.- the Emperor Nupoleon and his
ministers, entertulned no doubt to in
tervene even before our Civil war had
aetunlly commenced, and accordingly
recognized the Insurgent states us bel
ligerents in May. 18H1. nlthough no legal
question had been raised requiring such
a decision. The United Slates govern
ment never cease' to protest with the
utmost energy agulnst the act as pre
mature mid uniust. nnd this last and
mot serious case of Interference In
which the United Ktntes were concern
ed as an object of European Interven
tion reveuled the vital necessity of their
American system at the same time that
it revealed the Imminent danger of Its
destruction."
The report then glvos the circum
stances under which the Southern Con
federacy wus recognlzAl, tracing In de
tull the diplomatic correspond ence,
OUR REbjjTlONS TO CURA.
Taking up the direct subject of Cu
ba. It continues:
"Into this American svstem. thus
created by Monroe In 1S22-23,and em
bracing them, besides the United
States, only Huenos Ayres, Chill, Co
lombia and Mexico, various other com
munities have since claimed, and In
most caseB have received, admission,
until it now Includes all Sou til Ameri
ca except the lirltlsh colony of Hon
duras, and the two black republics of
Spanish Santo Domingo and Haytl in
the Antilles. No serious question was
again raised with any European power
in regard to the insurrection or inde
pendence of their American posses
sions until in 1869 a rebellion broke out
In Cuba, and the insurgents, after or
ganising a government and declaring
their independence, claimed recognition
from the United States.
"The government of the United
States hus always regarded Cuba as
within the sphere of its most active
and serious Interest. As early as 1825.
'when the newly recognized states of
Colombia and Mexico were supposed
to be preparing an expedition to revo
lutionize Cuba and Porto Rico, the
United States government interposed
Its friendly offices with those govern
ments to request their forbearance.
"The actual condition of Spain
seemed to make her retention of Cuba
Impossible, in which e-ase the United
States would have been -obliged, for
their own safety, to prevent the Island
from falling Into the hands or a strong
er power in Europe. That this emerg
ency did not occur may have been part
ly due to the energy with which Mon
roe announced 'our right and our power
to prevent It,' and his determination
to use all the means within his com
petency 'to guard against and rorefend
it."
OUR RIGHT TO INTERVENE.
"This right ot Intervention In mat
ters relating to the external relations
of Cuba, asserted and exercised seven
ty years ago, has been asserted and
exercised at every crisis in which the
Island has been Involved. When the
Cuban Insurgents In 186t appealed to
the United States ror recognition.
President Grant admitted the Justice
of the claim and directed the minister
of the United States at Madrid to In
terpose our good unices with the Span
ish government in order to obtain by
a friendly arrangement the independ
ence of the Island.
"The story of that intervention Is
familiar to every member of the sen
ate, and was the basis of Its resolution
last session request ins the president
once more 'to iiitertsise his friendly
otllces with the Spanish government for
the recognition of the independence of
Cuba.' The resolution then adopted by
congress was perfectly understood to
carry with it all the consequences,
which necessarily would follow the re
jection by Spain of friendly- otllces. On
this point the situation needs no fur
ther comment. The action taken by
congress in the lust session was taken
'on great consideration and Just prin
ciples, on a right of intervention exer
cised seventy years ago, and after a
patient delay, unexampled in history.
The Interval of nine months which
has elapsed since that action of con
gress hus proved the necessity of car
rying it out to completion. In tin
words of the president's annual mes
sage: 'The stability two years' dura-
lion nns given to the Insurrection; the
ieasumity or Its Indefinite nrolonuu
tlon In the nature of things, and as
snown uy past experience; the utter
anci imminent ruin of the island unless
tne present strife is speedily composed,
are, in our opinion, conclusive evidence
mat tne inability of Spain to deal sue
cessruiiy wiin the Insurrection has
oecome manliest, und It Is demonstrat
ed that her sovereignity Is extinct in
Culm for all purposes of Its rightful
existence.'
"A hopeless strusrule for Its rn.natult.
lishment has degenerated Into a strife
which means nothlne more than the
useless sacrifice of human life and trie
utter destruction or the very BUbJect,
matter or conflict.
DISAGREE WITH PRESIDENT.
"Although the president nnnears to
have reached a dlfferetnt conclusion
from ours, we believe this to be the ac
tuul situation of Cuba, and, being un
able to see that further deluv could
lead to any action other than that
which the president anticipated, we
agree; with the conclusion of the mes
sage that, In such case, our obligations
to the sovereignity oC Souin are 'su
perceded by higher obligations,' which
he can hardly hesitate to recognize and
discharge.
"Following closely the net Ion of Pres
ident Monroe In 1818, congress has al
ready declared In effect Its opinion thnt
there can be no rational Interference
except on the basis of independence.
In 1822. us now, but with more force, it
was objected as wo have shown, that
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the revolted states had no government
to recognise. Divisions and civil war
existed anions the insurgents them
selves. "Among the Cubans no such difficult
ty I known to exist. In September.
1SU3. as we know by official documents
printed on the spot, the insurgent gov
ernment was regularly organized, a
constitution adopted, a president elect
eel, and in due course the various
branches of administration set in mo
tion. Since then, so far as we are In
formed, this government has continued
to perform Its functions undisturbed.
"On th military side, as we officially
know, they have organized, equipped,
and maintained In the field sufficient
forces to battle the exertions of 200.000
Spanish soldiers. On the civil side they
have organized their system of admin
istration In every province, for. ns we
know, officially, they 'roam at will over
at least two-thirds of the Inland, coun
try." Diplomatically they have main
tained a regularly accredited represen
tative In the United States fer the past
year, who lias never ceased to ask rec
ognition and to offer all possible infor
mation. "There is r.n reason to suppose that
any portion or the Cuban people would
lie dissatisfied by our recognizing their
representatives in this country, or that
they disagree In the earnest wish tor
their recognition. The same thing could
hardly be said ot all the countries recog
nlred by Monroe In 1822? Greece had no
such stability when It w.ib recognized
by England, Russia and France. Rel- '
glum had nothing of the sort when she
was recognized by all the powers in
1830. Of the states recognized by the
treaty of P.erlin in 1878. we need hardly
say more tlinn that they were the cre
atures or intervention.
THE MODE OF ACTION.
"The only question that properly re
mains tor coiigress to consider Is the
mode which should be adopted for the
step which congress is pledged next to
take. The government or the United
States entertains none but the friendli
est reelings ror Spain. Its most anxi
ous wish Is to avoid even the appeur
ance or an unfriendliness which is
wholly foreign in Its thought.
"For more thun a hundred years,
amid divergent or clashing Interests,
nd under frequent and severe strains,
the two governments have succeeded
In avoiding collision, and there Is no
friendly office which Spain could ask
which the United States, within the
limits of their established principles
and policy, would not be glad to ex
tend. In the present Instance, they are
actuated by an enrnest wish to avoid
the dnnger ot seeming to provoke a
conflict.
"The practice of Europe In regard to
Intervention, ns to Instances cited, has
been almost invariably harsh and op
pressive. The practice of the United
States has been almost Invariably mild
and forbearing. Among the precedents
which have been so numerously cited, ,
there can be no doubt as to the choice.
"The most moderate Is the best.
Among these, the attitude taken by
President Monroe In 1822 Is the only
attitude which can properly be regard
ed as obligatory for a similar situation
toduy. The course pursued by the
United Stutes in the recognition of Co
lombia Is the only course which con
gress can consistently adopt."
Copyright, 1S3C, by Mitchell & Miller.
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.HMD
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CENTERED
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UaaeralOttkai SCRANTON, PA.
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