THE SCBANTON TBIBUNE- FKIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 80, 1896.
FEUDS WHICH HAVE
CHANGED HISTORY
Famous Quarrels Which Have Takea
Place Between Public Mea.
ONE OF WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON
Their Quarrel Wns t)ae Regarding
IdeasNot So Was the One Be
tween Barrand Hamilton, ! X or Cal
houn and JackonTbe Uluine
Coakliac Fight.
From the Globe-Democrat.
Contemporaneously with the forma
tion of political parties In this country
personal feuds were born. Washington
had scarcely begun his second term as
president before lie became aware that
he was surrounded on all hands by
enemies, and his chief opponent was
Thomas Jefferson, the founder of the
Democratic party. In this case, how
ever, the animus was entirely Imper
sonal. The man who drafted the Decla
ration of Independence was not ani
mated by Jealousy of the general who
led our soldiers in the revolution. It
was rather a battle of Ideas. Washing
ton represented the Federalists, from
whom sprain? the' Whigs, Ihe predeces
sors of the Republicans of today. T he
cardinal plank of Federalism was that
the union of states represented a na
tion, and that the federal government
was Invested with power to alter,
amend or abrogate the laws of the
various subdivisions, or states, when
ever. In the Judgment of the congress
and the executive. It was for the in
terests of the whole country to do so.
The Jeffersoninns. or Democrats, main
tained that the power of the federal
government was limited by the laws
agreed to when the individual states
ratified the. articles of confederation,
and that the states were independent
of 'the. general government In the en
actment and enforcement of all laws
not surrendered or nominated in the
bond of union.
' f BURR AND' HAMILTON.
The great Democratic leader was the
first victim of personal enmity, born
of the Inordinate political ambition of
Aaron Hurr, who, foiled In a plot to
capture the presidency, was forced to
accept second place to the man who
was his hated rival. Hut the difference
between Hurr and Jefferson scarcely
warrants the term feud. That is re
served for the low? battle for the as
cendency between Hurr and the gifted
Revolutionary financier, Alexander
Hamilton. The hitter was the son-in-law
of that brave soldier. General
Philip Schuyler, who, though a staunch
Federalist himself, with his purty In
control of the New York legislature. was
defeated for the position of Vnited
states senator by Hurr, a nominal
Democrat. Hamilton nlwnvs main
tained thnt lturr had secured his elec
tion by the use of money and prom
ises of place and power, and he regis
tered a vow that he would right the
wrong of which his father-in-law had
been the victim. He succeeded, but in
pursuing his venseanee he met with
death. When Hurr's term expired Gen
eral Schuvler was sent aB his sucoes-
sor to the senate. Hurr could not stand
the inactivity of private life, nnd lie
sought and secured an election ns a
member of the assembly of the state of
New York. Then he fastened his eye
upon the governorship as a sure step
ping stone to the presidency, which had
once been almost 'within his grnsp. He
entered the race, but was beaten by
Morgan Lewis, whose campaign was
managed by the sngaclous Hamilton.
This campaign was marked by scin
dal and bitter personalities, nnd It Is
reported that Hamilton was injudic
ious enough to indorse some newspa
per aspersions upon the character of
Hurr, reflecting upon the hitter's in
tegrity as a mun nnd faithfulness as an
official. .
This gave TUtrr the opportunity he
had longed for, and he immediately
sent Hamilton a challenge to fight a
duel. Hamilton was by no means a
coward, but he knew that Hurr was
one of the most skillful swordsmen in
America, and a dead shot, to boot. The
young statesman temporized, hesitated
and attempted to effect a reconciliation,
but Hurr, aristocrat by birth and as
sociations, chafed under the accusa
tions that had been mude durlnz the
campaign, nnd would not listen to sug
gestions of compromise or npology. He
branded Hamilton ns a coward und a
poltroon, and made him the butt of his
Insults on every occasion that offered.
At a reception In New York Hurr found
his opportunity to Insult Hamilton so
grossly thnt attempts at conciliation
were out of the question, and so at
7 o'clock on the morning of the 7th
of July, 1804, the adversaries fuced each
other on the heights of Weehnwken,
Hamilton fell, mortally wounded, at
the first shot, and with the ending of
this brilliant man's life came Hurr's
ruin.
CALHOUN AND JACKSON.
The second great feud was between
John C. Calhoun and Andrew Jackson.
Calhoun was of the aristocrat type,
while Jackson represented the sturdy
Scotch-Irish pioneers, who, hewers of
wood and drawers of water, blazed the
way for civilization In the south nnd
west. The personal enmity of those
great men had Its origin In the attitude
of Calhoun as a member of the cabinet
when Jackson was persecuting the war
against the 8emlnoies In 1817. It seems
that Old Hickory, in some cases at
least, had taken to himself the power
of Judge, jury and executioner, nnd
stood not upon the order of hanging
traitors, but hanged them at once. Ills
was summary punishment in every in
stance, and he reckoned not whether
his victim was Indian, American or
foreigner.
Finding that a petty Spanish official
had been guilty of treason, according
to his soldier Judgment, Jackson order
ed him to be strung un to the nearest
tree. This led to diltleultles and danger
of war with Spain. During the discus
sion of this case Calhoun made a bitter
attack on the hero of New Orleans
scoring him for Ignorance and Inca nac
ity. This was during a cabinet meet
ing, when everything is said and done
under the seal of secrecy, hut a dozen
years later, through ex-Secretary of the
Treasury Crawford, the story was told
to Jackson, who determined to repay
the great southerner by bnlking his po
litical ambitions. His opportunity came
soon enough. The backwoodsmen of
Tennessee, proud of their rough and
ready soldier, elected him to the I'nited
States senate In 1821, and the legislature
conferred upon him a greater honor, for
' they at the same time gave him a unan
imous endorsement for the Democratic
presidential nomination.
The great leaders In Washington
laughed loudly and long when this bit
of news reached them, and one of the
party organs gave place to a satirical
eulogy of "old leather breeches, the
backwoods president." Knemlo" nf r-nl-houn
years afterward conveyed the In
formation to Jackson that the former
was the author of this sereej, and um
Intensified the weather-beaten warrior's
hatred for the "curled darling of capital
society." The old soldier's boom grew
apace, and when the campaign was
ended It was found that Jackson had
received ninety-nine electoral votes.
He was the leading candidate, but his
opponents united on John Qulncy Ad-
' Bins, and the latter was chosen.
Jackson bided his time, and li1828 all
the opponents of Adams gathered about
him, ana he was elected by a handsome
majority; but the wave that lnnded
him In the White house swept Calhoun
Into the vice-presidential chair, then a
second time. During the Adams ad
ministration several supporters of Cal
houn were appointed to the cabinet, and
Old Hickory sought an opportunity to
rid himself of these Incumbrances.
General Eaton, his secretary of war,
and loyal personal friend, had a
wife (a dear little woman, the chronic
lers of that time say) who was consid
ered a plebian by the patrician consorts
of the Calhounlst cabinet officers. This
little woman was snubbed and ignored
by those great ladies until patience
ceased to be a virtue, and her husband
laid the matter before the president,
who eagerly seized the chance, sent the
Calhounists to tne rlght-aliout and cave
us the first practical application of the
doctrine Inseparably associated with
his name "to the victors belong the
spoils."
Calhoun took ground in favor of the
United States bank when the president
began hostilities on this Institution, and
this gave Jackson an opening to rid
himself of the only remaining members
of the cabinet tainted with alleginnce
to the South Carolinian. When elect
ed In 1828, Jaokson announced that he
would accept but one term as president:
yet when he found that Vice President
Calhoun was planning to obtain the
nomination as his successor he deter
mined to stand . for the presidency
again, basins his claim for rcnomlna
tion upon the ground that It was the
duty of the party to vindicate his posi
tion f.n the bank question.
After a bitter struggle ho was suc
cessful, and as Calhoun had consti
tuted himself a champion of the United
States bank, Jackson Inaugurated his
famous crusade against that Institu
tion, going so far as to peremptorily
order ull collectors to refuse to deposit
any moneys In the bank. This led to a
fierce battle between the president and
the I'nited States senate, the house
standing tirmly by the chief executive.
Then was formed the great combina
tion between Calhoun, Clay and Web
ster, which forced the passuge of reso
lutions censuring the president for
usurping and nullifying the powers of
the co-ordinate branches of the govern
ment. Three years later, or In 1837,
this censure was expunged from the
records. Although Calhoun fought
with all his magnlcent ability. Jackson
routed him at every point, nnd the
apostle of nullification went to the
grave without reaching the goal of his
ambition,
NEW YORK QUAimELS.
Although the south and west have
contributed their quota, New York can
Justly lay claim to the greater number
of fueds, pursued as relentlessly as the
Corsican vendetta. The whole country
Is familiar with the great Whig-He-publican
triumvirate composed of Wil
liam H. Seward, Thurlow Weed and
Horace Greeley. These three men
worked together as radical Whigs un
til 1854, when the Junior member of the
firm withdrew, accusing his partners
of sacrificing him to their lust of pow
er. The friends of Seward maintain
that Greeley seceded from the alliance
because he was disappointed as an of-flce-seekor,
but whatever the real
cause, sullice It that Horace, the editor
and spokesman of the plain people,
nursed his grievances, and redressed
them, too, for, like his former partners,
he went Into the young Republican
party nnd achieved a leadership that
was national in its Importance and in
lluence. Seward and Weed, however,
obtained control of the party machin
ery, and although they consented to
allow Greeley to lead forlorn hopes,
they balked his plans whenever success
seemed probable.
Greeley was very anxious to go as a
delegate to the Hepiisiican national
convention In I860, lt Seward Inter
posed nnd he was defeated. At that
time Greeley was opposed to peward,
but his friends say that he would have
contented himself with registering his
vote against the New York leader If he
had been permitted to attend as a rep
resentative from his own state. Indig
nant at the treatment accorded to him,
he went to Chicago and was substituted
for an absent Oregon delegate. His
newspaper had given him a national
fame, and as a proxy for this western
absentee he undermined the works
thrown up by Seward and did more
than any other man to secure the nom
ination of Abraham Lincoln.
QUANT AND BRISTOW.
The difference between Grant and
Bristow can scarcely be called a feud.
Benjamin 11. Bristow was nominated for
attorney general by the soldier-president
in 1873, but powerful agencies se
cured his rejection. Grant was bent
on honoring the Kentuckinn, and he
named him for secretary of the treas
ury on June 3, 1874. Shortly afterward
tho war of the whisky ring was in
augurated, and although Bristow was
the moving spirit In the prosecutions,
mnni claimed that he was only an
agent of the president. About this time
insinuations began to crop out in the
newspapers that Grant was protecting
the whisky men, and the friends of tho
president attributed these attacks to
followers of Bristow, It he himself were
nqt directly responsible. These charges
were Indignantly denied by the men
affected, but certain it is that the fric
tion grew, and after the ring was brok
en up in June, 1876, Bristow retired
from the cabinet, ostensibly to attend
to private business, but really, It is
said, to wage war against tho an
tagonistic Influences in the party. He
was a candidate for the presidential
nomination that year, backed by the
reform element In his party, but he
mustered merely a respectable follow
ing. Hayes was nominated, and Bris
tow began the practice of law in New
York city.
An Ohio feud that has atfracted con
siderable attention was fought out be
tween Allen Granby Thtirnian nnd
Henry U. Payne. This led to the cel
ebrated Coal-Oil-Rag-Hahy compaigns.
Thurman had had undisputed swing
In Buckeye Democratic politics after
tho war, and he might have retained
this ascendency had he not advocated
flat money and joined the forces of
Greenback Democracy. His opponents
have always claimed that his financial
views were responsible for the chal
lenge to his leadership, but his friends
maintain that the great corporations
that had been brought to book in the
United States senate furni-ihpd the
sinews of war for his enemies. Be that
as it may, from the date of Henry B
Payne's entrance Into conrress a fierce
war was waged for supremacy In tho
party.
It has been held that this fight In
sured the retirement of Thurman from
the senate and the election of James A.
Garfield In his place, and, four yeara
later, Henry B. Payne was made
United States seuator.
BLAINE AND CONKLING.
Now comes, the most bitter political
fued In the history of American politics.
When Ira Harris retired from the
United States senate his seat was
taken by Iloscne Conkllng, a great man,
proud to a fault, generous to his friends
and a foe to be feared. He was the In
timate friend of Grant, and one of his
most trusted counselers. Just as Conk
ling's star began, to shine with natlonnl
brilliancy, James G. Blaine was at
tracting the attention of the whole
country. Those two men had served In
the lower house together, but they rep
resented opposing Interests In the
party and were personally uncongen
ial. Conkllng, great In many ways, could
not resist the temptation of sending
sarcastic shafts at the speaker when
ever occasion offered, and Blaine ans
wered In kind. The final clash came
over the case of General Frye, who had
Incurred the enmity of the senator
from New York, and the lntter worked
hard to secure his Impeachment. With
that generous desire to help the under
dog. which was one of Mr. Blaine's
noblest characteristics, he took up the
cudgels for the friendless but gallant
Frye, whose character was vindicated
by the war department In three well
deserved promotions within a short
space of time. .
In the course of the fight over this
case Blaine, stung to the quick by an
ungenerous and unjust taunt of his
New York enemy, burst forth Into that
terrific onslaught which stupefied the
speaker, wrought the house Into high
pitch of excitement, and marked the
beginning of fierce struggle in the Re
publican party that ended la the hu
mllation of Roscoe Conkllng and the
defeat of James 3. Blaine for president
of the United States. Here are the
words, and they are charged with ridi
cule, and are a model of excoriation:
"As to the gentleman's cruel sarcasm,
I hope he may not be too sever. The
contempt of that larg-uilnded gentle
man Is so wilting, his haughty disdain,
his grandiloquent swell, his majestic,
superemlnent, overpowering turkey
gobbler strut, has been so crushing to
myself and all the mem tiers of the house
that I know it was an act of the great
est temerity frr me-to venture upon a
controversy with him."
Referring then to a chance newspaper
comparison of Mr. Conkling to Henry
Winter Davis (which he Interpreted
sarcastically) he continued:
"The gentleman took It seriously, and
It has ziven his strut additional pom
posity. The resemblance is great, it is
striking. Hyperion to a satyr, Ther
sites to Hercules, mud to marble, dung
hill to diamond, a singed cat to a Ben
gal tiger, a whining puppy to a roaring
lion, fchnde of the mighty Davis, for
give the almost profanation of that jo
cose satire."
After this there were no chance of re
conciliation, and the bnttle was to the
death. Defeated In 1876. and threaten
ed with defeat in 1SS0, Blaine sent his
men to the standard of Garfield, who
was elected. Then came the terrible
struggle over the New York patronage,
which retired Roscoe Conkllng and
Thomas C. Piatt from the senate, and
was followed shortly afterward by the
death of General Garfield at the hands
of the assassin Guiteau. It is believed
by ninny that these two great men were
on the verge of reconciliation when
death snapped the thread of Roscoe
Conkllng's life.
GLIMPSES OF IRELAND.
The Beauties ol Erin's Daughters
Vividly Described by an Ex
pert at Such Things.
From the Syracuse Standard.
Anybody who has ever read that de
lightfully quaint and decidedly freaky
"periodical of protest" called the
Phillistine of which Elbert Hubbard
Is editor, would imagine that its dl
rictlng genius for he Is a genius
bore a likeness pi one of the masculine
figures in an Aubrey Heardsley poster.
But he doesn't. None of the hall marks
of genius are to be found in his per
sonal appearance; but when he speaks,
you instantly make up your mind that
he's really a very clever fellow. Mr.
Hubbard spoke at he First Unlversallst
church Inst evening and those who were
fortunate enough to hear him were af
forded a literary treat. He tramped
through Ireland during his summer's
vacation and in his lecture last evening
described some of his experiences while
abroad. On the programme his lecture
was called "Some Social Conditions In
Ireland." He spoke In part as follows:
"Ireland has 5.000,000 inhabitants;
once it had 8,000,000. Three millions
have gone away, and when one thinks
of landlordism he wonders why the 6.
000,000 did not go, too. But the Irish
are a poetic people and love the land of
their fathers with a childlike love, and
their hearts are all bound up in sweet
memories rooted by song and legend
into nooks and curious corners so the
tendrils of affection hold them fast.
"Ireland Is very beautiful. Its pas
ture lands and meadow lands, blossom
decked and water-fed, crossed and re
crossed by never-ending hedge rows
that stretch away and lose themselves
in misty nothlngness.are fair as a poet's
dream. Birds carol In the white haw
thorn and yellow furze all day long.and
the fragrant summer winds that blow
lazily across the fields are laden with
the perfume of fairest flowers.
"It is like crossing the dark river
called death, to many, to think of leav
ing Ireland besides that even If they
wanted to go they haven't money to
buy a steerage ticket. Whenever an
Irishman embarks at Queenstown part
of the 5.000,000 Inhabitants go down to
the fairer side to see him off.
A BEAUTIFUL. COUNTRY.
"There Is beauty in Ireland physical
beauty of so rare and radiant a type
that it makes the heart of an artist
nche to think that It cannot endure.
On country roads at fair time the trav
eler will see barefoot girls, who are wo
men, and just suspecting it, who have
cheeks like ripe pippins, laughing eyes
with long, dark, wicked lashes, teeth
like Ivory, necks of perfect poise nnd
waists that never having known a cor
set, are pure Greek. The typical young
weman In Ireland is Juno before she
was married: the old woman is Syr
corax after Caliban was wenned.
Wrinkled, toothless, yellow old hags
are seen sitting by the roadside, rock
ing back and forth, croanlng a song
tliut is mate to the chant of the witches
in Macbeth when they brew the hell
broth. 'In the name of God, charity,
kind gentlemen, charity!' and the old
crone stretches forth a long bony claw.
Should you pass on she calls down
curses on your head. If you are wise
you go back and Ming her a copper to
stop the cold streaks that are shooting
up your spine.
"A woman can do Ireland afoot and
alone with perfect safety. Everywhere
one finds courtesy, kindness and bub
bling good cheer."
In the course of his Journeying Mr.
Hubbard visited Auburn, the home of
Goldsmith.
Sweet Auburn, loveliest village of the
plain,
Where health and plenty cheered the
laboring swain.
His visit to this village, which the
poet had loved and immortalized, Is
thus delightfully described:
GOLDSMITH'S HOME.
"In the village green Is the original
spreading hawthorn tree, all enclosed
In a stone wall to preserve It. And on
the wall is a sign requesting you not
to break off branches. Around the
tree are seats. I sat there one even
ing with 'talking age and 'whispering
lovers.' The mirth that night was of
a quiet sort, and I listened to an old
man who reelted all of the 'Deserted
Villuge' to the little group that was
present. It cost me sixpence, but was
cheap for the money, for the brogue
was very choice. I was the only
stranger present and quickly guessed
that the entertainment was for my sole
benefit, as I saw that I was being fur
tively watched to see how I took my
medicine.
AX UNSOUND "EGti ARGUMENT."
The 1C to 1 people tell us that the coinage
of silver will creato unlimited demand for
It. They decline to give us the howness
or the whereforeness of this new-born de
mand, but with childlike faith they ex
pect it to rise In all Its beauty ns the fa
bled Venus rose from the froth of the sea.
They say the demand will come; so tho
Seventh Day Adventlsts tell us the end
will come, nnd If their picnic come off
first, they will not need silver; the demand
will be for free and unlimited water. They
contend, if this government takes all the
silver that comes at 16 to 1, sliver will be
worth par all over the world, and they
use an egg argument to prove It. They
say. If a merchant advertises that he will
pay 2ii cents pr dozen for ecus, so long
as he has the ability to take all that come,
eggs will be worth 25 rents in all that
country. Hut suppose the merchant did
not take them! Suppose when a farmer
drove up to his store the merchant said
unto him: "My friend, you have misun
derstood me. I am not buying eggs. I
am simply counting them, certifying thnt
they are good and handing them back lo
you." What would eggs then be worth T
The same old 10 or ID cents per dozen.
Under unlimited coinage the government
would not buy silver or guarantee the
value of the coins. It would stamp it
"without recourse." Silver would come
from every country In the world and the
government would be a fool to undertake
to gunrnntee the value of the coins by
trying to preserve the parity between the
metals. If a herder drove a lot of cow
ponies through the mint and they wore
branded "1100 horse" and delivered to the
owner at the other end of the building. It
wrrulil not improve the brejd of the
ponle nor create a wild demand for them
at the brand price.
UNCLE SAM SHARES
IN THE EXPENSE
la CoatrlbiUa to the Cost of the Politi
cal Campaign.
IMPARTIALITY TO ALL PARTIES
The Government is a Most Liberal
Contributor to tbe Campaign Fond
in Famishing Free Pottage for
Pablic Documents and Other Aid.
Over 3,4OO,O0O Dropped Into the
Hopper This Year.
Uncle Sam Is a liberal contributor to
the campaign fund this year. Few
people realise how liberal this patriotic
personage is In tbls matter. His direct
contribution this year is something
over 12.400.000. This is a very moder
ate estimate. The fact that no accounts
are kept makes it impossible to ascer
tain the exact amount This amount
covers the more direct contribution,
and does not take into account that
which Is done Indirectly.
According to the very lowest esti
mate, the two parties, through their
distributing agencies, have sent out 40,
000.000 pieces of literature under con
gressional frank. The probability Is
that this estimate Is altogether too
low. Mr. Hanna has stated that the
Republican committees have distribut
ed 600,000,000 documents. The Dem
ocrats have not distributed anything
like a many, but their number is un
usually high. It Is likely that at least
a third of all the documents sent out
were parts of the Congressional Rec
ord; and were sent under frank, free
of postage. These documents are
sealed in envlopes, and would be sub
ject to letter postage If not sent free.
The average postage would be 6 cents
or more per piece. Taking the low es
timate of 40,000.000 documents, the
postage would amount to $2,400,000.
This Is one Item. There Is a good
deal besides that Uncle Sam does.
The printing of documents Is paid
for by the committees, but to a very
large extent they are saved the cost' of
composition on speeches and congres
sional documents throush the use of
stereotyped plates made at govern
ment expense for the congressional
record. How much this government
contribution amounts to it would be
difficult to calculate. It is not a di
rect expense to the government. In
addition to the parts of the congres
sional record which go through the
mails free, under frank, there are
many documents from the depart
ments which go free as official mat
ter. Much matter of this sort has
gone out under the covers of the bu
reau of statistics, the treasury depart
ment and the department of agricul
ture, COST OF FOLDING.
Of course the cost of collecting in
formation cannot be taken into ac
count, but if this had to be done by
the campaign committees the cost to
them would be enormous. Those cam
paign documents which are a part of
the congressional record are folded,
that Is, put Into envelopes and sealed,
at government expense. One dollar a
thousand is paid for this work, and
there is always a large appropriation
made for this purpose. This year the
amount of folding was so great that
the appropriation was exhausted about
three weeks ago, and the work has
been done since on credit, under a
promise Joined In by the senators and
members of the house on the two cam
paign committees that they would se
cure a deficiency appropriation from
congress to pay the bills as soon as the
next session begins. A large number
of persons are enguged In this work,
and have been making good wages out
of it. The average Is not below 14 a
day, and a few, who are expert, make
as much as 112 a day.
Some years ago the franking privi
lege was extended to nil members of
the house and senate for their corres
pondence, both private and ofllclal.
This was regarded as an abuse, and an
act was passed withdrawing the privi
lege. Being deprived of the right to
send their letters free of postage add
ed a great deal to the expense of con
gressional life, and was regarded as a
great burden by congressmen. The
money spent for postage made a hole
of no small size in their salaries of
15,000. It cost members anywhere from
a dollar to three dollars a day. Dur
ing the last session of the Fifty-third
congress an act was passed granting
the franking privilege in all official
correspondence. This relieved con
gressmen of the expense of postage on
all except their private correspond
ence. The term "official" is given a
broad construction and many a two
cent stamp Is saved.
WITH FREE POSTAGE.
This Is the first general election un
der this new dispensation of free post
age, and the volume of official mnll has
been Immense. It Is impossible to
made anything like an adequate esti
mate of the amount It has cost the
postal revenues. During the sessions
of congress fifty letters a day for each
member is not a high average esti
mate. The average has probably been
higher than fifty during the last two
months of the campaign. This item,
therefore, may be safely estimated at
about $27,000 for the sixty days.
Moreover, the senators and members
have had to a large extent the services
of the salaried congressional employes
and have had their private secretaries.
The entire sum of Uncle Sam's con
tribution to the campuln is not small.
PRESIDENT FOR A DAY.
Carious Presidential Complication
Which Arose Years Ago.
Very few people know that a man
named Atchison was once president of
the United States, but suoll Is the case,
says the Philadelphia Press. While
the oath of office was never adminis
tered, and he was not officially recog
nised, David R. Atchison was for twenty-four
hours virtually the chief execu
tive of this nation.
March 4, 1849, came on Sunday, a day
that the constitution does not recog
nize as legal In the transaction oi sucn
official business as administering the
oath of office. On that day at noon
President Polk's term of office "nded,
and Presldetn-elect Zachary Taylor
could not take his place, or at least,
did not think he could. The prospect
of the country being without an official
head for the twenty-four hours, or
there being doubt about who would be
the head, created discussion in con
gress and In the press.
When General Taylor arrived In
Washington a few days before his in
auguration he was besought to take
the oath of office on Sundny so as to
prevent confusion and what some per
sons believed to be danger, as those
were rather stirring times. During
Saturday and Saturday night there
were a half dozen fights in congress.
The capltol was a camp of violence,
but General Taylor held out that he
would not become president on Sun
day. David R. Atchison, of Missouri, was
president pro tempore of the senate,
and It was held by congress thnt the
functions of president must devolve
upon him from Sunday noon until
Monday noon, and for these twenty
four hours he had the distinction of
being president of the United StateB,
having all the functions and powers
of that office. The oath of the office
was not administered to him for the
same reason that It was not Immedi
ately administered to General Taylor;
but he being virtually vice-president,
It was not considered necessary.
That President Atchison considered
himself president there can be no
doubt, for on Monday morning, when
the senate reassembled, he sent to the
white house for the seal of the great
office and signed one or two official pa
pers as president. These were some
small acts in connection with the In
auguration that had been neglected by
President Polk.
But there was much fun and good
natured badinage indulged in among
Atchison's friends and himself during
his short presidential term. He was a
Democrat, while the president-elect
was a Whig. A majority of the senate
was Democratic, and his friends Jok
ingly proposed to him to usurp the of
fice by calling the army to his back and
preventing "Old Ironsides" from being
sworn In. If any such thing had been
seriously contemplated General Taylor
was too nv;ch the idol of the army to
let It be successful.
Had General Taylor been an unpopu
lar man and had Atchison had the
character and ambttion of a dictator,
with a friendly army, congress and
timid supreme court. President Atchi
son's name would probably not have
been so soon forgotten, and the con
stitutional day of Inaugurating thr
president of the United States would
have been changed so that it would
never again fall on Sunday.
According to an almanac maker of
the time, the next Inauguration to fall
on Sunday will be March 4, 1921; there
will then be an opportunity for a repe
tition of the events of 1S49.
MIST HAVE AIR-BRAKES.
Freight Cars Also Undergoing Equip
meat With Patent Conplers.
From the Philadelphia Press.
All the new freight cars that ore be
ing built will be equipped with air
brakes and patent couplers so as to
comply with the requirements of the
Interstate commerce law which goes In
to effect on January 1, 189S. The neces
sity of having the freight cars equipped
with the air brakes and the patent
couplers has compelled tho railroad
companies to make strenuous exertions
in that direction, and the manufactur
ers of this kind of material are receiv
ing more orders than they can fill by
the time required. As the cars have to
be equipped by January 1, 18'JS, and as
most of the roads have just begun or
dering the castings and pipe connec
tions for their cars, it may be impossi
ble for the manufacturers to fill all the
orders in time.
The law Is that on and after Janu
ary 1, 189$, It shall be unlawful for any
common carrier engaged In Interstate
commerce by railroad to use on Its line
any locomotive engine in moving inter
state traffic not equipped with a power
driving wheel brake and appliance for
operating the train brake system, or to
run any train that hns not a sufficient
state traffic not equipped with a power
or train brakes for the engineer to con
trol its speed without requiring brake
men to use the common handbrake for
that purpose. It shail ulso be unlawful
to haul or permit to be hauled or used
on Its line any car used in moving in
terstate traffic not equipped with coup
lers coupling automatically by Impact,
and which can be uncoupled without
the necessity of men going between the
ends of the cars. This law also pro
vides that when any person, firm, com
pany or corporation engaged In inter
state commerce by railroad shall have
equipped a sufficient number of Its cars
so as to comply with the provisions of
this act It may lawfully refuse to re
ceive from connecting lines or road or
shippers any cars not sufficiently
equipped, in accordance with this act.
The work of equipping all the freight
cars Is a collossal undertaking, and it
Is likely that it will be impossible for
the roads to comply with the new law.
There are two factors that will work
against the fulfillment of the require
ments by the time specified: First, that
the material required cannot be ob
tained, and, second. It will be Impos
sible for some of the roads to lay out
the money required on account of the
depression In business, which has
greatly affected their earnings. Owing
to the latter cause it is said that an
attempt will be made, to have the time
extended as was done In the law rela
tive to equipping freight cars with
grabirons and handholds.
The lowest estimates place the num
ber of freight cars unequipped with air
brakes In the country at the present
time at about 600,000, and as there are
nearly 1,500,000 cars all told the Under
taking is a large one. It Is estimated
that the cost of equipping the car with
an air brake is about $45, but with the
patent coupler and grabirons and
handholds the cost Is for each year
about $,'10. The Pennsylvania Railroad
company expects to have all Its cars
equipped by the time set. All the new
cars have the latest appliances, and as
fast as the old ones go to the shops
they are fitted up with all the equip
ment required by the new law.
THE VALUE OF SMOKE.
A Possible Chango Thnt Will Do
Much to Purify the Atmosphere,
From the Mining and Scientific Press.
One of the most singular changes
which is taking place In the manufac
turing Industry is tho giving up of the
chimney to -produce draught. When
one looks down upon a large city and
sees the immense number of chimneys,
through each of which is ascending a
cloud of smoke, nnd realizes that In
these numerous clouds of smoke are
contained valuable 'products, such as
benzole, ammonia, and the basis of the
artificial dyes, disinfectants, medicines
and perfumes, one cannot but wonder
that some enterprising manufacturer
does not contrnct for the smoke of a
great city. In this age of concentra
tion, when It Is so easy to see that It
Is much cheaper to produce a thousand-horse
power with a single engine
than to produce it with one hundred
and one little engines, It Is strange that
more attention has not been paid to
the systematic collection of furnnoe
gases. Of 'course, it is easy to under
stand that the chimney offers a simple
and efficient means of making the re
quisite draught for the fire. In one of
the large works of England chimneys
have been given up and a definite
vacuum is held upon all fires. In this
way the products of combustion and
destructive distillation which result
from the burning of coal nnd carbon
aceous matter are collected, cooled,
condensed and worked up. The amount
of money and valuable substances
wasted through the combustion of coal
Is Immense. The problem is not so dif
ficult as It may seem, for the produc
tion of a vacuum oti the rear side of
the fire, or the maintenance of air pres
sure on the front side of the fire. Is
not either mechanically Imposslsble nor
is It outlawed by cost. One of the
methods which is attracting attention
In Germany consists in sucking the
gases of the furnace nnd allowing them
to pass through water in the form of
small bubbles, which removes the snot
and some of the products of combus
tion. The gases are then led to a gas
ometer from which they are drawn In
the processses of utilization. A manu
facture of this kind could easily extend
pipes In any direction nnd draw the
gases of combustion from other manu
facturers. Aside from the value of the
products thus obtained the purification
of the atmosphere would be a very Im
portant result.
GOT IT AT A BARGAIN.
She Snid Thnt Men Never Had Ncno
Enough to Know When Things
Hero Cheap.
From the Chicago Po.it.
"Dear," she said, and her sweetest
and most engaging smile illumined her
face, "if you had a handsome lap-robe
could you use It?"
"Certainly not," he replied. "You
know very well that we haven't a ve
hicle of any description."
"That's what I thought." she return
ed, "so I have packed It away. Later
when we are wealthy and keep horses,
we can "
"Packed It away!" ho exclaimed. In
terrupting her. "Packed what away?"
"Why, the lap-robe," she answered
sweetl"
FREE'-
is mm ki 8i
AN ELEGANT
with each
SWEET CAP
CIGARETTE
AN OPPORTUNITY TO MAKE
A COLLECTION OF BUTTONS
WITHOUT COST.
"Rut we haven't a lap-robe," he pro
tected. '
"Oh, yes, we have," she returned. "I
happened to stumble Into that depart
ment of one of the bis stores today,
nnd they had marked them down so low
that I felt I ought to get one before the
opportunity slipped away."
"Hut we don't need "
"Not now, but we may," she Inter
rupted. "It's just as well to get these
things when they can be had at a bar
gain, and this was a real bargain. You
men are very thoughtless about such
things. You would never have thought
of buying this robe now; you wouldn't
have hud the foresight, but would have
waited until you had a horse, and then
very likely you would have to pay a
dollar more for It."
CHEAPER IN AMERICA.
Cost or Living in the United Slates
Less Thau in Germany.
It Is the general impression In the
United Htates that rent and living nru
cheap in Germany. This is a mistake,
says a correspondentof the Chicago
Tribune, writing from Heldelherg.
Taking into account the antiquated
construction nnd absence of all mod
erns conveniences In their houses, the
rent Is very dear. In rebuttal of the
evidence of German people, who emi
grated to America years ago, and who
are so fond of referring to "the good
times In the old fatherland," may be
cited a few ficures us proof aguinst
their arguments.
The older houses seem to be built al
most square about 23 feet In wfdth
nnd depth. Each lloor has its one flat,
with many windows upon the street
and rear. The buildings are generous
also with their stairways. One house
has three flats. Kuch contains a large
parlor, bedroom on each side, a small
dining-room and kitchen, but no bath
room or clothes closets. They are heat
ed by two porcelain stoves. The ceil
ings are high, the floors painted and
walls covered with inexpensive paper.
The top or third Hat rents for $'10 per
month, the second for S.'IO and tho
ground floor for $50. Tn this house a re
tired army officer lives on the third
floor, a Heidelberg professor on the peo
ond and tho ground floor is divided into
two small stores, one for tHe sal" of
small notions and the other for cigars.
Handsome furniture, lace curtains,
statuary, bonks, pictures nnd brlo-n-brac
give a genteel appearance to the
npartments. but a clerk on $1,200 a year
In Chicago would not think of living in
a- lint of such primitive sanitary appli
ances. As for the cost of living, that Is even
dearer. Perhaps Heidelberg, being nn
edugntlonal town, should not be taken
as a criterion for smaller places. A
visit to the public market shows, al
though the greatest care Is taken In
preparing the produce to prevent loss
to the consumer, that prices are high
er than In America. Soup beef costs 20
cenls per pound, venl cutlets 8 cents
each, mutton chops 2S cents a pound,
kidney roast 30 cents, pork chops 20
cents, boiled ham 50 cents, beefsteak
59 cents. Geese are from 75 cenls to
$1.50 apiece, ducks ns dear as in Ameri
ca, turkey (rare) $l.r.O to $2 each, pig
cons very much in demand nt 50 cents
to 60 cents per pair, young chickens 50
to 75 cents anlece, wild hare, about a3
largo as Jack rabbits. 75 to 90 cents
n piece. So much for flesh and fowls.
Hotter Is 28 cents per pound, fresh and
sweet; eggs IS to 30 cents per dozen;
cheesef common), l-'i cenls, English
breakfast tea $!..r0 per pound. And so
on, everything being higher than In the
I'nited States. As far as casual ob
servation goes nothing in Germany
Is cheaper than In America, except
wine, cigars, beer nnd music. A class
of beer big enough to drown a child in
can le had for 2 cents and entrance to
a garden full of tropical plants, rose
trees and red lights, where an excellent
lmnd plays until 11 o'clock p. m Is but
8 cents.
T.ut "tipping" Is the bnne of the
traveler. There Is no escape, nnd al
though you may lie awake nights and
use nil your Yankee Ingenuity to cir
cumvent the gang they are nt your
heels at every turn. You can't carry
your hand-bag from the station to your
pension or vice-versa without porno
chap lumps to your side nnd, with a
polite bow.lngratlnten himself Into your
esteem. At first you may think he In
the runner for the house at, which you
Intend to stop, but when he leaves you
nt the door you will find he is doing
business on his own hook. To be sui-,
he is satisfied with 25 cents or half
that sum If you dare offer it. but there
is an innate feeling In the human henrt
that one should preserve appearances,
and so the 25 cents goes. In Heidel
berg It Is not uncommon to eive the
conductor on the horse cars a tip. If
you have occasion to wash your hands
nt the depots you can't get the door
open to go out ngln until 20 pfennigs
nre drooped into the hand of the at
tendant whose snap nnd towel you have
used. At hotels, pensions and rooms,
the waiter, chambermaid, shoehlncker,
and porter expect more or less, in pro
portion to the title one bears or the
airs he assume'
BUTTON FREE
package of
ORAL
OLD PARTY DECLARATIONS.
Some' Planks ol' Political Platform
Which Spam Odd Nowadays.
From tho Sun.
The prominence, as the supreme and
overshadowing issue of the present po
litical canvass of the honest money
question, menaced by the agitation for
a depreciated dollar, has led this year
to a thorough discussion of the finan
cial question In all its phases. Intelli
gent voters are able to understand
where and for what each of the parties
stand, and this is the result of the cam
paign of education which has been go
ing un for some time and in which hon
est money Republicans and honest
money Democrats have vied with each
other in energy and argument. liut
such questions have not always been
clearly understood or Inquired Into by
political parties in the past, and some
of the declarations thnt have been made
even In national conventions of former
years, seem now. In the light of pres
ent knowledge, to be somewhat primit
ive. In 1872 the Democrats did not regard
the financial question ns worth any at
tention whatever, though, what has
since lieen called "the crime of 1S7S"
was then impending over them. Tha
Labor Reform party of that year, which
put In nomination David Davis, of Illi
nois, for president, laid down this pe
culiar rule: "It is the duty of the gov
ernment to establish a Just standard of
distribution of capital and labor," and
the currency of the government. It was
asserted, should be based on "the faith
and resources of the nation." In the
presidential election of 1870, the Pro
hibition party declared that tho gov
ernment should issue pnper money ex
changeable "In gold nnd silver, tho only
equul standards of value recognized by
the civilized world." The Greenback
party, which put In nomination Peter
Cooper for the presidency in that year,
declared In favor of Interest at the rate
of one per cent. They were for money
to be Issued directly by tho government,
nnd the volume of such currency was to
fit the requirements of the people.
In the convention of IXV0 two of the
national parties ignored the currency
question. The. Democrats declared for
"honest money," consisting of gold and
silver nnd paper convertible into coin.
The Greenback party which nominated
General Weaver for the presidency, de
clared thnt the volume of all money,
whether metallic or paner, should bo
"controlled by the government," Irre
spectlveof any reserve fund of coin for
the redemption of the paper nnd unse
cured greenbacks, and gold nnd silver
coin were to bo equally and inter
changeably lerml tender. In ISM the
Prohibitionists came out for govern
mental regulation of the currency and
declared that "all money" should be le
gal tender for all debts, public and pri
vate. ly "all money" was presumably
meant all money of the I'nited States,
for tho Prohibition statesmen of that
period, who did not have the excuse
sometimes urged in extenuntlon of the
strange acts of liquor drinking states
men of other parties, could not have
Intended to make the depreciated and
repudiated currency of some other
countries n lerral tender for nil debts,
public and prlvate.of the I'nited States.
In the presidential election of 1SS8 the
T'nlon Labor party, which nominated
Brother Streeter of Illinois for the
presidency, mude n declaration on the
money question which deserves to be
preserved as a polished gem of political
philosophy. Here it Is; "While we have
free coinage of gold, we should have
free coinnge of silver." This was more
in the line of n casual opinion than of n
deliberate demand, nnd It is now Inter
esting ns showing how some of the fin
anclnl reformers of a few years n::o re
lieved their minds from trouble over the
ratio of coinage.
ALL NAMED FOR O00D REASONS.
Cleveland. O., wns named nfter General
Moses Cleveland, who surveyed the region
around there.
Omaha, pets its name from the name of
a trllie of Indians.
Fond do Lae means bottom or lowsr
end of lake.
I'nssnle in New Jersey was named by the
Indians nnd means valley.
Monoitahela means "fulling in of tho
bnnks."
The Missouri had Its name from the Al
gnnouln word mis, "great." and the Sioux
word souri, "muddy." Several different
nnmrs and modps of spelling nre to be
found In early writings, among them We
mrouret, Mlnnlshoshu, Oumlssouret
Ajlshlwikl.
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