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PUBLISHED WEEKLY IN VIE CITY OF READING, BOAS - COUNTY . , PA.-TERMS: $1,50 A YEAR IN ADVANCE,
LAWRENCE GETZ, EDITOR.]
, fuiLIOSED EVERY SATURDAY SHIRRING
West owner qf III and Fifth Nirfat, act
the Farmers' Bank cf Reivieoy.
TERMS OF SIIMIRWTION
aiptP4.• ist ,f4Pettt,,,
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r,.„ r xavance.
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ADVERTNINO IN THE HAZETTE.
It. PA. Imo. Stu, 6uko. ly.
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J o •r, 1,00 L - am) hjul Kok)
" Loa 0,10 f•,(15 0,00 15,05
•• 1,50 :1,0) .3,75 7,50 12,00 25,00
11.Arger Aticerti..w.euk+ is iprownit,,Li
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B ill be tt
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obe half the above rates.
raw. , tisiwg will be considered payable In cash,
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r. any additions] rsnowsls, er advent:dug ex
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Jo,.
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tar all metiers and relating drietia
rt;INTINO OF EVERT DESCRIPTION
is a Ali;erler Meitner, at the eery ', Q om p r ies,.
na-nt ot Jon TYPE is largo and fethloaable, and
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BLANKS OF ALL KINDS,
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Dofitirai.
P EEC H
GEORGE W. WOODWARD.
MECO
GREAT UNION MEETING,
i - Thipocembar 13, 1860, in Independence
Square, Philadelphia.
meeting WAS called by the Mayor of the oity, at the
of the Select and Common Commits, and wan held
Theredey, /Sib December, 1860, in Indepostlesoo
• Mayor Henry was called to preslde, and a large
• of gentlemen officiated as Vice Presidents and
I,cleigair... The 'meeting was opened with prayer by
i.- 1 1.>p roller. The address of the Mayor followed. The
steno were read by John B. Myers. The speakers,
• ..
by a Coiling/tea oh Councils, the'h addressed the
• e.mr >ay.] awombled. in the Square. In the following
: Josspb It. Ingersoll, Weer& W. Woodward,
n. Lox, Theodore Cuyler sad lasso lisselhluata
We have ass ambled, fellow-oltizens, in pursn
rare et the rroclaruntion of the Mayor, that we
way " must]. together to avert the danger which
threatens our country." That danger is not
recent or new. It has a history. And we must
;Isiice at that ; we must obtain a clear view of
tee actual state of the crisis, before we can give
cr receive intelligent counsel.
it was announced a few years ago that the
which had sprung up in this country
I,queen free and slave labor was irrepreaiible ;
1::.11 a !Amide divided against Heel( could not
that all the States of this Union must
I e.hlstie free or Slave States.
The -:-.leaning of this was, and is, that all were
t 10-eothe free States, for the roil and climate of
sll oliority of the States aro such that it. never
.:.1 4 .econte the interest of the superior race to
rot; Lain slavery in them. Everybody knows this,
sad therefore the alternative form of the propo
Eaten was only to give it an appearance of
toirness and a little more rhetorical effect.
Tice fall scope and meaning of the announce
icent are, then, that citizens of the United States
al.: to be totally divested of the property they
11 , .1 hold in four or 54 millions of slaves, of the
amegate value of many hundred millions of
.Ldisrs, and that the habits and domestic condi
tion of the people—their commercial relations,
sad their political rights. in an far as these In
tffests are connected with the institution of
slavery, are to undergo a revolution.
Nor was this prediction the voice of an obscure
ant unhonored prophet, but of a citizen whom
tie people of the free States have just distin
reisho I, in a signal manner, by conferring on
Li,a, the highest °nice they hail to give. In so
!IX as their votes are to be considered as respon
mvi) to his announcement, they are a loud amen
—a ,deme answer, so let it be.
Whilst it is not to be doubted that multitudes
rated for the President elect with other views,
a l d did not intend a distinct endorsement. of his
larerite proposition, yet, as the record is made
up. the prophecy and the prophet stand R eproved
by a m t iority of the people of the free States
he inexorable exclusion of slave property from
the common territories, which the Government
told; in trust for the people of all the States, is
a sutural and direct step towards the grand re
sell ef extinguishing slave property altogether,
sad was one of the record issues of the late elec
tion. This policy must be considered as ap
proved also. Not that every man who voted for
the successful nominees meant to affirm, that a
trustee for several co equal parties has a right,
in law or reason, to exclude tho property of some
and admit that of others of the parties for whom.
he holds—but so is the record. And whilst it is
not to be taken as expressing the -universal sense
.4 the voters, it does, undoubtedly, imply that
vast masses of Northern people do heartily ap
prove, both of the proposition to make all the
Stated free, and of beginning by excluding sla
fs,,in the territories.
Tae South seems inclined so to accept the
idgment. She holds the property that is to be
chat out of the territories, that is to be restrict
e4i, cribbed, and confined, more and more, until
it le finally extinguished. Everywhere in . the
south the people are beginning to look out for
the means of self-defence. Could it be expected
that they would he indifferent to such events as
have occurred I- That they would stand idle and
sea measures concerted anti carried forward for
tie annihilation; sooner or later, of her property
in slaves? Such expectations, if indulged,
were not reasonable. The law of self defence
iackeles right of properly as well as of person ;
and it appetite to me, that these must be a time,
in the progress of this conflict, If it be indeed
irrepressible, when slemeholders may lawfully
fill back on their natural rights, anti employ, in
defence of their property, whatever means of
proteetion they possess or can command. I do
not agree with them that the time has arrived
yet ; but it would be well for those who push on
ibis conflict, in whatever form, to consider that
they are hastening on that time, anti that they
have convinced one or more Southern Statee that
it has already come.
Several States propose to retire from the Con
federacy, and that justly alarms us. We come
together to consider what may be done to pre
vent it, and we are bound, in fidelity to oureelveß
end others, to take the measure of the whole
magnitude of the danger.
Tit's irrepressible conflict bee grown out of the
Aorta Saxon love of freedom_ What that pas
'-?on if., and how it was offended by the intrd•
.luction of negro slaves, may be read in the
chronicles of the American Provinces, and es
pedatly in the earnest, the eloquent, and re
pave:l, remonstranees addressed by the Colony
of Virginia to the Crown and Parliament of
treat Britain against their introduction-
But if the Anglo-Saxon loves liberty above all
other men, he is not indifferent to gain and thrift,
its remarkable for his capacity of adaptation,
Whereby be takes advantage of any- oiremmetan
eon in which he finds himself placed. And, ac
cordingly, by the time the Colonies were prepared
to throw off the British yoke, and to assume
among the powers or the earth the separate and
equal station to which the laws of nature and of..
nature's God entitle them, it had been discovered
that the unwelcome workers, against whose in
troduction such earnest protests had been made,
could - be turned to profitable account In the
Southern States•—that the African constitution
was well adapted to labor in latitudes which
alone could produce some of the great staples of
life —and that the North, which could not employ
them profitably, would be benefitted by sue.' em
ployment as the South could afford.. Considera
tions of humanity, also, as well as the rights of
private property, entered into the diSeussiens of
that day. What was best for an inferior race
thrust unwillingly upon a superior'? That both
should be free, or that the inferior eltutild serve
the superior, and the superior be bound by the
law of the relation to protect the Inferior?
If best for both races that the existing slavery
should continue, then what wits to bo its relation
to the General Government? How should It be
represented in the Councils of the Nation ? How
far protected or discouraged by the power of the
new Government Y Should jurisdiction to abol
lab it be granted to the Government, or reserved
to the Stales and the people of the States ? These
were great questions, and, like all the questions
of that. day, were wisely settled.
The Northern States abolished their slavery,
and so gratified their innate love of freedom—
but they did it gradually, and :to did net wound
their love of gain. They sold out slavery to the
South, and they received a full equivalent, not
only in the price paid down, but in the manning
tuning and commercial prosperity which grew up
from the productions of slave labor.
When the Constitution came to be formed,
some of the Northern States still hold slaves, but
several had abolished the Institution, and it must
have been apparent that natural causes would
force it ultimately altogether upon the South.
The love of liberty was as intense as ever, and
as strong at the South as at the North, and the
love of gain was common also to both sections.
Here were two master passions to he adjusted
under circumstances of the greatest delicacy.
They w:ra adjusted and the great questions of
the time were settled, in the only manner possi-
hie. Concession and compromiso—considerat ion
for each oiher's feelings and interests, sacrifices
of prejudices, forbearance and moderation--these
were the means by which the
. 4 ' more perfect
Union" was formed.
'And what a work it INN! If the Union had
never brought us a single blessing. the Constitu
Lion of the United States would still have been a
magnificent monument to the unselfish patriotism
of its founders. Not an alliance merely, Luta close
and perfoot union between peoples equally ambi
tious, equally devoted to freedom, equally bent
on bettering their condition; but separated by
State lines, and jealous of State rights—one
section seeking its prosperity tinder institutions
whioh were to make every man a free man—the
other under institutions which tolerated negro
slavery.
Had the Constitution failed to work out the
beneficent results intended, here was an instance
of human effort to do good—an effort to rei•train
and regulate two natural passions, and to compel
them to Co operate in blessing mankind—which
would forever have ohalleng.d the admirAtion of
nit good and thoughtful men. But it did not
fail, thank God ; it has made us a great and
prosperous nation and the admiration of the
world, for the motive of the founders is swallow
ed up in wonder at the success of their work.
But all this the "Irrepressible conflict" ig
nores. The passion for liberty, spurning the
restraints imposed, has burned out all the memo.
rice of the compromise and the compiled in those
Northern communities, which, under the false
name of Liberty Bills, obstruct the execution of
the bargain. What part of the purpose of the
founders are the underground railroads intended
to promote? Whence come these excessive sen
sibilities that Cannot bear a few slaves in a re
mote territory until the white people establish a
Constitution? What does that editor or preacher
know of the Union, and of the men who made it,
who habitually reviles and misrepresents the
Southern people, and excites the ignorant and
the thoughtless in our midst to hate and perse
cute them ? What has become of our tied and
willing obedience to the Supreme Court as the
final expositor of the compact.?
Be not deceived. Let me not prophesy
smooth things; and cry peace when there is no
peace. Let the truth be spoken, be beard, be
pondered, if we mean to save the Union. The
conflict boasts that it Is irrepressible. It allies
itself with equal readiness to religion and Intl
delity. It. enlists ail our passions, good and
bad. It makes common cause with the cham
pions of freedom tho world over, and with the
promoters of insurrection, riot and disoord at
home. With Freedom inscribed on the banner it
bears, it tramples under foot the guarantees of
freedom contained in the Constitution anti laws .
How is it to be repressed ? Governmental
administratien cannot subdue it. That has been
tried for several successive periods, and the eon- .
flict has waxed hotter and hotter. Will the next
Administration be more successful ? Hoping for
the beet it can do, what right have you or I to
anticipate that the honest man who has been
elected will prove reereant to the maxims that
madeltim President ? Can trade and commerce
subdue it? Look at the votes of Boston, Phila
delphia, and Pittsburgh. The manufacturers
and merchants are the governing classes in these
cities. They are intelligent and quick to die
cover their interests. They have weighed and
measured the Southern trade, and then have
voted against the Southern people. But what
if they had not—what if; like the city of New-
York, they had voted against the conflict, only to
be overruled by the country counties? Com
mercial cities cannot repress the conflict, if the
people of the interior fond it their sympathies.,
No, no, there is reason In the' boast that the
States shall all tteeome free. There , is good
ground to'apprehend the extinotion of property
in slaves. All New _England has decreed it. The
great States of New York and Ohio have repeat
ed again and again, the decree. Pennsylvania
Seems to have sanctioned it. The Northwestern
States stand for the present committed to it.
What hope in left far the Union ? Ig there a
man In this assembly who deems that this con
flict can go on and the Union last? If there be,
that man is beside himself ; he has lost his wits.
I will reason with no such man. But, though
few may believe that the Union can long endure
the ehock of the conflict, yet many people think
that freedom—absolute, unconditional, universal
freedom—is so great a boon, and negro slavery
so great a reproach add evil, that the whole influ
ence of a good man's life and conduct should be
directed to promote the one and suppress the
other—even though, as a consequence, the slave
States should be driven out of the Union. This
is the prevalent distemper of the public mind.
w Who can minister to a mind diseased?"
Fellow-citizens, I profess no ability in this re
gard, but my mouth is open, and I will utter
some of the thoughts that press up from the
heart to the lips.
When, under the articles of ecofederation,
which carried us through our Revolutionary
war, States had grown jealous, unfraternal, diso
bedient ; and the General Government had prov
ed itself too weak to suppress conflicts that were
arising, the people took the remedy Into thole
own hands, called a Convention, and formed a
etionger government. The call of the Conven
tion, the election of deputies, the State Conven—
tions whioh followed, all served to engage the
"public mind, and to direct it to the common dan
ger, and the possible remedy. Thus the popular
mind prepared itself to receive with approbation
the Constitution that was formed, and impending
dangers were averted.
History is said to be philosophy teaching by
examples. Let us be instructed by this example.
As we, Pennsylvanians, were the first to abolish
slavery, let us be the first to mows for the salva
tion of the Union. Under the amendatory dame
of the Constitution, Congress is bound to gall a
general convention on the application of the Leg
islatures of two-thirds of the States. Our Legis
lature will assemble next month. Let us petition
them to demand the convention. Good examples,
'a bad ones, arc contagious. Perhaps one and
another of the Northern and SOU:110M States
may do the like' until the requisite number have
concurred, and then we will have a National
Convention to consider the evils' and dangers of
the day. and In devise remedies which, it may
he hulled, shall prove as salutary as those of
1787. And now, as then, the progress of these
measures will awaken inquiry and thoughtful
ness in the masses, will call off their minds from
the petty polities of the day, and 'frank the mis—
chievous agitation of slavery questions, to the
grand problem of how wo can render this glori
ous Union perpetual.
In- what form and to what extent the power of
the General• Government should be increased is
not for me to indicate, lint with the confessions
of President Buchanan and Attorney General
Black before us, that the Government; as now
constituted, is unable to prevent or punish se-
oesoion, or to suppress tho proud conflict that
(119(UthR our ponce and boasts itself irrepressible,
have 1 not a right to assume that the Government
needs to he strengthened ? Have 1 not a right
to say that the Government which was all suf
ficient for tho coital" fifty years ago, when soil
and climate, and State sovereignty could be
trusted to regulate tho spread of slavery, is in-
sufficient to day, when every upstart politician
can stir the people to mutiny against the domes-
tic institutions of our Southern neighbors—when
tho ribald jests of seditious editors, like Greeley
and Beecher, can sway Legislatures and popular
votes against the handiwork of Wagitingion end
Madison- -whoa the scurrilous libels of such a
book as Ilelper's become a favorite campaign
document, and aro accepted by thousands as law
and gospel both—When jealousy and hale have
killed out all our fraternal feelings for those
who were born our brethren, and who have done
us no harm? The traditions of the elders ling
ered in the generations which immediately sue
omitted the adoption of the Conetitution,land their
passion for freedom, just as strong as ours, was
()hastened into loyalty to the Union, and venera
tion for the rights of the States. Tho °amain
Lion, which was strong enough to govern such
men, is too weak to restrain us who have out
grown the grave stml moderate wisdom that
excited no irroprossible conflict between breth
ren, but taught them to dwell together In unity.
I would make it strong enough to restrain the
madness of. our day.
And let the people consider the motives for
preserving the 'Utdon. They would be brought
directly to these by the debates of the Convention
and by the antecedent and subsequent debates.
I can suggest only some of them.
Leiret, our name, and place, and power, as one
of the nations of the earth. Arc not these worth
preserving ? In eighty years we have matched
the greatness that Rome and England were cen
turies in attaining. What may be done in the
next eighty ?
I board a sagaoious statesman say, about three
years ago, that in twenty years from that time,
if we kept together, we would drive England
from all the markets of the world as a first—class
trader. They Were words of cheer, but there
was the inevitable if. In what markets we
should rival England, or even the pettiest king—
dom of the earth, atter a dissolution of the Union,
that statesman and no other has ventured to
predict.
See what prosperity would come to us of the
North in the process of the grand rivalry pre
dieted by that, statesman. Manufactures and
navigation have built up the greatness of En
gland, and they would do the same for us as a
nation, and for our section of the nation. Man
ufacturing has already made us greet. In no
one respeot are the rise and progress of our
country so remarkable as in its manufactures.
The narrow-minded English statesman, woo
would not have us manufacture even a " hob
nail," could he be carried alive through the fac
tories of Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, or Lowell,
would, to be consistent with himself, curse the
false gods who had inspired his unreasonable
wish, and hasten to die again. lYe shall never
need to depend again on any foreign nation for a
fabric thug can be made of cotton, iron or wool.
Thus far, at least, we have come. And what
MAIM; and towns, and railroads, and canals have
we built up in our progress ! How much per
sonal wealth and social happiness have we crea
ted-.--what additions to our population—what
accretions in the value of our farms and minerals
—what industry have we stimulated and reward
ed—what commerce have we won 1 Think of
these things, fellow-countrymen—eon them over,
one by one—dissent and analyze each fact—trace
its connections and owasequences ; and then,
when 3, ou combine them all in one glowing pie-
Lure of national prosperity, ,remember that cop
TOM, the product of slave labor, has been one of
the Indispensable elements of all this prosperity.
lucre, It must be an indispensable element of all
our utare prosperity. I say it Must be, The
world cannel and will not live without cotton.
There is not a matron in all the Union that can
Moths her family or herself without it. Nor can
England do without our cotton. tier mills and
ours Would rot, and her operatives and ours
would starve, if the negroes did not raise ootton.
Manumit theta and they will never raise another
crop. They need the authority of a master and
the eye of an overseer to compel and direct them
to the duties to the cotton plant which must be
rendered at the right season precisely, or the
orop is lost.
And thus It happens, that -the Providence of
that Good Being who has watched over us from
the beginning, and saved us from external foes.
has so ordered our internal relations as to make
negro slavery an incalculable blessing to us and
to the people of Great Britain. I say to us; for
I do not enter into the question whether the in
stitution be an evil to the people of the Southern
States. That is their concern, not ours. We
have nothing to do with it. And to obtrude our
opinions upon the people of sovereign States
concerning their domestic institutions, would bo
sheer impertinence. _But do you not see and feel
how good it was for us to hand over our slaves
to our friends of the South—how goad it was for
us that they have employed them In raising a
staple for our manufacturers—how wise it was
to so adjust the Compromises of the Constitution
that we could live in union with them and reap
the signal advantages to which I have adverted?
We consign them to no - heathen thrall, but to
Christian men, professing the same faith with
us—speaking the same language—reading the
golden rule, in no one sided and distorted shape,
but as it is reoorded, a role to slaves as well as
masters.
This allusion to the golden rule reminds me of
an objection which will be urged to much that I
have advanced. It will be said that slavery ie
sin against God, and, therefore, that all reasons
drawn from our material interests, for favoring
or abetting it, must go for nothing.
If it be a sin, I agree there is an end to my am.
gumont, but what right has the Abolitionist to
pronounce it a sin ? I say Abolitionist, beosuse
the pastor of the First Presbyterian Church ,of
Brooklyn, in a sermon preached within a week,
defined an Abolitionist to bo ono who holds that
slavery is a sin. I accept the definition, and sa
-1 cording to it many of our best Christian people
must be accounted Abolitionists; for it is as
tonishing how extensively the religious mind of
the North has admitted Into itself the suspicion,
net to say conviction, that slavoholding is a sin.
If a sin, then it is a violation of snarl Divine low,
for sin is the transgression of thdlligw.
Now, I deny that any ouch law has over been
revealed. The burden of showing it ie on him
who '
alleges, and when it is shown, I agree ft
shall rule out all that has been said or can be
main for a Union founded on slavery. I bind my
self must' to raise my voice again in behalf of
such nJnion. But, so far from any such law
being found plainly written for our instruction,
whoever will study the Patriarchal and Levitical
institutions' will see the s priuciple of human
bondage, and of property in man, divinely sane-.
tioned, if not divinely ordained ; and in all the
sayings of our Saviour, we hoar no injunction
for the suppression of a slavery which existed
under his eyes, while he delivered many maxims
and principles, which, like the golden rule, enter
. right into and regulate the relation. So do the
SATURDAY MORNING AUGUST 1, 1863.
writings of Paul abound with regulations of the
relation, but not with injunctions for its sup
pression. if we go to the most:accredited com
mentators, or consult divines really wise and
good in nor midst; or what is hotter, study and
search the Scriptures fur ourselves, we shall fail
'tn find a law wltioh, fairly interpreted and ap
plied, justifies any mum in taterting, in or out of
the pulpit, that the negro slavery of .the United
States is sinful. What. right, then, 1 ask again,
has the Abolitionist to client tender consciences
into hostility to an institution n which our Union
is founded in part? (loot' people say we no not
wish to disturb slavery where it exists by local
law, but believing it to he sinful and inexpedi
ent, we will not submit to its extension, nor as
sist to reeler° the fugitive to his master. Ouch
people soon mune to conceive that, the inure un
friendly they can feel towards slavery, the more
harsh speeches they make about slaveholdors,
the mere they help on the irrepressiblo
the better will they recommend themselves to
0.1. In coma churches anti slavery sentiments
have become resent tat to good standing. Accord-
ing to ABM ecclesiastical councils, It would seem
that the groat ki.ity of the American Chrintion
in to war wish hie neighbor's property; and,
if opportunity presents, to hoip steal and tilde
Ales ! alas for the times upon which we
have fallen.
We most arouse ourselves and re-assert the
rights of the slaveholder, and add such guar
antees to our Constitution as will protect his
property front the spoliation of religious bigotry
and persecution, or else we must give up our
Constitution and Union. Events are placing the
alternative plainly before us—Constitutional
Union, and liberty according to. American law ; or
else extinction of slave property, negro freedom, dis
solution of the Union, and anarchy and confusion.
Can any man, even thought his mind has been
poisoned by the sophisms of infidels and Abo
litionists, seriously contemplate the alternative
with composure and indifference ? We hear it
said, lot South Carolina go .out of the Union
peaceably. I say lot her go peaceably, if she
go at all, but why should South Carolina be driv
en out of the Union by an irrepressible conflict
about slavery? Other States will be sure to
follow, sooner or later. The work of disintegra
tion, once fairly established, will not end with
South Carolina, nor even with all the slave
States. Already we see it announced, on the
floor of Congress, that the city of New York,
tired of her connections with Puritan New En
gland, and the fanatical interior of her own
Stele, will improve the opportunity to set up for
herself, and throw open her magnificent port to
the unrestricted oommeroe of the world.
Let us be wise in time. Our resolutions are
soothing and encouraging in their tone, and this
vast assoniblage Is symptomatic) of returning
health in-the publie mind; but popular meetings
and fair spoken reeoluilons aro not going to save
the Union from destruction. The people must
act, and act promptly and efficiently. Lot them
show the South that the heart of the great State
of Pennsylvania is sound still. It is said that
the late elections do not oommit Pennsylvania,
unalterably, to the mischievous conflict. lam
willing to believe it. I hope it is so. I hope the
events of the winter and our future elections
will prove it. Then let Pennsylvania appeal to
the South to stand by as a little longer, till
we have proved, not by fair words, but by 'leads,
that. we will arrest the irrepressible conflict; that
wo are not ready to give up constitutional liberty.
for licentious liberty; that wo will not sacrifice
all the memories of the past, and all the hopes
of the futnre, for 'negro • freedom ; no, not for
negro freedom, even ; for though we tear down
this fair fabric, we make no negrofrce*; but for
a vain and mad altempl at negro freedbm, That
is the poor, the abortive, the absurd, the wicked
purpose for which we are expected to sacrifice
our sacred inheritance. Clod forbid it.
Here en this consecrated spot of earth, where
the foundations were laid of the best Government
the world ever saw, it us renew our vows to the
Union and send salutations to our brethren.
Talk not of secession—go not rashly out of the
Union—dim no star of our glorious flag—give us
time to place ourselves right In respect to your
"peculiar institution," and to roll back the
cloud that now obscures, for the moment, our
devotion to the Union as it is. Speak thus to
the Southern States, and follow our words by
tilting deeds, and Penneylvanla dikti to soaoe
don or cure it if it occurs. We can win back
any State that may stray off, If only we can prove
our own loyalty to the Constitution and Union
as our fathers formed them.
And WOl6l it not be a prowl page In the histo
ry of Pennsylvania that should record the roe—
cue of the Ameriohn Union from impending ruin,
by prompt, genermta, united action of the peo
ple of Pennsylvania I That great glory may be
ours. Let us. grasp it ere it be forever too late.
POLITICAL HERESIES
ADDRESS
BY DANIEL ERNENTROUT, ESQ.,
Before the Democratic City Club of
Reading,
July 25th. 1863.
According to your custom, you have assembled
here to-night, follow-citizens, to listen to the
views and opinions of your fellow Democrats on
the important events now transpiring in our
land ; to discuss the fundamental principles of
our government, and take counsellor the repub
lic. And though we do meet here an a ;Braila:-
are DMOOrSILICI organization, it is - not partisan
ship which brings us here—we are not Democrats
from mere accident, 1 hope, nor from motives of
selfish interest or prospect of gain. it is because
we love our country that we are Democrats ; be
cause we feel assured that the organization which
moulded your constitutions, which gave you your
bill of rights, which, since the existence of the
government, has done. battle for the rights of
man, rich and poor—Which has stood by your
Lawn, your Union, your Conetilution and your
Flag, and by so doing has spread on the pages of
history a record, which; whether this nation and
this government be saved from the calamit ids im
pending over it, or sink under them, will out
shine all the records 'of the past—l say, we are
Democrats - because we feel assured that the
principles which led to results such as these, are
the only staff by which we hope to be guided
through the valley of Dark Shadows encompas
sing us. Let no man, then, tell me that in
standing up here to-night, I love my party
more than my country ; for he who is attached
most truly to Demooratio principles •is the most
thoroughly unpartisan. We need not go outside
of the present war for evidence of 'hie fad.
Though the great majority of the people of the
North are attached to the principles of the Demo
cratic party, yet when the banner of the Union
and a constitutional war was flung fo the breeze,
and the notion of Congress &glared that the war
would be oonduoted in that manner in good faith
—where were the Democracy then and where
are they now Y Let the graves on the field of
Bull Run, the Peninsula, Antietam, the South-
West and Gettysburg bear mournful testimony to
their self-sacrificing devotion to the laws of their
country and their devotion to duty. And this,
too, my friends, in the face of insult, bitter
taunts, throats of mobs, halters, imprisonment
and actual incarceration in presidential bristles
—without home, gun, ship and shoddy contracts, I
without a share in the emoluments of office. And
how were these things met, and what has been
our return T Inereseed contumely and increased
insult; still bitterer hatred and bitterer threats;
still viler proscription and abuse on the part of
the partisans of the Administration—the only
limit being the cowardly fears of our assailants.
Men occupying cabinet positions notoriously un
worthy of public confidence, but good Republi
cans; Generals notoriously capable and pOsses
sing the confidence of the people and the army.
relieved because they did not believe in the justice
or feasibility of the principles and policy of the
Administration—others notoriously unfit, and
one, at least, now soknoitledgeil to have been in
32170, put in their places.; and the " gallant "
Milroy promising to put down the Demoorats of
the North, and to mown all, the t• Gideouitish "
Blanton, meanly and wills the malevolent spirit
of the Devil, taking advantage of an occasion for
public rejoicing to insult a large and respectable
body of the people. In the face of all this, wo
mill dare do our duty on the field and in commit,
and will never souse doing it. until our country
is once more restored. Oov. Seymour and Gov.
Parker canto to our rescue wheel not a soldier
front Republican Governors was seat us ; when
our own weak kneed Governor was frantic with
fear, mud-whenthe Administration told us to take
cart of ourselves. Whoro is the partisanship
on which side ? Thank God, every Democrat
can hurl hook into I heir teeth with scorn the font
imputation that he loves hie party more than his
COlllll ry.
I have made these remarks preliminarily, that
we all may feel that we are approaching the ills
cuesion of our theme to night as men who have
done their duty though others failed—in flue pro
per spirit--with no desire to say aught about the
powers that be, which ie not capable of proof.
Unfortunately, gentlemen, WA no Longer moot our
opponents for the discussion of political otios
tiell9, as in years gone by, on platforms mutually
covering the whole continent; unfortunately it
is not the Bank or the Tariff—it is a mightier, a
more important issue—it. involves, in our humble
judgment, your form of government; it touches
the fundamental charters of your rights; in a
word, the existence of your nationality, and the
many and rich blessings which we have enjoyed
under it. Anti this, ley friends; Is a potent reason
why we should, laying aside all factiousness of
purpose, without vituperation or abuse—for he
who wantonly abuses his countrymen, loves not
his country as he ought—handle at this ittpor
taut crisis all questions touching the welfare of
the nation, in a calm, cool, deliberate, honest,
truthful, Christian, fair manner, actuated by pa•
tilotism alone, as becomes tho free descendants
Of that noble ancestry, who, through seven
years of toil, privation, suffering and blood,
aohieved our liberties, and afterward, through
prayer and compromise, consultation and mutual
forberance, by the blessing of God, secured them
in the glorious fabric of a most noble Union
founded on the provisions of a wise Constitution,
every line of which was written during the peri
od of long ages in the commingled blood of
tyrants and patriots, of kings and people, op-
pressor and oppressed.
I propose, gentlemen, to discuss and warn you
against the " Political Heresies " or errors of
doctrine that are attempted to be foisted on the
minds of the people by mobs, drumhead court
martinis, unlawful imprisonments, by. bayonets
and military aatrars, abolition orators, adminis—
tration pimps, abandoned woman, contractors
and cabinet ministers.
At the very threshold of the disoussion, I am
Mot by a heresy which, if believed in, would stop
my mouth and yours at onus—and the dead
silence of despotism and the fostering rottenness
of political corruption would reign ovm.this land
and people unchecked. To prevent this, and for
our own protection, and to pave rho way for
what, wo may say hereafter, let us hasten to bring
IL before the bar of public opinion to moot that
condemnation which it so richly deserves. The
doctrine I allude to is this--" the freedom of
speech and of open public discussion of the mea
sures and policy of the Administration, is un
patriotic and treasonable, and must be supprev
cd anti reetraitiod." There is no American
citizen within the Bound of my voice or elsewhere,
except he bo a monarchist, whatever . his political
complexion may be, who will deny that the right
and capacity of the people for self-government is
the foundation Stone of all free government. It
is the grand principle which guided the bark of
the oppressed stranger across the tempestuous
ocean to your shores—which felled the primeval
forests and built cities and town Pin this western
continent—it is the immortal principle of the
Declaration of Independence—the grand indict
ment against tyranny everywhere, for the main
tenance of which, sages and statesmen pledged
their lives, their fortunes and their sacred hon
ors ; and for which warriors and soldiers drew
their swords and sealed their convictions in
blood, till " the oross and the lion went down."
This principle being so, it follows that the peo
ple are the masters and sources of power—in
other words, those who administer the laws are
the servants of the people—they have a right to
know who governs, to know after what manner
they do govern, and if they bo not satisfied, they
have a right to determine by whom and how they
shall in the future be governed. Furthermore,
there is a rule set over our public serdants by the
people of the respective States--and shall not the
master have a right to call his servants to ac
count for any violation of the rules of the house?
Ilow ridiculous it would seem to you If yet/ rare
told that you had no 114 A to call your Congress
men, and your Legislators to account, (that is,
provided they are responsible agents,) and in
what respect can a different rule be maintained
as regards the President? In all ages has the
freedom of the press and of speech at all-times
been regarded as the great safeguard of Oval
zedliberly. In England under a monarchical form
of government, during our revolution, this priv
ilege was freely • exercised In rho public prints
and on the floor of parliament. In our country,
Daniel Webster, than whom no one betterunder
stood the principles of constitutional liberty, said
it It is an ancient and undoubted prerogative of
this people to canvass public measures, and the
merits of public men. It is a home-bred right,
a fire-side privilege. It hath ever beon enjoyed
in every house, cottage and cabin itr the nation.
It-is as undoubted as the right of breathing the
air, or walking on-the. earth." And Mr. Blair,
not the Blair that now is, but his father, said
that the freedom of discussion in the press could
not be interfered with even amid the threes of
civil war. And why ? Without it, gentlemen,
ive would be slaves at the foot of power, we would
be denying our birth-right, our origin, our tra
ditions, and insulting the memories of our de
parted heroes and statesmen. Truth Is desirable
at . all times—discussion is the groat sifter of
truth. Truth fears not the light of discussion—
for that is its aliment—error flies from it as from
Certain death. " Where truth is left free to
combat, error may be tolerated," said Thomas
Worsen in his first inaugural address. And
our opponents have the audacity to hold him up to
us in testimony to their cause. Why is it then
that in those States where rebellion against the
government of the United States does not exist,
glitors are torn from the - sanctum, citizens from
iheir homes and occupations, by the hands of
arbitrary power,inearoerated in aietant fortresses,
out off from their friends and all communications,
and suffered' to rot until it be the pleasure of the
Administration to free theta, because they have
the manhood to stand in the exercise of an un—
doubted right, against the imbecility, the corrup
tion, prodigality and violations of law of those in
authority ? And then, after all this, to be dis—
oltorged without knowing the accusation, or the
accuser, without being reimbursed for loss of
time, loss of health and with a stigma on their
character, unfounded, but which gives to every
irresponsible villain the privilege of pointing the
finger of boom at them and their children. And
the high potentate, by "color of whose authori
ty " they have been imprisoned, mookingly
wraps himself in the mantle of an Indemnity
Act, and grins like a gibbering idiot, at. tree
American citizens, wronged in their 'dearest
rights, without a remedy. Oh I . when will the
proud hour come, when disenthralled and unde
graded, with the consciousness of truth, every
vein and fibre thrilling with exultation, each one
can face the world and say, I em an American
citizen, touoh me wrongly at the peril of receiv
ing the punishment meted mato all wrong-doors
by our sacred laws 7 We trust that time may
not be far distant. There is one patriotic spirit
who awaits that hour with noble patience. The
great handy-work of God on the boundaries of.
the British Possessions, whose roar lulls him to
sleep in the evening, and greets him on his
waking in the morning, is not more sublime, than
yilte violated majesty and stern duty of the exiled.
[VOL. XXIV-NO. 15.-WHOLE NO. 1979..
citizen, sufferer for opinion's sake, the violin) of
arbitrary envier, unjustly accused, unlawfully
tried, and tyrannically pettieltett. A fugitive
wanderer by land and by sea, threatened by gene
which should bait° protected hint, above which
floated the flag he loved so well, Ito now awaits
on a foreign soil with calm resigner the then
der tones of an insulted sovereign people, ron3ed
from their lethargy to call the martyr to the
crown of power.
"MI! Mart); can man maga than?
Ono havlua felt thy Kowalas dame?
Can donatioun, bulb! and ban; caution than,
Os wh!!!!!I thy noblo spirit lamer!"
Gentlemen, when the powers that he are tin
willing to permit public
. assemblages of the
people, it is strong ground for bellowing that
they think_ people to he either knaves or fools —.
knave'', because they .lo not trust them; fools
heeltlide the unavoidable inference is that they
believe them to ho too ignorant to discern good
front evil, truth from error, and yet they parade
the name of Jnokson in justification of their
heresy. Jackson t the men of the people, the
1114111 who loved the toiling mink/Us nn his own
children, the man who fought their battles
against Banks anti the Arbil ooraoy, who through
sunshine and storm believed in them end trusted
them—and these people hold up Jackmou as one
of their prophets !--e. mockery. n sander. an In.
stilt to the old hero of New Orleans I But, we
aro told by our opponents that it Min times of
war, and concerning the war policy that this
'right 811411 be restrained. It gives aid and com-
'ort to the enemy to find fault with the policy of
he Administration, and therefor° you are tin-
patriotic. Suppose the policy of the Atiminis•
tration Is wrong and not calculated to give suo•
teas to our cause, would it not ho unpatriotic in
us not to protest against and seek to change it?
If the exercise of this right is valuable at. all, if
it be beneficial at all, it should not fail when
danger is greatest. In times of Quiet, of peace
and tranquilily the exercise' of the right, Is not
often necessary ; but in times of great peril,
then it is dearest; we then have more at stake,
and true counsels should prevail. I pray you,
is it unpatriotic in you, who have fathers, bro
thers, eons, relatives and friends, who have
offered themselves npjts willing sacrifices upon
the altar of your country,—have we, when every
house in the laud has boon tilled with mourning
—when 'there is a vacant place at every hearth -
stone,—whon the unburied bones and festering
bodies of our fellow-citizens and friends cover a
hundred battlefields, a•prey to the vultures and
buzzards of tho air—when incompetent and
blundering generals lead brave men to the can
nons' mouth, to certain slaughter, Without any
hope of success—when mad fanatics, for partisan
purposes, seek to prolong snob scenes at the na
tion's expense,—dare Abraham Lincoln or any
other man unblushingly proclaim that we dare
not discuss the war policy of the Administra
tion ? Bow different has been tho practice of
the Democratic party at all times, particularly
in the wars of 1812-14, when every- means of
embarrassing the Administration was resorted to
by the opposition party, when their public jour
nals and their orators openly dissuaded our
citizens from making loans to the government,
when they controlled the finances of the country
against the government, and in New England,
the centre of their strength, advocated a separate
peace with Great Britain ; and in the war with
Mexico, when even our old public functionary
distinguished himself by the fiercest opposition
to the war and the Administration, in tho exer
cise of the right of free speech. Why was such
a heresy as this ever adveeat.”l? It g rows cmt
of another heresy, to wit: " That the Govern—
ment and the Administration are one." We must
be excused if we have not so sacred a respect for
the divinities at Washington and for the doctrine
of the divine right of Kings as our political oppo
nents have. What constitutes a government?
lVhat did the fathers and authors of the Revolu-
tion think on this point? Why was the Revolu
tion of 111 fought? They wore a law-abiding
people ; all their predilections, their interests,
their affections, their weakness, their unprotec
ted condition, were strong reasons why they
should not, out themselves loose from the protec
tion of the• British Crown. - History tells us that
such was not their intention at the outset. All
who are acquainted with the events proceeding
that struggle, need not he told how petition after
petition, embassy after embassy, were sent
norm the water. Why? To ohtsiu the benefits
of the laws and constitution of the British Em
pire. They had an address to the British peo
ple, to George the Third ; they only claimed
what British laws gave them—the Declaration of
Independonoo will teach you this. What has
been the doctrine of all ages on this subjeot?
Has it not been that the laws and not its admin
istrators are the supreme authority In all free
governments? The barons met at Runnymede—
were they traitors for makings distinction between
their King and their government—for making a
distinction between their laws and the adminis
.trator thereof, for opposing the unlawful exac
tions of their King John, and insisting upon a
renewed guarantee of their rights—for Magna
Charts was only an additional guarantee of
rights which their ancestors bad enjoyed forages
before? Still later, were the men of the English
Revolution traitors for opposing their King for
violating the provisions of the English Consti
tution, for advocating the supremacy of law, and
wringing from the hands of the throne the bill
of rights as a renewed guarantee of the Magna
Chula? Were your own ancestors traitors be
cause they protested and petitioned against the
unlawful acts of their king, and refused him and
his administration their countenance ? They
were law-abiding people, they loved their laud
their mother eountry ; mullet these people, ao
cording to the modern doctrine, would be traitors.
All jurists and statesmen in all ages have re.
cognized too right of revolution as being a sacred
right. Why the people are the - source of power
—they select their form of Government—they
establish their laws—and when those who ad—
minister them act in violation of those laws, they
go beyond the authority lodged in their hands ;
and yet the citizen and the subject, must they
submit without a protest and in silence 7 Tho
mere statement of the proposition theete lie
surdity. We are asked, under the penalty of
being called traitors, to support the administra
tion in all its measures, for they are all war
measures, whether they be honest or dishonest,
adequate or inadequate to the end proposed.
When the foundation was laid for the extension
of the Capitol, Daniel Webster made an address,
perhaps the greatest effort of his life. He then
told the American people the great truth which
this Administration seems to have forgotten—that
•• law is the supremo rule for the government of
all." He only repeats a sentiment which an old
heathen poet, without the light of Christianity,
sang in noble strains—
"What eonetitntee a State r
Not high raised battlement or labored mound,
- Thick well or moated gate;
Not cities proud, with spires and tamale crowned;
Nether; and broad armed ports,
Where, laughing at the storm rink navies ride;
Not starred and spangled Courts,
Where low-bowed baseness wafts perfume topside."
No : men, high minded men,
Men who their &dim know,
But know their rights, and knowing dare maintain;
Prevent she long aimed blow,
And nosh the tyrant while they rend the shala I
These constitute a State ;
And sovereign law, that State's collected will,
O'er thrones and globes elate,
Sits Musses, crowning good, repressing Ill."
Apply Ode principle to your own State, to
Pennsylvania, and tell me whether you , believe '
Andrew Cl. Curtin to be the State; to be the Gov
ernment ? No, my friends, mon are but of to
day, fallible and weak, only worthy of your
regard and support when they ant prudently and
in accordance with our written Constitutions,
founded on the immediate authority of the peo—
ple themselves, and reguliting • and restraining
all the powers conferred by , the hegiedative, Ex—
ecutive or Judicial, These things constitute your
government and not the corrupt, imbecile policy,
proclamations and measures of men whose
breath is in their nostrils" raised by accident
to a power, whose duties they can not compre—
hend, and who in asking you to support them in
all their measures, if you desire to be considered
good and loyal citizens, prewoh doctrines W blob,
It your 'mermen+ had betiovuil in, wOIIILI find Me
grout engin+ of ours a colonial depuudenoy of
tho Pekin). Crown to this day. iinetain noel
doctrine, and you change your government every
four yours•—sustain this doctrine and we become
the alternating eleven of changing factions—
sustain this doctrine attd you become the prceto-
rian colsorto of motion Omperoro, like thosemou
of Rome who declared that the pleastise of the
prince, idiot or wise man. should hare the force
of the law—or like that French King who said,
" Vela c'est mor—l am the State. This heresy
hos a deeper meaning and has for He foundation
the most damnable heresy of, all; that treasona
ble error which finds its roost specious umnifes-
alien In the expression that in time of war the
Constitution ehould be set aside
tho deep laid and Insidious plot of the nun
eala who seem to control publie movements, pre
senile itself in Its moot hideous and alarming
aspect. Why was your war inaugurated Y The
resolution of Congress declares it to have been
for the maintenance of Union and the vindication
Of the Constitntion ; and yet we are now asked
to present to the world the strange speetnolo of a
people waging a war to vindioate certain funda
mental principles which they themselves
declare null and void, and asking the °ilium of
the South to submit to rules above which we
consider ourselves and which we declare to be
out of existence. Set *side your Constitution,
lock it in a box till the war is over, as these
people say, then this struggle' Inaugurated, so
we fondly believed, to maintain the integrity of
the government, in the manner and spirit in
which it was founded, will be degraded into a
oontest of rival factions, lighting for rival dogmas
and political supremacy without a rule or rudder
and oompase to stoor by. What Interests can
the lovers of liberty, the friends of human pro—
gross and freo government have in such a strug
gle! What is gained thereby, or rather is not
all which we are Lighting for lost ? Tell mo not
that this Mato of things Is to last only till the
war M over, and that then you will return to
your fealty to the Constitution . and make that
your rule of action.. Do not delude yourself
thus. It is a dangerous thing for rulers to act
in defiance of law—it produces bitter fruits. En
courage violations of law on the-part of parti
sans of the Administration, and you encourage
violations of law on the part of the people. The
city of New York has already borne bitter testi
mony to this truth.
Lot mo also tell you that if your Constitution
be set aside, your form of government is set
aside ; teach the people such doctrine and you
will prepare their minds for anything. It. is
thus that the liberties of nations are sacrificed—
it is thus that they are led down step by step to
acquiescence in despotism until their tyrants
have so debauched and degraded them that in
clination to resistance is gone, or where the in
clination exists, the power is gone. We de- ,
sire no change in the form of our government,
however desirable a change in its administration
may be. Our confidence in the capacity of the
people to administer it, is undiminished. - Unlike
Thaddeus Stevens and the class leaders of the
Radicals, we are for the Union as it was—for the
Constitution in substance as it is, True, it may
be necessary to insist upon new guaranties for
its provisions just as in the English Revolution
now guaranties were insisted upon for the pro
visions of the Magna Charts, and just as at the
time of the adoption of our own Constitution,
now guaranties were demanded which were after
wards incorporated in it; but gentlemen, no
Trouldent, no legislative body, even the people
themselves, except in the manner pointed out
by the fundamental laws, can effect any change.
And this for a wise purpose—aside from the great
danger of precedent and the moral support they
give to rulers who wish to do wrong—there lipid
be no stability in any government if its funda
mental principle could be set aside at the will of
the executive, and law, inflexible law—the com
mon sense of mankind—the reason of ages, the
sheet. anchor of public and private security, in
life and property—the shield of the nation—
would become no rule at all, and instead thereof
would be subitituted the whims, the caprices
anti prejudices and passions of weak men ON the
iron scepter of the strong band. Behold the
pyramid of error to be erected on the ruins of
your Government. Your Constitution set aside—
the Administration more men—and your gov
ernment, consisting of statute and-written laws,
one and the samo—abjeot silence, without the
right of criticising or condemning the structure.
Are the Amerioan people prepared for such a
state of things as the doctrines now openly ad
vocated tend to ? If they are, then are they In
deed fit to be elaves,—then can we well despair
of free government, for never had men so fair
an opportunity of testing its practioability as we.
• The great means for putting into operation and
effect suoh doctrines is coercion, the great pana
cea for all the ills that-the body politic is now
suffering. And hero is another of the political
heresies of the day, that coercion, physical force
alone, can preserve the integrity of the Union.
Every government has the right to protect itself ;
every government, and none more so than ours,
is clothed with the necessary powers to do so—
but in the conduct of a war for the maintenance
of a government, if that be in sincerity its ob
ject, regard should always be bad to the peculiar
nature of that government. All American citi
zens are sufficiently well acquainted with our
history to know that ours is a government of
mutual consent, formed on a principle of bear
and forbear ; in a word, of oompromise. The
debates of the convention show this. If the
spirit of hatred, disregard for the prejudices,
traditions, education and social habits of the
people, had raged so furiously at the time of the
formation of the. Constitution as now, it would
never have been formed. Do the American
people wish to see that Constitution supreme
again? Then lot them again show the same
spirit which gave it birth. It;is not by cannon
balls and bayonets alone that we can hope for
peace—they may slaughter men, but they.will
never °rattiest° from the mindsuf men the feel
ing, however groundless it may be, that they
have been wronged—never can they restore
that fraternal spirit of love and national concord,
which is the only permanent hope and support
of the Constitution. The hovr for the renewal
of that kindly spirit is fast approaching. Our
bravo soldiers, for more than two pare under the
most disadvantageous circumstances, through
many reverses, have borne our good old flag up
bravely ; victory seems at last to have perched
upon our banner—the fortresses of the rebellion
on the Mississippi have succumbed; their army
has been driven from our State, and--the Queen
city of the rebellion totters to its fall. We have
but one army to contend against. Promptitude,
energy and vigor on our part may -break the
Power of the army of Virginia;: then will tes
the auspicious moment for magnanimity, for
statesmanship ; with the advantages of war Cu
one side, a little generosity, an issuinnots placed
beyond the power of any man "or'zion 'to bra*,
may restore to ue peace, peace with Union,
Unita with liberty and law-; and then our peo
ple, chastened by the sufferings they, have borne,
walking in the primitive hOnesty of our fathers,
might again lay the foundation 'of the nation's
property, broad" and deep—rooover the prowl
position We have beet as a nation and live on for
ages yet tooome an enduring monument of the
Capacity of man for self-government.
Should, however, the hearts of those that are
in authority, like tkai of the Egyptitalting 6f
old, , groir. hard—with patience mlforhearenee.
we have one.. means in reserve by, which .the
nation call be redeemed—the ballokbox and en
lightened voters ; the longest nightintistezid; -:
Sad, sad indeed is the thought that our public)
servants are acting at variance with the wishes
of the people, but bard as iris we must bide our
time—our hour will come—the opportunity is
approaching when you and 1., and all of
great work and stand side by
u s
rapidly
can
de wi t el t ionb nobl et e States
of Indiana
New Jersey and New-York in the great' Illinois,
work of
political redemption. The eyes of all now turn
to the Dom:mettle party, neither Abolition nor
Beoesplon, not responsible for the reverses, the
It In here that