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FRIDAY, AUGUST '7, 1803
THANKSGIVING DM.
ITS OBSERVANCE IN PHILADELPHIA
Yesterday having been set apart by the President
of the Untied States as a day of general thank
giving to Almighty God for the resent victories
achieved by the army and navy of the Union, the
lresponse was as near universal as c-mid well be ex.-
"'meted in a great metropolis like Phllacielphit. The
churches, as a general thing, were open, and to-day
-we present a picture of the rellgl us and patriotic
Zeal that animates the bosoms of. a very large por
tion of the community of the great and loyal city of
'Philadelphia. Business was suspended generallV.
The time would'have passed for a peaceful , labbith
Indeed, but for the jingle of the hells and the noise
of the passenger-ears passing along, our streets.
As in the churches, so in' the various camps
• in and about and around otkir City, devotional
exercises were not forgotten among the brave men
who form a part of the invincible array of the Union.
It was a day of thanksgiving that-will not soon be
forgotten. It Was the embodiment of one vast uni
versal response from the people to their rod—the
Catholic and the Protestant alike joininkwith their
own accord'in prayer and praise to the Almighty
Ruler who doeth all things well . The broken war
clouds have permitted a- ray of glory to 'shine in
• upon the nation, but the final rainbow of peace
may not yet have spanned the storm. The bril
liant achievements of the Union anus, under the
providence of God, are' sufficient, indeed, to
awaken a world of thanks to the great Being
from whom all - blessings flow. The Lean of the true
patriot pulsates with rapture, as each succeeding vic
tory of our army adds another jewel to the crown of
:the nation's glory. The weather yesterday, though
-warm, yet was tempered with a breeze from -the
. southwest in which the glorious old flag waved ma
jestically, the hope of the patriot, the admiration of
the world. We - have endeavored to present today a
pleasing picture of the religious world. it has beauty
and attraction enough for a little attention- on the
part of that class who seldom see the interior of a
building dedicated to the worship of the Almighty
Ruler of men and nations..
Services at the Central Presbyterian
The religious services' arranged for the day at the
Central Presbyterian Church (Rev. Dr. CI ai Ice's), at
Eighth and Cherry streets, were of a deeply solemn
and highly interesting character. The lower part of
the church was well tilled. The pulpit, which was
occupied by the - R'etre. Dr. Musgrave and Matthew
Newkirk, Jr., was gracefully draped in the colors of
the Union, whilst a large flag also fell in festoons
from the gallery occupied- by the choir. The ser
vices of the morning were opened•by the latter sing
ing, in effective style, "The Star. Spangled Banner,"
at the close of which Mr. Newkirk read the Peedi
dent's proclamation setting the day apart for the
purposes to which it was being devoted. Mr. N.
also read the beautiful passage of Scripture com
mencing "The Lord is my light and my salvation,"
which he followed with an appropriate prayer.
The 124th psalm was next suns, commencing:
• "Had not the God of truth and love,
When
,hosts against us rose,
Displayed His vengeance from a'sove,
And crushed the conquering foes."
ADDRESS BY TOE REV:G. W. MUSGRAVE, D. D., L.L. D.
An address was next delivered by the Rev. Dr.
Muograve, a distinguished divine of the Presbyterian
Church, and for many years a resident of the South.
He opened by saying that he rejoiced over the causes
which they bad, collectively, for thanksgiving' aced
praise on this occasion. But, with their respected
and beloved chief Magistrate, it was meet for there
to ascribe all our success to God This could he
done, said the speaker, without in the least detract
ing from the valor, bravery, and heroism of the
noble men through whom these successes have been
achieved. He also spoke approvingly of the tender
terms in which the President. in hie proclamation.,
referred to the wounded and the sufferiug.
God was said to be jealous of his honor, and this
revealed truth - had been most emnheticelly Blue
/rated during the last two years. The defeats and
reverses, and sorrows to which we lied best-sub
jected had been--consequent upon our abominable
man-worship,-.our trusting in an arm of fteale. God
bad set aside one military chieftain after another
in order to pluck from the hearts of the people this
erroneous feeling. This had been most signally ex
hibited within .a few days after the latest change of
military commanders. Then a popular end well
known chieftain • had been suddenly removed, and
one had been placed in hie stead who, previous to
that, was almost unknown outside of his own corps.
Speaking of the effects of our recent victories, he
• dwelt eloquently upon our successes on the liaise's
eippiewhich had literally cut the so-called Southern
Confederacy in twain, and made it totter to its base.
'Nor was the victory gained upon the sail of our own
State of less importance. By it our glorious old
State had been freed ..from the polluting tread of
`traitors. But we were-not merely to estimate our
successes from these local victories. Vie ought to
look at them in all their ulterior bearings. It was a
grand mistake to suppose that this rebellion
had not been a long-premeditated act on the
part of the South, No - ; .the germ of this rebel
lion was found in the heresy of State rights,
and the design of Southern politiciana might
be read in the part taken by their statesmen in pre
cipitating a war with Mexico ; their course touch
ing the conquest of Cabe, and, more than all, in
their course with reference to their accursed "insti
tution." Their cherished but infamous designs of
- years had at length found a pretext in the election
of a Republican President. Then they thought
' their time had come. And they would have suc
ceeded in their designs, said the speaker, had it not
' been for the loyalty of the free States, and the bless
ing& of Almighty God. He knew, personally, that
these designs had 'long been entertained at the
South. He had witnessed it in their insidious
efforts to rend in twain the Church of God.
'He had had occasion officially to visit South
Carolina in Me, and he had there heard their
chiefest ecclesiastical lights • openly claim that the
time.had come whentlie Church of the South ought
to have its own literatUre and gubernetorial organi
zations. And all this was attributable to their na
tional god—Homan Slavery. It was meet, therefore,
to give thanes to God that this usurping power was
receiving its death blows. The recent proclamation
of their so•oelied President, conscripting the whale
population, was significant. Peace was destratile,
but not peace on any terms. He had come to the con
clusion, be might say with some degree of reluctance
and shame,. that, unless the accursed tree of
- slavery was plucked up by the - roots, we never
could have a permanent peace. He had been
long in coming to this conclusion—the conclu
sion that slavery and freedom could no more coexist
in harmony thanaould light and darkness. He had
lived in a slave State during twenty-ftve years of
his ministerial life, and he had been deliberately led
to the convictions' ere expressed. He had never
been a political partisan, and had hated the " fa
natical abolitionists" as cordially as it was possible
'for a man to doe hut the days of the ‘. institution. "
were numbered by the manifest decree of God, and
it was madness to fight against His will. Pharaoh
lead been plagued sevenfold; and every time that
monarch cried for relief, - the answer came
- from God, 1 d Let my people go !" God
at length miraculously delivered his people
and, destroyed their pursuers. Almost, literally, a
first-born was to-day lying in every household
throughout this land. God had undoubtedly tole
rated this evil of slavery as long as was compatible
with the existence of the nation. Politicians had
• been unfaithful in solving this great question, and
now God had taken the matter in His own hands.
7.f elavery.was allowed to continue, its ultimate re
sult must be a war of races, the moat fiendish and•
exterminating of all wars. God had new opened the
door for its removal, and God would never give us a
final vietory until thie trust was fulfilled.
The address of Dr. Musgrave was eloquent and
forcible, and lea conclusion was one of the most
. aearching and withering.rebukes to the secret traitors
amongst us, that we have ever heard.
At the close of this address, the congregation united
in singing another psalm, after which there was an
ADDRESS Rl' MEV. MR. NEWKIRK
In accordance with previous announcement, an
address was then delivered by the Rev. Matthew
Newkirk, Jr. After a few appropriate introductory
remarks, the spr alter commenced a succinct enume
ration or the reasons which presented themselves to
day to invite thanksgiving and praise. Among
these were named our former reverses, our recent
victories in the Southwest, the consequent opening
Of the Mississippi river / 'the victory of Gettysburg,
and the fact that this day had been set apart for such
a Christian purpose. the more so as it had been sanc
tioned and approved by the Commander.in. Chief of
- the Army of 'he Potomac, We should be thankful,
too, for the valor and intrepidity of our soldiers. The
166th Regiment of our own State, he said, had gone
into that conflict with five hundred men ; now but
fifty of. their number reported for duty. He then
proceeded to narrate, at considerable length, a nun-t
-iter of scenes that come under his own personal ob.
•nervation while at the Gettysburg hospitals in the
interest of the (Ihristian Commission, some of which
were exceedingly touching.
The meeting. upon the whole, was one of the moat
'interesting of the clay.
Address, of Rev. R. L. I.oxinsberry
'UNION CTORIEF,-IVEAL GAD 888 BOR THAN RS
otrlwG TO GOD
St. Jude's Church (Episcopal), on Franklin street,
-above Brown, was well filled yesterday, on the or
.casion of an address by the Rev. E. L. Louneberry.
After devotional exercises, the reverend gentleman
4selected as his text the following :
Purim, 118th: 18th, 7th, and 281 h,
The Mord bath chastened me sore, but he bath
mot given me over unto death."
"The Lord tabeth my part with them that help
me ; therefore shall I see my desire upon them that
- hate me."
"Ohl give thanks unto the Lord, for he in good;
zfor his mercy end moth forever."
The speaker, heving tread the above, said ; We
enter these hallowed courts of the Lord to-day, my
brethren, fora purpose most unusual in our experi
ence. We are sum moned here by our highest civil
authority, to offer unto Almighty. God, the Supreme
<Governor of the world, the meet tribute of our grati
tude and praise for the victories with which He has
vecently crowned our arms on the bloody Held of
battle. Those victories were purchased at a fearful
cost. They are forever intimately associated in the
homes of our people with anguish and bereave
snent. In ten thousand hript.y families joy has
been changed info mourning; the keen mug of the
telegraphic announcement has deepened into the
hopeless agony of a lots that no time can repair.
"Hearts that trembled with apprehension now throb
with real anguish • and to multitudes the mention
of Gettysburg, and Vicksburg, and Port Hudson for
many years will bring up only visions of terrible
struggle and sad bereavement. Our foes, too, were
Jour brethren, worthy of a better cause. The gain to us
Se aloes to them. Our victory is their defeat. The
issue that brings joy to us sends pain and sorrow
to them. They purchase their loss, as we do our
gain, by the blood of their eons and their brothers.
Shall we rejoice, then, in our triumph I Shall we
praise and bless God for successes which bring with
:them so much of present anguish and of lasting
sorrow I Shall we be glad when so many are sad!
,Shall we put on, as a people, the tokens of joy
'while our homes are eo many of them being draped
in mourning I There is something that seems
almost incongruous in the thought! It looks like
making light of the calamities which God has vent—
exulting over our fallen foe—triumphing in their
defeat, and making merry over their disalters.
There is eomething in every manly and generous na
ture that rebels sgainst this. The true soldier has
too much respect for his foe to add to the pain of
his defeat by any unnecessary exhibition of joy at
his humiliation. But the true ,Ohristian's scruples
Me deeper than this. Ought he to rejoice in sue
acme that are wrought out thus, amid the carnage
And death of the bloody field of battlel Is it right
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VOL. 7.---NO. 6.
May be honestly rejoice in the triumph of our arms,
when won atsuch a cost and in such a cauact
This is the question, my brethren, which wells up
in our hearte as ette gather here to-day. And it in
volves the very life of our gratitude. It is a very
solemn service, brethren, thus to gather as a oeoole
into the temple of a pure and holy God, and offer up
to Ulm the deep homage of our National ['hank,.
giving for victories achieved in so dire and terrible
a conflict; for, look : to thank God for them is to
make Him the author ofe them. It is to make
Him our ally against our enemies. It is to
aseume that He -wills our sucoess—tnat His Divine
sympathies are with our cause. And on any other ,
supposition our thanksgiving is hut a pretence, and
a mockery. And we have no business here today,
in the house of God, unless we can honestly do en.
To thank God for victory in the cause of injustice
and wrong, is a crime againat Deity itself, To tnattk
Him, for successes simply on the score of personal
advantage to ourselves, without regard to the inhe
rent rights of those whose military pewter we are
seeking to crush, and with no reference to the bear
ing of the contest upon the great principles of the
Divine government, and the true development and
abiding welfare of the human nee, would be a pro
clematton either of besotted ignorance, or of su
preme hypocrisy.
No, btethrem. there is no avoiding this issue,
at the very threshold of this day's -work. Our
honest participation' in this Thanksgiving ser
vice-in a direct, personal, emphatic condemna
tion of- this stupendous rebellion, its origin, its
:-purpose;send its abettors. - Victory to us is ruin to
'them. To thank God for giving succeas to our arms
is-to rojoibe in their defeat, and praise God for their
overthroW. This is the very least that 'Our thanks
giving can mean, and Ave can honestly bear no part
in it if such is not our attitude in relation to theswar
itself anti-the parties at strife. There is no ground
for neutrality here, whatever there may be else
where. The notes that go up today from (Molest
hearts will be but jarring discords in the sublime
-harmony of the nation's grateful praise. God grant
they may be few.
Still, beloved, we may shrink from this language
of exultation—this solemn song, of gratitude—from
other causes than any want of sympathy with our
Government or the cause we are seeking, by the
stern arbitrament of the sword, to maintain. To a
sensitive conscience, to a generous nature, there is
something harsh and stern, almost unchristian and -
cruel in thus assuming God's favor toward our
cause in this terrible and bloody conflict between ua
and those who but yesterday were our friend's
and fellow-citizens, in thus rejoicing and praising
God for that which, just in proportion as it brings
gladness to us, must bear anguish and ruin to them.
But, brethren, this -is one of the stern necessities of
war. War is always cruel and barbarous. It has
no affinity with the gentle e loving spirit bf the Gos
pel. Its moralities are but the compelled defences of
self-interest. One party must always be in the
wrong ; both may be. God may, for His .own wise
purposes, permit the wrong to triumph for awhile ;
but in the end His favor will rest only upon the
right.
I know of nothing,
then, which will help us more
to enter heartily and honestly into the solemn 'ser
vices of this day, and .make our anthem of praise an
acceptable oaring unto God, than to contemplate
for a few moments the real answer to the question I
have asked.' Is it right for a Christian people to re
joice over such victories as those which have re
cently been purchased to our cause at so fearful a
sacrifice of human life? Is it right for us thus pub.
licly to proclaim our exultant and grateful joy?
Ought we to thank God for them? And if so, why?
I believe the answer mybrothren, will give not only
a larger measure anti a purer character to our grail.
tude, but an intenner e elow to our patriotism, and a
loftier purpose to our loyalty. It will give us, if I
'Dietetic not, a juster conception of the real nature
of the contest we are waging, and of the sublime
issues which are to be wrought out in its progress.
If such are the fruits of the day, it cannot but prove
acceptable to God—a blessing to our people. Why,
then, is it right that we should rejoice in these victo
ries, and thus publicly praise God for them? I an
swer, Ist. Because they but illustrate and confirm
our faith in the assertion that this terrible war, with
all its barbarous, cruelties, its bloody carnage, and
its fiendiahliate, is designed less for our destruction
than for our national regeneration. They enable
the nation to take up the language of the Psalmist in
our text : "The Lord hath chastened me sore ; but
he bath not given me over unto death." This has
been my confidence from the first. We shall be made
to glorify God in the tires. The flames may kindle
yet more and more upon us, but we shall not
be consumed in them. They are designed to purify,
not to destroy. He has not given over the nation
unto death. Individuals may perish, but nations do
not die in the flames. They die rather of too much
prosperity, of stagnation, of inherent corruption.
Our real danger lay in that direction. This devour
ing flame, this sharp sword that has pierced the very
heart of the nation, has wrought a change in public
sentiment, in the very pulsations of the national life
that carries us back almost to the age of miracles. It
was a dire desease, one that pervaded our entire
social and political life. Itscalled for a stern remedy.
Nothing else could effect a cure. Patching and com
promise would have but stayed back the rising
waters for a brief season. Our success in the first
conflicts of the battle-field, I firmly believe now,
would have proved our ruin. We needed the stern
discipline of defeat. But the right cannot always be
pushed to the wall. God reigns in the interests ofjun
tice and oftiumanity; and in the end Ms ways will be
vindicated, And in these recent and signal successes,
which, after no many, anti, to us, such unaccountable
reverses, He has at length granted to our arme, we
gather a blessed token of the ultimate triumph of
our cause, and of the reinvigoration of our national
ilfe anti sway. And for this we give thanks to God. '
Though "Ile hath chastened us sore, He bath not
given us over unto death." But
2. We ought to thank God for these victoriesebe
cause we really owe them to His favorable interpo
eition in our behalf. "The race is not to the swift,
nor the battle to the strong." It in as easy for God
to conquer by Gideon's little band of 300 men, as by
the mighty hosts of Titus and Vespssian. But I
mean far more than that—l mean just what the I
Psalmist meant, in the second verse of our text—
" The Lord taketh my part with them that help
me ;" and from out of that fact is the hope—the assu
rance of our triumph.
Brethren, we have all been blaming the Govern
ment for accomplishing so little ; the wonder is rather
that it has accomplished so much !—that it has not
long since gone down before the fierce on
plaught of its open enemies, the base intrigues
of its secret foes, and the cowardly support
of selfish and traitorous friends. We have had to
contend not merely with a Confederate army in the
field, open and avowed in their hostile purpose, but
with a far more dangerous and crafty foe in our
midst—equally hostile, equally Confederate, more to
be dreaded, more to be scorned and condemned; and
also with another Confederate foe in Europe,
scarcely less despicable and perfidious than the vile
harpies who are preying upon the life-blood of their
country, and fattening upon its disasters. Were
our own people here at home united, earnest, honest
in their 'support of the Government in this desperate
struggle for its life, and were the neutrality of Eu
rope something more than a sham, the power of the
Confederacy would be broken and the reign of peace
restored in less than six months from now. Its real
strength is here at the North and in Europe. Stript
of their support and aid, it would speedily fail to
pieces of itself.
And, brethren, when we speak of victories which
our armies have achieved. we must remember
against whom the real conflict has been waned,
and how subtle and secret have been the foes
with whom we have had to contend. If in
any instance we have succeeded in vanquishing our
foes, or foiling their schemes, while their spies fill
the land and carry on their nefarious work in the
councils of the nation and in the very tents of our
generals, it is only because "God taketh our part
with them that help us." He it is that giveth us
the victory. It is meet, surely, that we praise Him
for it. But I must pass on more briefly.
3. It is right for us to rejoice in the triumph of our—
cause, because it is the triumph of good government
and equal rights over a tyranny as cruel and-re
monseless as ever disgraced the annals of the world.
Ve are but fighting over again, on a broader arena
and with more of youthful vigor, the battles of the
old world during the last hundred years. It is the
old question of a class against the 'MSS: an effort to
build up -here, on this virgin soil, a social system—a
political power in which the few shall be elevated
at the expense of the many; where property shall
be forever dominant, and labor hopelessly degraded.
It is an, attempt to put back the hour-hand
upon the dial-plate of centuries, and blot out the
fruits of science and the tokens of human pro
gress. We may well rejoice at every token of
failure in such a wicked design. 4. It is the triumph
of human liberty over slavery ; of human progress
and elevation over a hopeless and terrible degrada
tion.- My brother, I know not how it may be with
you, but for myself, when I look over all the sad his
tory of African slavery ; when I remember all the
climes it has perpetrated; when I witness its influ
ence upon the owner, upon the slave, upon every
vital interest of the land, I am filled with gratitude
to God for the wonders He has wrought, for every
token of the coming day - when - this evil great shall be
banished from the lend. 0. Because it is the cause of
t. 7.lth, of justice, of right. 0, who does not feel that it
is a special cause of gratitude to God that, if there
were lemons for us to learn which the sword only
could teach us i He has permitted us to unsheath it
in a just and holy cause. "Thrice armed is he who
hath his quarrel just." But we stand on far higher
ventage ground than that! The sacrifices we make
are not made on the side of wrong. The cause is
worthy of them all. We war with loyalty against
treason ; with constitutional liberty against a cruel
and despotic tyranny; with freedom against op
prenion and wrong. And, for one. I hold it a
most blessed privilege—one that calls for my de
youtest thanksgiving to;God—hatt if I must directly
or indirectly be involved in the maintenace of a
sanguinary conflict with my fellow-men, I may be
permitted to give all my sympathies and all my
zeal to the cause of my country, my conscience and
my God—to strike no blow but on the side of loyal
ty. of integrity, of liberty, and of humanity. It
takes away somewhat of the pain of defeat to feel
we battle for the right. It adds new value to the
new triumphs which, byriod's help, we have won ;
because it is the way to peace, and the only way.
This war can never be terminated but by the com
plete overthrow of one or the other parties in the
conflict. A permanent, abiding honorable peace
oan flow only from the triumph the Union arms.
Each of them victories for which we lift up our song
of gratitude to-day is a step, a substantial step, in
that direction. Union victories are the best, and I
sees in all honesty, the only real promoters of peace.
Shall we not then thank God for them? Will any
true lover of peace—any real patriot or mere phi
lanthropist—fail, hesitate to do col
We are in the habit of saying and feeling that our
system of Government, our free institutions, are on
trial, &c. In one sense it is so. But in a higher
and truer, we are on trial ourselves. These dire
commotions, and especially the deep corruptions
and bate plottings here among ourselves, are
putting our free institutions to a severer test
than they,haye ever known before. But the real
question at issue is, not "whether our institutions
ere worthy of- us, but whether we are worthy of
them?" We are ourselves in the crucible, to see
whether there is intelligence and virtue enough to
cave the nation from anarchy and ruin; whether
our patience, unselfishness, and integrity of charac
ter are sufficient to stand the shock. So far as this
generation is concerned, the providence of God has
given us a represerrtative character. We are battling
not for our own heritage alone, but for the right of
self-government, for liberty, for mankind. We are
being weighed in the balances. Shall we be found
equal to the emergency ?
I ask, then, brethren, have we not cause for
thanksgiving? For myself, I hail this call to grati
tude and praise as an omen of good. It places the
glory of our triumphs where it belongs!, It puts the
nation in the attitude of dependence upon the help
of God. It stirs and trains the - religious, sentiment
of the people. Be it ours, then; brethren, to trust
God, and go forward patiently ; cheerfully to the
end ; ready for any sacrifice—undismayed by any
disasters. "The Lord is on our side—of whom
shall we be afraid ?"
Address of Rev. J. 11. Alday, Pastor of the
Kensington hI. E. Church.
This eloquent and patriotic speaker commenced
by saying that his audience. by their presence, de
clared that they were aware of the nature and cha
racter of the occasion ; that they were assembled
this day in accordance with the proclamation of the
President, to offer up sacrifice of supplication and
thanksgiving fOr the signal deliverance of our
country from the .rebel hordes of traitors who
have lately polluted our soil ; that he would'
read the proclamation of the President, in full,
from the sacred desk; that he did not con
eider it inappropriate to do so; that it was "not
on account of its being a national document, but
because of the spirit of piety and Christianity, of
humble reliance on God as well as the acknowledg
ment to God for His goodness, which it contained.
After reading it he made the following remarks :
It cannot be - surpassed in being so humble in
spirit. On' account of my sympathy therewith, I
/MOT travelled 012ity miles to-day : and expect to
travel sixty more this evening. This is pretty warm
treie ing a day like thia. I got up at twenty minutes
aficr tour this moreing, and expect to leave again at
four this evening. I oid this in order to have the
privilege, for such I esteem it, of kneeling down
with you in player, and returning thauks to Al
mighty God for his interference in our behalf.
The Fourth of July is an ever-memorable day, but
in time to come it will be ushered in with increased
lustre, because, on that day, was deyeloped the fact
that Gee not only assisted us in obtaining our lade-
Ondence. in 1776, but eighty-seven years after, on
July 4th, 1863, maintained the same, and this inde
perience will remain uninterrupted and unharmed
by any foe at home or abroad ; that what God has
given to our forefathers andlchildren, lie will still
maintain while we keep in the way of truth and the
paths of I ighteolionese.
I do not think that any people for the past two
years could have been engaged in a more diabolical
war than this war of. the South. History in
forms us of two wars in which there was a greater
loss of lite, but we have not yet passed through this
one. Never was there a battle, of such magnitude
in which such great interests were at stake. Never
in this history was there such a war, when
we take into consideration that the two contending
forces are of lcith and kin born to the manor. We
come to the conclusion that it it the greatest war
which the world has ever witnessed. God has during
the past month interested himself in our behalf.
Some think that it is wrong for Christians to engage
in war, or er:mut ace it in any manner. If it were a war
for conquest, I would think so too, but as it is, I
think that we do not repudiate the golden rule,
ye unto others as ye wouldthey should do unto you,"
nor do we throw at'deflance the example of our. Ex
ampler when engaged in this terrible war. We are
not out of our line of duty. We can do our-duty
when we present a dashing front against the citadel
of treason, We lift up our voices for law and order,
and union and the supremacy of the Govern.'
n.ent. And we think that all would entertain
the same sentiments if they were only willing to
face the music, to examine the subject thoroughly
and put politics on the shelf, and look at the
matter in the light of truth. There is one eledient
of discord in this- country—one source whence flow
the dark, turbid streams of treasonable agitation.
This must be stopped. When it is removed, then
there will be national peace and prosperity. There
was a time, not long ago, when views the most con
servative swayed my mind, both with regard to
Church and State; but the time- has come when
there is only one view to be taken of the matter.
The time has come when we must either be 'for or
against the Govninment. There is no middle
Cround: We must crush out treason ; we must take
ite implements of destruction out of his hand.
God has come to our aid, and intends to do this, as
the laet month's victories hake shown. It was be
cause the North was in the right that God so signal
ly interfered in our behalf and blessed our, arms.
Some timid persons will say, "don't shout yet
awhile, the war is not over, we do not knoW wheth
er God intends these victories to be harbingers of
the downfall of rebellion or not ;" but we beg
leave to differ with them. We think that he that
tuns may read the handwriting of God's providence
on the walls of our national temple. Treason must
fall ; the Rebellion shall be crushed and the Union
preserved. - Thie war is not carried on, as some fella.
°lonely assert, on account of . aggrandizement. It it
only carried on by the North to preserve itself and give
to the-Southerner-the same protection as a North
erner enjoys. God has put it into the heart of the
North to subdue the South for their good and bless
ing. While God is at work for us, far be it from us
to throw any block in the way of the wheels of his
chariot.
`While we have great oczasion for praise, we also
have cause for humiliation. What a humiliating
spectacle do we present to other nations! Near
ly half of our national temple is in ruins
—the work of blind folly and mad ambition—
the result of that diabolical spirit, either rule
or ruin. The people of the North are not
in fault. The people of the South have done it, and
rendered it necessary for us to remove from. the
foundation of our national temple the rook of Op
pression, and put in its place the stone of Liberty.
The nation has awoke to its duty. God has come
forth and helped us. This temple shall arise from
its ruins fairer in beauty and firmer in strength than
it ever was before, while over it the flag of the free
will wave with undiminished lustre and beauty.
There was a time when you would not listen to such
teachings as these, and some even yet refuse the
light; but I pray God will burst the light so irre
sistibly on their hearts that it will be as impossible
for them to resist it as to IOOk at the sun at midday.
I want to impress these views upon your mind. I
wish you to have this thought indelibly impressed
on your mind, that it is necessary for the salvation '
of this country that the Union should be uncondi
tionally restored, that no concessions should be
made to treason. If we do make any concessions
another generation will give us another rebellion,
the consequence of which will be that our country
will be cut up into a great number of petty republics,
always jarring and contending with each other.
Out great duty now Is to lay partisan pplitics on
the shelf until they become so covered with dust
that it will be impossible to recognize them, and ad
diesa ourselves to the great task of saving the
Union. I would have you to be Union from head to
foot, Union outside and inside. Don't talk about
"ifs" and "buts ;" leave them alone. God will take
care of them ; but you take care that, while you do
not lean enough on the Government, you do notlean
a little the other way. I want these things
pressed on your minds. I would have you realize
the importance of them as necessary to the salvation
of the Union as you do the importance of grace to
the salvation of the soul, and more especially now
since God has so manifestly interposed in our behalf,
for which we have great reason to be thankful. I.
now see the grasp of treason which has been around
the throat of the nation relaxed and its hands
palsied. I pray God that its heart also may be still,
and that, through the sword of the Government
penetrating its vitals, it may at last cease to exist.
I love thisland. Although not to the manor born,
I am an American. America is my home, my adopted
mother; she has nourished and cherished me, and
made me what I am. I. therefore, raise my hand in
her defence, and am willing to give all "I am- and
have for her preservation. Shame on him who does
not think the same! In the name of God, set up
your banner and keep it floating until treason shall
have hidoen its dishonored head in the dust.
Although God has crowned our efforts with suc
cess, yet a feeling of sadness comes over our hearts
when we think of the many who at present are
mourning the loss of loved ones, who are even de
nied, the privilege of burying. the dead who have
fallen in the defence of their country. I heartily
sympathize with such, but I must say, that if had
a dozen sons I would let them all be sacrificed - for
the preservation of the nation, but not if it were a
war of conquest. I sympathize also with those who
not are able to give the bonus for exemption from
iniii'sry sel vice ; butil would say to them, remember
1 the glorious cause in which you are engaged ; resolve
to do the beatyou can, and our prayers shall go up to
the Throne of Grace for you that you may be pre
served in the fiery °ideal through which you may be
called to pass, and be permitted to come back With
your brows 'garlanded with the laurels of victory,
and having the supreme satisfaction of having aided
this great and glorious cause.
Now, in conclusion, I would likelo give an addi
tional turn to the key that winds up the machine of
patriotic feelings and emotions that will keep you
inflexible in your purpose of crushing out this ac
cursed rebellion. Keep your eye fixed on the future,
trusting in God, and lie will crown your efforts with
success. If possible, be more uncompromising in
your 'efforts for the restoration of this Union. De
termine you will stand by the Government. Do not
say that you will not stand by the Administration.
It is all a farce to say there is a Government with
out an Administration. If you don't support the
Administration, you don't support tihe Government.
The powers that be are ordained of God; they are
cot the work of chance any more than the motes
which float in the sunbeams. Some say they float
there by chance. I don't believe it Our duty, then,
at the present time, is to throw aside all minor con
siderations, arid, trusting in God, sustain the Ad
ministration, and we will then sustain the Govern
ment, and God will at last givens the victory.
Address ofYaev. Dr. Furness.
At the Unitarian church, corner of Sixteenth and
Locust streets, an intelligent congregation listened
to this eminent gentleman.
We meet today (he said) with peculiar and proper
alacrity, to give that united expression of thankful-
pees which is so deeply felt by all thoughtful men,
which is at this moment, more than any other, the
enthral and general feeling of the nation. This
thanksgiving is no mere formality. We have rea
eons for the happiest gratitude. And, first, we have
to thank God for that large liberty which we still"
owne to which, in the course of Nature, we are born,
and which is ours by inheritance.
Only lately, since the rebellion broke out, did we
become truly aware of the great'social and moral
advantages enjoyed by the free North. Hitherto, it
was, on all occasions, our habit to glorify our free
Government, but we bad yet,to know that profound
and discriminating sense of_ its true moral mission
and widespread and permanent beneficence. To the
precious privileges of free institutions we had not
been altogether blind ; but of their *choicest moral
mere of the part which they took in creating the
nation, only the present unexampled experience has
made unaware. The,moral influence of institutions
is not, erdinarily, a positive and outward manifesto,.
tion. Rarely do we know of what spirit we are ,
formed. Great occasions and critical hours deve
loped what these institutions had made us. A hid
den, oppressive, engrossing evil had taken rule of
our liberal charter, and converted it into a means of
tyranny. However exalted in theory, our Oonstitu
tion had merely served the purposes of oppression.
We had the forms of liberty without the life. For
fifty years administered to a political crime, at war
with every principle of personal freedom, our free
institutions still remain as they were given to us by.
our fathers. What higher evidence of their .ineste
mable value, their lasting strength, their eternal
truth ! The wonder ire not so much the South has
beet its love for free institutions, but that, under an
evil so demoralizing, insidious, and controlling as
that of Southern slavery, the North did not lose its
freedom. The fact proves the value of our political
system ; ours, it seems, by little merit of our .own,
but by. its own essential, good and the providence of
God. On the shadow and shame of wrong, the war
broke like a revelation upon the growing millions
of the North. Unconsciously the r people became
one. Silently, insensibly, the spirit of injustice,
opposed to the social freedom of the North, had
been creating a grand national Union. With one
sentiment the people rose to the attitude of defence.
A puissant nation was discovered. We thank God
that the hearts of the people haves grown together
in this day of trial and reform. The respect of mu
tual rights has become the natural life and nature,
and, so far as the civil order is concernedethere has
been created an unprecedented degree of social har
mony. We are shaking a sound public conimience,
a permanent sense 'ofjustice in the hearts of the
people. The love of freedom is the genius of the
place as of the people. This genius it was which
re fused to longer protect the monstrous right of
property in man, and which, taken offguard, against
odds fierce and fearful, has .asserted so grand a tri
umph. The victory of the North is not the victory
of individually great men. The war has produced
no one overmastering genius. The cause, the Go•
vernmeet, the war are the people's. No
great men, but 'a great people, great . through
the general sense of eqeal rights, of suffering,
fortitude and patience, will have saved the repuelie.
We have at the heed of the nation, a man of immo•
veble singleness of purpose; in the State and on the
field, men, faithful, brave, sacrificing, heroic, but no
extraordinary genius. To the long suffering and in.
eoruitable ' courage of the people is the victory clue.
The wearying delays. disaster and hardships of an
unprecedented struggle, the people have accepted
with sublime patience, sublime faith in their free
cause and free government, and steadily pursued
their purpose unto victory. Without hate, with only
a supreme love of their country, we have beheld men,
day after day, marching cheerfully and bravely into
the battle, persisting in their holy cause in the face
of hate and of defeat. Such a feeling of noble devo
tice has made our army, an evangelist, our women
one sisterhood of mercy, and which does ,not know
the suffering rebel from the Union soldier, and saved
us from the vindictiveness of civil warfare. The
same spirit has opened to the African race a road to
regeneration ; a place to fight or die for the common
liberties. No chapel or shrine was ever decked with
such votive offerings as the deeds, the sacrifices and
prayers of our countless heroes, offered to the
shrine of our national freedom now hallowed and
haunted by the noble spirits which have perished in
its defence.
Thus, free institutions, mistrusted by those who
did not see as we have seen, and regarded as an ex
periment, have stood the greatest of all tests. As
God works in the springtime, as, he works at all
times, He has silently inspired oler people with a
strength that should defend them in the hour of
trial. The devil works against the grain of the uni
verse, but be cannot ellaguiee himself, and makes an
uproar. We forget that our God is working more
busily. .He makes no dust, no noise, and we do not
discern. But the result is sure, and is now more
than foreahadewed. We have had a trial proportion
ate to the greatness of our cause and people. What
menarchy of the world could have endured this
Wail What overex tot than the araft i the tont
PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, AUGUST 7, 1863.1
soirpuleory act of Government, could he applied
to a seltgoverning people? What more than
the acquiescoce in this severe neceenttif could
show the capacity of the nation for free govern
ment and intelligent self-rule? We are' told,
it is true, that the unity of the North is not absolute.
It would he suspicious if it were. It would , boa
WOneer if the virus of slavery with which the peo
ple of the South are drugged had left no taint iirthe•
North. There tire men who can still find no Dee for
the war except that it may insure the power of sits
very at the sacrifice of freedom—men with minds or
iovrrted that the; have lost the judgment between ,
right amt wrong, and to whom (nay, Jackson, FILM ,
Webster would appeal in vain. But the main cur
rent is r mining in the right direction, and freedom it
growing mesa naturalized and ingrained in the
Northern character. Our cause owes none of its
strer gib to foreign. aid. We had once looked for
moral sympathy from England. Connections of edu
cation, language. Mucked, had bound us together, as'
no two independent nations were ever bound before.
We had es:pewee? something from her avowed friend
ship for liberal government. Her great anti-slavery
prolusions, her sympathy, her incessant thunders
across the Atlantic in scorn of alliance with deal
ers in human lifsh, would have been more to us than
wholefieets of her piratical iron-clads. But England
does not find it inconsistent with her honor to Redd
the pirate from her ports, where the vessels of Arne
rica were sent laden with charity for her starving
poor. We can bear all this with perfect composure - .
We have against us what we have always against.
us—the monarchies and aristocracies, which are by
nature hostile to free institutions; but we have still
with us our own true cause, the spirit of fearless
freedom in the people, and the prayers of all lovers
of manliind and of freedom throughout the world-
It is now the principle of peace, as well as that of
liberty, which is at war with the spirit of war and
of despotism throughout the world. It is the essen
tial ammeter of vice that it creates the love of
power, the- monopoly of right, the ambition to be
despotic, the disposition to quarrel.
While slavery ruled, our Government Wafs
sive ; but the nature of our true republic is just and
peaceful.- We could not live with those who did not
respect the rights of all men. and therefore did not
respect our own. The Powers of Europe that have
given to the South their moral aid, do not realize
that, in so doing, they are only bringing into Christ
endom- a new fomenter of discord. But the stuns
war-generating vices exist In all the Old World.
The republic, therefore, standi opposed to the uni
versal spirit of despotism. It is not the slave em
pire, but the republic which is hated. Let us there
fore he true; united, firm—single to our cause. The
Mexicans have fallen—it is their natural doom. Lst
us be true to ourselves and the future—the coining
of.that new and greater dawn of civil and moral
freedom.
Dear friends,
notwithstanding our many sorrows,
that we miss beloved ones. and that the trial is se.
were and long. God .is doing great things for us. In
the sacred work wherein our brothers are suffering,
we must aid with heart and hand g the sacrifice
roust be soothed and sustained. Let us so labor and
endure to the end, that it shall not be in vain that
this great.price of blood is poured out.
Address of the James Caughey
The Salem M . . E. Church, in Lombard street, be
low Broad, was well filled yesterday, to listen to a
sermon from the Rev. James Caughey. The devo
tional exercises were of a very appropriate charac
ter. hlr. Caughey, upon rising, made a few prelimi
nary remarks in reference to his anticipated depar
ture from this country. He said that he had received
a letter from a brother requesting him to preach
from a certain Psalm, but had already selected his
own text. The sermon delivered, although full of
interest and touching in its points, was not up to the
unit standard of discourses from this staunch old
patriot. The sermon was one suited more for an
ordinary occasion than for a day of national thanks
giving and prayer. As it was, however, the speaker
commanded profound attention, and, at times, his
hearers were moved to tears. The text selected
was the eleventh verse of the 16th Psalm : "Thou
wilt chew me the path of life: in Thy presence is
fulness of joy; at Thy right hand there are plea•
cures for evermore."
The speaker commenced by saying that it was
generally allowed that this text is predicting of the
words our Saviour would use during his sojourn
among men. Our blessed Saviour says, A.t thy right
hand are pleasures' forever. * He had just come down
from heaven, and no one knew better than he. The
language of the text was one of confidence. It is a
grand thing to feel that our cause is right, and he
had no doubt that this had nerved the heart of many
a soldier of our army. Confidence, he always main
taint' was deeper then love: Let us but feel that
our eau seis right. and we will always have confidence.
He proposed to notice, first, that there was a portal
thrown over his text that led to its pleasure grounds.
The first words were " Thou wilt chew." That little
word "chew" refers to man's free 'teen cy. God will not
force any man to be religious ; man is his own free
agent. God, when he spoke to man, said he should
have his own way and not be forced. The word chew
also refers to human accountability. We are human
beings accountable to our maker. It also means-Di
vine economy—that shows man abetter way. The
same that before the first gun was fired on Sumpter,
the rebels were shown a way by which they could re
turn to the Union. It Is God's Divine economy to
show all men a better way. It is an awful thing
when we consider that some men are Secessionists
against the country and to the will of God.- Fie
was for union in 'the United States and union in
Heaven. No secession in the United States, and no
secession in Heaven, .
There is a second word in the text, thou " wilt"
show rne the path of life. Every unconverted sinner
in the presence of Teams may say that "God wilt.
show you the path." Everything has a beginning,
and this path has also. A path is a way that leads
from amain road. It was with regret that he no-'
ticed that men were joining the Christian Church,
merely that they might be more fully trusted in the
business world. This object alone - induced many
to join the Protestant Church of England,. Ire
land, Scotland, and even in this country. Our
churches were being loaded down with half
converted members. We should not take con
viction for conversion. See to it that you .go
through the narrow gate of regeneration, for .Tesus
says you must - he born again. Take care, on the
highway to 'Heaven, that you don't turn off in any
path. Why is Philadelphia swarming with seces
sionists against .Godl Because they took the
wrong path. He hoped that they would all be care
ful to lake the right chariot, and ride triumphant
into the city of God.
The path of life is one of Divine pintectlon, of ac
tivity. God so ordained it, that in the path of life
there is joy. Our paths are all different and very
peculiar, and no matter where we are, there is joy,
and God cares for us. It matters not where wenre,
where we die, - whether on water --or land—it is just
as easy to go-to Heaven.
The speaker next went on to describe the innume
rable joys and pleasures that will he met with in
heaven, and described in an ftffecting and touching
manner the meefing with Jesus and his Apostles:
Be hoped to meet and see all these in heaven, but
before he would accept of his golden crown he would
first desire to see Jesus, that he might look upon
Him; this was his constant prayer. He hoped to meet
all his friends there, and blessed be God that we may
all know each other. During the last twenty-five
years, thousands in the old and new world had been
converted under his care, and many of them had
gone to Jordan, and how happy and grateful he would
be to meet their smiling faces.
He had no doubt that all present denounced Se
cessionism ; that they were all thankful on this
day for the victories of our brave troops in the field;
but he wanted them to denounce Secession with
God, and at the same time return thanks to him for
his goodness and kindnels. In concluding he said
he was about to leave them for another clime ; he
coeld not tarry with them ; and he hoped that if he
never looked upon their happy faces again, he would
meet them all in Heaven.
Addre4s of the Rev. John F. Chaplain.
The Rev. John F. Chaplain delivered a very beau.
tiful address at the Wharton street Methodist
Church, on the subject of the Omnipotence of God.
After prayer, the congregation, most of which was
composed of ladies, sang a Psalm, commencingwith
the words:
"Lord, while for every man we pray."
The reverend gentleman then read, in an im
pressive style, the Proclamation of his Excellency
Abraham Lincoln, the President of the United
States, setting apart the 6th day of August as a
time for thanksgiving, prayer, and praise to the Al
mighty, for the signal victories recently achieved by
the army fighting for governmental law and order.
The text chosen was the 6th verse of the 19th chap
ter of the Book of Revelations to wit;
~ A nd I heard as it were the voice'of a great mul
titude, and as tbe voice of many waters, and .as the
voice of mighty thunderings, saying, Hallelujah', the
Lord God omnipotent reigneth.”
The reverend speaker, in. commencing hisC die
course, alluded to the fact that in response to the
call of the President of the 'United States, we had
assembled on the present occasion to mingle our
voices in prayer and praise, and give thanks to
God for the heart-thrilling victories which He has
given to the arms of the Union army. This thanks
giving is not merely for self, nor for men, nor for
chance or fate, but it is to the living God of uni
venial nature. It is not simply to thank the inven
tions 'of men. who are simply the instruments in the
hands of a higher power; we leave that subject to
seek another place than here. The long roll of the
gallant men who have nobly stood up for the Go
vein rn ent, or who have fallen as so many sacrifices
upon the altar of their country; all these men—civil,
military, and naval—with their deeds of heroism,
must he named in history.
In regard to this war, no Matter what some men
may say, it is waged for the Government, and Go
vernment is nothing more nor less than the enforce
ment of the law. The slaw was not made for the
righteous, but for the ungodly ; to restrain them in
their folly and wickedness. It is to restrain liars,
perjurers, robbers, murderers, incendiaries, and all
crime. The law must he enforced, at all hazards, or
the Government must crumble. There are some
men who dislike the minister of the Gospel to allude
to national sins; they say this is politics, and minis
ters should not meddle with it; but he, for one, .was
entirely willing to meet with such opposition, and
to thunder the truth in their ears as long as he had
the power of speech. The holiness of God cannot be
contaminated by evil men : if this were not the case,
then indeed it would have been contaminated long
ago, for the whole human family is a family of sin
ner e; we all fall short of his glory.
.The speaker now alluded at considerable length to
that class of men who do not believe in the compe
tency of God to rule all, the Godly and ungodly, and
that in such a cruel war as the rebellion is He has no
hand whatever. These men would dot off the earth'
as the stars in heaven, and would compel the Al
mighty to elbow his way through them, and to be
careful not to infringe on their own chosen territory.
This is the patch-work map drawn by such men.
„ This view is entertained by many men, and that
some professing Christians seem to entertain the
same sentiments is truly amazing; they set aside
all idea of Providential interference. It makes no
difference, however;.whatever some men contend
for, God claims universal sovereignty; it extends as
far es his Godhead goes; there is no limit to his
omnipresence. He reigns over all, the good and the
bed ; he reigns over devils, and they fearand tremble
at hie presence; he reigns over angels, and they re
joice—for all Heaven is a kingdom where loyalty
and peace sire supreme: -He rulea over those who
rule nations; therefore he is called the King of
Kings and the Lord of Loi.ds. This nation has but
one king; it is not king cotton, king corn, king
wheat, or king iron, but HE is the King of Kings.
The reverend speaker now introduced the thrilling
scenes of the past two years. The events that have
transpired have attracted the attention and amazed
-the world. In the earlier months of the rebellion
the nation stood distracted; on all hands, on every,
side, the institutions of our country seemed ready to
go from our grasp from inanition. The people were
paralyzed, and often did we hear it exclaimed, Have
I we a governmentl—an ejaculation re-echoed back in
the columns of the foreign press. Then our navy
was scattered over the waters of the earth; the Chief
of-the nation was compelled to disguise himself-to
reach the capital; he took the oath of office Sur
rounded by armed soldiers, and soldiers on house
tops. The fratricidal war then soon commenced; the
old flag on Sumpter was assailed; the President
called for seventy-flve thousand troops; the blood of
freemen of Massachusetts was shed in Baltimore by
the red hand of murderers: and traitors. Then we be
held the sublime rising ofthe patrio Beni of the people.
The North gave to the Government willingly an army
such. as was never seen before. Then came the Bull
Run panic, the Ball's Bluff outrage, the scene of
the Merrimac and the Monitor, the arrests of trai
tors, the sacrifices made by , traitor generals, the
spending of millionif of money, the sacrifice of bun
dles of thousands of lives, followed them by re.
mailable leniency to traitors who, under any other
government than ours, would promptly have met a
traitor's doom. Theo Hems, all laterapemed with
•
unparalleled oulrages on the part of rebel traitors
waging a war of oppression and high-handed wrong
and super-diabolical infamy. '
There are men who yet eny that 0-ed holt no hand
in this rebellion agatineth'd hest Government ih the
world. Ah ! God has been with the rebels aewitli
us. The miehty impress orhis finger can Weber'',
for He has given them up lathe delusion of the" , own
hearbldets ; he has given them up to the lie of sla
very; he has hardened therlibarfl,kin he did with Pha ,
raoh of old ; he has given them unto a scourge, the
fire and the sword, arid he has humbled them and us'
also, in cur intolerable disposition to rely in serf.
command ; he has given the; whole nation to drintk
deeply' f the cup of his wrath; lie has been with
Millions of our Southern brethren trt brine them to
a better state of mind. Already' die we - hear the
Voice of reason coming purifled from Ilassouri, Ken
tbohy, Louisiana, Tennessee, and North Carolina.
Ve bits achieved for us of the Nortli. what we could
act (to for ourselves. What we regarded as retreats
from the foe were victories for us. lib has smitten
us with his wrath until, at last, the whole nation
has began to appreciate the reality oft the cause of
the roller' ion, and now he will assist "miry removing
that cause, and restore us. in his own geed time ' .to
peace and happiness, such as was intetded by the.
framers of that document of the liberty of 1776,
which contains a sentiment of trui that can never
die. The rebellion. in a word, is a teatinglurnace,
.145t-iiwhich our institutions are thrust to bemreansed
their dross.
lifter a few more coneol atory remarks, theweaker
retired, with the words, "Let us sing Hallelujah,
the. Lord God omnipotent reigneth.t,
v.
Al lAddres s
heWes A ° f r
o t h h s e t r R e
e e t r Gr e s ' l7y r t
fr e t a M a ° C l h 'i u ° r n c
h a , the
pastor, Dr. Edwards, being absent, the exercises
were conducted by the Rev. George Horton. After
ay•propriate prayers and singing of praise he chose
for his text the 10th verse of the 103 d psalm. "He
bath not dealt with us after our eine, nor rewarded
us according to our iniouities." He remarked that
these words were appropriate to us as individuals,
and also as a nation. That the recent victories of
the national arms were afforded unto us by the good
nest and favor of Almighty God, and not on account
of any merit of worthiness of our own. And that
if the sword of the traitor had been turned back
from our free and happy Commonwealth, and our
beautiful city been saved from the fire, carnage, and
desolations of war, to God ought to be ascribed the
glory, thanksgiving, and praise. He saved us while
we are? unworthy in His sight, for our sins as a
nation are treat and numerous against Him.
The speaker said be intended to improve the occa
sion by alluding to a trio of our national sins, that
itarfight appear how that the Lord - had"note dealt
Witliticl according to our unworthinasi.
The first he specified was the latent atheists: fauna -
in our Constitution and laws—a disowning of God
and his authority. This atheism is embodied in the
common. maxim, "The • people are the ultimate
fountain of power and authority," which denies to
God the power and authority which He claims, and
irrejintly His due. He showed that God is the only
source of rightful authority among men, and that
civil government is His ordinance, and ought to be or
ganized and administered in subordination to the Di-
Vine: authority, and in accordance with His revealed
will. He showed, too that the nation had sinned,
not. only in disowning the Lord, hut also His
"anointed." It was quite manifest from many
symptoms, especially the second psalm, that the
Lord Jesus Christ is the rightful Sovereign of the
nations; "the Prince of the Kings of-the earth,"
and therefore that all nations, in their national ca
pacity, ought to acknowledge the authority of the
"Lord and His anointed " over them, making their
laws and executing them in subordination to the
same. And in this matter our -nation was very
guilty. In our Constitution and statutes the " Lord
and His anointed" are wholly ignored; no allusion
to them even in a single instance.
The next national sin mentioned is that of Mare
garding the law of God, as to the character of the
men selected for civil rulers. The law of God is ex
plicit in defining the charactsr of such as are to be
appoioted for rulers. It says they should be " Able
men, such as fear God ; men of truth, hating co•
vetousnees." And again, it says, "He that ruleth
over men must be just : ruling in the fear of God."
Thin is the law as laid down in the Old Testament,
and in the New it is not different. "He is the mi
nister of God to thee for good," and, hence, ought
to he's good man ; "just. and ruling in the fear of
God."' But this law of the Lord the people of the
land have utterly ignored, and acted as though there
were 110 such law in existence at all. And now the
inhabitants of the land are reaping the bitter fruits
of their own disobedience to God, in the terrible de
solations of the war in which we are involved; for
all are aware that Godless and unprincipled politi
cians and statesmen were chiefly instrumental in
planning and commencing it. And thus we are
taught that it is an evil and bitter thing,•in State af
fairs, to disregard the law of Almighty God.
The third national sin to which - the speaker re
ferred is slavery. Not that he believed the Aboli
'-tion doctrine that slavery is always sinful, under all
circumstances ; for he was fully persuaded that in
certain circumstances a man might have and hold
?Taves and he perfectly innocent in having them ; but
he considered the system of slavery, as it existed in
this land, as a great and crying sin, just on account
of the iniquity connected with the system as it is.
The moral . pollution and abominations connected
. with it are perfectly frightful—entirely unfit to be
enumerated in any public assembly. It is a system
which by its laws consigns millions and millions of
human beings, from age to age, to the same condi
tion •as the brutes of the field. Two of the slave
laws are enough to prove this. - The law knows no
such relation as husband and wife among the slaves.
The law allows them to cohabit together, but not as
husband and wife; and hence it views them as cat
tle, and in this respect places them In precisely the
~,same condition. Another law forbids the- slaves to
learn to read ; to teach them ,to read is a penal
ofience. And in respect, too, the law assigns to
them the same condition as the brutes; the brutes
cannot read, and the slaves are to he made like
them ; both on the same level, though the slaves are
huinan beings ! Now a system which consigns mil
lions and millions of human beings to the same con.
dition as the cattle of the field, must he a great and
flagrant system of iniquity in the sight of God. And
it is the nation's sin. The treasures of the nation
have./. been expended to sustain it, and the forces of
• the YAti.ol7l hare been called out to defend and to up
. •bolfl•it. And_ forThla great iniquity the nation is
bleeding at every pore, and its life-blood indanger
of being poured out by the visitations of a righteous
Of all these sins the nation ought to repent, to con
fess, and to reform: The great conflict of the n ations
is rapidly coming on ; calamities and overturning's,
and the only pizce of safety for this nation is under
the shadow, of.he Almighty. Let the nation ac
knowledge the Lord and His Anointed," and place
,itself under their almighty protection, and it shall
be safe in the midst ofthe storm ; for n blessed is that
people whose God is Jehovah ;" and they shall be
made a blessing to the other nations of the earth.
DM=
- 'At the Union Church, Fourth street, below Arch,
tb e Rev. Mr. Torrence, secretary of the Bible House, -
delivered a short address. After devotional exer
cises, the reverend gentleman said that he thanked
God, that He had put it into the heart of the Presi
dent of the United Stares to appoint a day of thanks
giving for the many victories that have been award- -
ed to our arms.- He thanked God for the manifesta
tions of His clemency and mercy towards us. He,
the speaker. had an opportunity to look over the'
reports of the agricultural returns for the last year,
and that he ascertained, instead of a decrease in the
productions of the country, there had been a decided
increase; for which the whole people should be
thankful to God. He felt thankful that God had
protected our army from the pestilence so common
to warfare, and would be glad, indeed, if the war
was over, and the Northern and Southern people
come forward once more, and, like Christians, re•
unite in brotherly love and affection. It was plea.
sing, as patriotic, to see parents give un their sons;
and sons to give up their home comforts, and go
forth to battle for their country, relying upon the
justice of the cause, and on that great Arbiter of na•
tions who has seen fit to clothe the arms of the
Union army with glorious victories.
In .conclusion, he desired any reverend brother
present to deliver an address. In response to this.
the Rev. R H. Patterson presented himself, and
made a few appropriate remarks :
Address of Rev. R. H. Patterson
a few preliminary remarks, the speaker said
that he did not intend to make an extended address,
but he felt it his duty to say something. He deemed
it the duty of every Christian to give thanks to
Almighty' God for His mercies to our land and na
tion. He said he felt thankful to the God who was
with Columbus, and guided him to the shores of
this land ; who was with our - forefathers in their
perilous voyage across the waters, to fortis a settle
ment, and who protected them while here. He felt
thankful to God,oho enabled our Revolutionary
fathers to contend successfully for the establish
.inerit of the great Republic of America, and who
has not Weaken us in this our hour of peril. Fathers
too eld to go had sent their sons. This was a plea
sing_ eight, but there is sublimity in the scene of
aged mothers urging their sons to take up arms in
the defence of their country's rights. He felt thank
ful, indeed, for the victory at Gettysbprg, at Vick's--
burg, at Port Hudson. He thanked God that though
traitors' arms had pulled down our good old flag,
and endeavored to bury the Goddess of Liberty,
that - lie had thwarted them in their plans„ and
nerved our arms to raise the flag of the nation still
higher than it was before.
After the singing of another hymn the congrega,
tion was dismissed with a benediction, in which
God was invoked to bless- the President of the
United States, - Congress and the soldiers, the brave
defenders of our country's freedom. • '
At the Cathedral
Thanksgiving Day was celebrated in all the Catho
lic Churches, in accordance with the recommenda
tion of Bishop Wood. As usual, no sermons were
preached, but mass was performed at various hours
of the morning.
In the afternoon the Cathedral was opened, and
there was 'a large attendande. - The object of the.
meeting:was principally to afford the Catholics an
opportunity to inspect the building.
At four o'clock Rt. Rev. Bishop. Wood came
forward anti, dressed in the - canonical robes,
spoke to the people at length, -detailing the pro
areas that had been made in the work. The
Bishop said that the Catholic Church is not
composed of four bare walls. The Catholic
ediBce must be something pure. It must be de
corated, and the decoration must be such as will
justify the claim which the church so juatly puts in
of being the patroness and mistress of the arts.
They must be such as to call to the. minds of the
people the mysteries of one holy religion. It would
be impossible to detail the various expenditure&
and improvements which have-been exhausted on
this Cathedral. He might, in the hope of convey
ing some idea of the magnitude of the undertaking,
state that, in the single matter of the dome itself,
four millions of bricks have been need. He might.
tell them "also that the plastering of the church cost
$16,000.
Prespmlng on the co-operation of the Catholics,
we thought it right to decorate the Church, and we
have placed above the altar "a representation of the
principal mystery of the Church, the Crucifixion.
We did it in a moat substantial manner, not by
placing the paint on the smooth wall, but by paint
ing the mortar to make the_picture permanent. We
introduced the painting above, which represents the
Holy Father and Holy Ghost. Thus we have the
Trinity. Then we introduced the four Evangelista;.
to crown it all, on the summit of the dome is
the picture of the Blessed Virgin in her ascension
into Heaven. These paintings.do great credit to the
distinguished ,artist that painted them. The worst
part of the story is, they are not paid for. [Laughter.]
And one of the objects I had in calling you together
was to have them paid for. In the transepts we in.
tend to place pictures of the Nativity and the Adora
-tion of the Magi. We intend, also, to have pictures
of the twelve Apostles, only four of which are now
complete. I shall go on with the work, knowing
that you will all do your part. I beg you not to
imagine that the church is finished, for that would be
a delusion.
The floor must yet be laid. This will be no email
work. The pavement must be one as enduring as
the we 15. We propose to have a marble floor. This
will cost about $lB,OOO. The debt of the Cathedral
is not paid, and that Is $70,000. It seems like a
large sum, but there have been four times that
amount already collected, and we can collect the
rest. The debt has not exceeded this amount for
five or six years. The work that has been done
since has all been paid for. I would like that there
wee even a greater assemblage of the people here.
Some may have been kept back by the heat, some by
the agitations of the day. I hope these agitations
will soon cease, and the happy day of peace soon
return. I would he glad if I could next assemble
you to singe grand 7'e Deum for there-establishment
of - an honorable peace and of all those relations of
friendship and kindness which formerly existed
amongst us as a united people.
Rev. M. F. Martin, of St. „Tamest Church, West
Philadelphia, next addressed the audience. He re
viewed the history of Catholicism ‘in Philadelphia.
Twenty-six churches already,erected, and one Cathe
dral,that will compare with any inthe United States.
Catholics are innumeable, and are Li:measly& iie
well rem'embered the meeting to erect a filth chdroh.
Be remmThered when Rev. Tohn Hughes, now the
bright stai'or America, was there appealing for the
erection of another church. We had then only one
orphan assitiimn, containing one hundred and thtrty.
girls. Now \7e have nallumns and Institutions on
all aides.
In 1855 and 1357 there were fears that Catholicity'
In Philadelphia would be swamped. The anise of
the diocese were inol 4 , flattering. A new Bishop came'
amongst us. Nily vigor was installed into our
Catholicity. We \ve re influenced, not so' much by
Protestantism as by Ynfldelity r and this reinvigora
tion was one of the r:mults of a growing infidelity.
Instead of beingniscoivraged now, at the hearing that
the debt of this churc3' is so large, the Catholics
should rejoice at the .vOhlity' of the Church. Cost
What it may, this buildinrmust gaup, and go up ao
cordingio the plane of the/Amory,
Very flay. Dr. d'Elssra alicernain 3n eddies's, and
the assembly dispersed.
Artliblatop Purcell on tPiel)ay of Thanks
giving;
In the Cincinnati aiVidic Mk/ImA Di published
the pettiotic order of the archhibhOp of the diocese
for the celebration of the national" Thanksgiving
Day:
The observance of thanksgiving Um - audio( days
of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, - recommended
by the President of the United States 'and 'She Gs- .
vernor of Chia, was left by the eceicelastibaieutho
rity of this diocese, in former years, Ad the' well
known public spirit end piety of our reverend clergy,
and their respective congregations. Events,' hew
ever, of recent occurrence, seem to require tliatTrlte
sixth day of the present month should be'observed
with special devotion by all our people: We trust,
therefore, that our churches will be thrown Open,
and solemn religious services be performed, to - thank
the Lord of Hoots that victory after victory has
been sranted to the justice of our cause and the valor'
and patience of our armies ; that the devastating:
ravages of war have been repelled from our beloved-
State ; tbatthe obstructions to the free navigation
of the glorious rivers which fertilize our territory,.
and bear on their bosoms our rich commerce to tile.
ocean, have been removed ; and that the resistance
to the laws, and the wicked and disgraceful riots ,
Which have elsewhere occurred, have found ariOng
us but few accomplices.
In raising our hearts and voices to God in grati
tude for these blessings, we protest against the un
just imputation that We rejoice at the evils which "
have overwhelmed' brethren,' who, by their own
counsels and acts, became enemies. It is not, Hea
ven a thousand times forbid, for 'the shedding of.
their blood - , the capture of an' hundred thousand of
their soldiers, the storming of their strongholds,
Tne Elenont Lion ur ne plantations ,
and the crushing of their industry, that we
but that rebellion has been suppressed, treason-dis
comfited, and suicidal overtures to' foreign Powers
disappointed and baffled. It le for these results we
lift our eyes and hands to Heaven. And we pray in
his words who - was epee the honored chief of our
hierarchy, the kinsman of one so long known
as the last surviving signer of the Declaration
of Independence, the friend of Franklin, and his
colleague in the mission from our Government
to the Canadian people, that (this bad war once
happily conclv.ded) we may be restored to, and
'for evermore "preserved in, union ;" and that
safe at once from foreign foe and domestic treason,
we may continue to realize that glorious destiny
which was so bountifully shared with the oppressed
and the down-trodden of Europe, and which exhi
bited our Constitution and laws as the wisest and
best ever framed by man for his welfare and happi
ness in this temporal state.
And we add to this prayerthe expression nist of a
hope, but of a conviction, that the people of the
United States and the Government at Washington
will not impose hard conditions on the State, or
States of the South.that may desire to return to the
Union, but welcome them back with the magnani
mity of a great Christian nation, forgiving and for
given the past, in the joy of a present and everlast
ing reunion.
By order of the Most Rev. Archbishop,
C. H. BORGESS, Secretary-
IP.. TT It 0 F .
The American Question—The Fitting out
of Confederate War Ships.
In the House of Commons, on July 18, Mr. Cob
den, rising to call attention to a memorial signed by
some of the most respectable shipowners of Liver
pool, respecting the evasion of our foreign enlist
ment law, said that the Government professed its
ability to detect and punish the breaches of the law
committed by British subjects, in building and send
log to sea vesseleof-war to be employed against a
friendly Power.
It being claimed by Mr. Laird that the American
Secretars of. War had once authorized the fitting out
of vessels in English ports for the North, Mr. Cob
den said he held in his hand the copy of a letter,
which was of importance in the interest of peace as
well as the interest of truth. It was a cony of a let
teifrom the Secretary of the Navy at Washington
to his (Mr. Cobden's) friend, Mr. Sumner, and be
gan, "You invite my attention to a statementmade
by Mr. Laird.”
Reverting to the memorial he had presented, be
would assert that we were bound by motives of self
interest to put down these proceedings. The English
Government had never made a complaint to. Ame
rica which was notimmediately attended to, and the
grievance, if any, redressed; and this was the case,
not only during the disturbances in Canada, but
also during the war with Russia. The fact was
that public opinion in the United States was in fa
vor of maintaining this neutrality code. The claim
of the Americana for indemnity for the seizures
by 'the, Confederate vessels built in England was
under international, and not under municipal law;
and it was no answer to them to say that the law
under which our Government acted was a munici
pal law. The fact was that the gentleman who
built these ships were, for their own small gains,
placing this country in a situation of great danger
and embarrassment. He trusted that the Govern
ment would exercise the utmost vigilance in pre
venting these armed. vessels from leaving our
shores. He thought that the arguments both of
the, noble Earl (Russell) and the Solicitor General
contained a fallacy, because they confounded two
things—the evidence necessary to detain, and that
which was necessary to convict these vessels. A
custom-house officer ought to have been placed on
board to prevent the eseane of the Alabama, which
got away under pretence of taking a party of ladies
and gentlemen on a pic-nic. It would be sufb.'nent
if one clause were added to the customs' consolida
tion act, enacting thatbefore:a vessel of war left one,
of our ports for a foreign country, the builder or
owner should prove for what foreign country she
was intended. To interfere with the quarrels of
great States could only lead to mischief, and if we
now interfere in America, either by means of fitting
out vessels of war or by premature recognition, we
should only produce the same results as followed our
intervention in the affairs of France, which lead to
the extension of the reign of terror all over Germany.
He did not expect to live to see two independent
nations within the United States. A great deal had
been paid in that House on a contrary assumption;
but whatever the issue of this dreadful war might
be, let this country keep clear of it. He desired no
thing more than that we should be silent and sorrow
ful until this great war is over. [Hear.]
RP:MARKS OP LORD PALMERSTON,
Lord Palmerston said: Sir, I have listened with
great attention to the speech of my honorable friend,
the member from Rochdale; but it appears to me
that he and her Majesty's Government, and I think
the country at large, start in the consideration of
the matter to which he has directed the attention of
the House, from different points of departure. We
look- upon the two parties who are now in arms
against each other in'America as each of them bel
ligerents, and therefore alike entitled, as far as our
neutral position is concerned, to all the privileges
and rights which appertain to belligerents. Now
it seems to me that that which is running in the
head of the honorable gentleman, and which guides
and directs the whole of his reasoning, is the feeling,
although perhaps disguised to himself, that the
Union is still in legal existence, that there are not in
America two belligerent parties, but a legitimate Go
vernment and a rebellion against that Government.
Now, that places the two parties in a very differ
ent position from that• in which,it; is our duty to
consider them. Now, what is the duty of a neutral
in regard to two belligerents, and what are the
rights of neutrals? The American.-Government
have laid down the position for themselves, because
they have declared a neutral is at liberty to furnish
a belligerent with anything that the belligerent may
chooseto buy—whether it be ships, arms, ante:mai•
tion, or anything else, no restriction, is imposed on
a neutral in furnishing a belligerent even with those
things which are material ingredients in the con
duct of military operations. Therefore, on no inter
national law hae the Federal Government any right
whatever to complain of thia or any other country
that may supply a party in arms against the Union.
isle with anything they may choose to buy. I can
not in the abstract concur with my honorable friend
in thinking that there is any distinction in princi
ple between muskets, gunpowder, bullets, and can
non on the one aide, and shlpson the other. [Hear.]
These are things by which war is'- carried on, and
you are equally assisting belligerent's by supplying
them with muskets, cannon, and ammunition, as you
are by furnishing them:with ships that are to ope
rate in the war. .
What has been the practice of the United States
Government themaelves? The honorable member
for Birkenhead has alluded to the case of a ship
built in the United States when we were at war
with Russia. We complained, and -the ship was
examined and declared by the local authorities to
be free from any ground for molestation. Never
theless; there was the best reason for believing
that the ship was destined for the RUssian Go
vernment, and for naval operations in the East
ern seas, where the Russian Government most
wanted such assistance. We had reason to be
lieve that other ships were then buildihg in Ame
rica for the same purpose, and would have been
used if the war had continued. Therefore, I hold
tbat, on the mere ground Of international law, bel
ligerents have no right to coinplain if merchants—
Ido not say the Government, for that would be,
interference—as a mercantile transaction, supply
one of the belligerents, not only with arms and
cannon, but also with ships destined for warlike
purposes. But then in our case there comes in, no
doubt, the municipal law. The American Govern
ment have a distinct right to expect that a neutral
. will enforce its municipal law, it be in their fa
vor. Then comes the question Whether the Go•
vernment have done that which a Government is ena
bled to do, and ought to do ; and I contend that we
have. My honorable friend says that we ought to
have prevented ships from being built which were
evidently destined for war. But it was very well
said by the honorable member for Birkenhead , that
you cannot draw a distinction between ships • that
may evidently be built for warlike- purposes, and
those that may be eventually altered to warlike pur
poses. He has mentioned what everybody knows,
that when we come to consider our means of naval
defence we found a great number of mercantile
steamers in our ports, which might, in a short time,
and at a small expense, be converted into ships
. of war, and made-available for the defence of the
country. Take what has• happened. One of the
ships employed in the service of the Confederates,
'to prey, on the commerce of the. Unionists, was
the Nashville. Now, what was the Nashville?
Suppose she had been built in this country, what
possibility had we under the Foreign Enlistment
.Act of preventing her from leaving this country? I
went on board the Nashville in Southamptoa Docks.
She was a steamer very much like those that go up
and down the Thames, with a- glass room built on
deck, and furnished below with a great number of
berths for passengers. But they put guns on board,
and, being able to steam with great rapidity, the
Nashville could easily capture and destroy any mer
chantman. In the same way a ship might be built
in this country capable, of being converted into a
shire of war, but with respect to which, while build
ing, it would be perfectly impossible to prove, by
any legal construction, that she was intended for
a ship-of-war, and,. therefore, liable to be inter
fered with. The learned gentleman complain
ed that the Government have not exercised the
vigilance incumbent on them In such a matter,
and that they> have relied entirely on receiving
information from the minister of the United States ;
but that is not the fact. The Home Office have em
ployed all the means that could with propriety be
used, and in some cases complaints have been made
that they have employed more stringept means than
they ought to do. We are not in the habit, in this
country, of employing that system of spies which is
resorted to in other countries ,• still, the Government
have thought it their duty to employ people openly
and legitimately to obtain information. With regard
to the Alabama, an explanation has been given by
the honorable member for Birkenhead. With regard
to the Alexandra, the attention of the Government
having been called to the construction of the vessel,
steps were taken to stop and seize her. The trial
came off, but the judgment of the court was against
the Government, the court deciding that, under the
foreign enlistment act, the Government had no
right to stop her. Exceptions have been put in to
that ruling, but I am afraid the question cannot be
decided until next November. I really think there
le hp grotuul eA 1011th CitUd' kkoiaonktie gent/elm
THREE CENTS.
or the Federal Government can found a complal'et
that her .Pdsjesty's Government have not done a:l
that the musicipal law entitles them to do in regard .
,to the fitting out of ships in this country. There is
a lurther diffienlty. I will suppose a ship built of
such, a oharacler that we might safely say it was
built for warlike purposes. Toen you most prove
who it is intendeS for. The' honorable gentleman
assumes that pare may be in combioation to
evade. the law, Mil' in that case nothing can be
easier than to show that a ship'is not intended for
the particular State fca which she is supposed to be
built. The honorable gentlenfroa suggests that We
ought to amend the 'Foreign 'enlistment act, and
add the word building,'! as well. as " armed and
equipped." But that goes - beyond the ships of war.
Voti put an end to a branch of trade—the building
of ships of commerce for foreign States. tHear.)
Youwouldfaus go beyond Mat evezt the honorable.
gentleman contemplates. I saY nothSng' about the'
question of altering your law to cult the con
venience of nuy foreign Government, or at any
particular moment. We underlhok a clnange in the'
laW some years ago, not in deference to any
demanded from a foreign Government, but because'
we *might, as gentlemen and Men' of 'inner, the
Government and Parliament of this country-were
bound to - do what've propoeed—to protect ap allied
Sovereign' from thepersonal danger a. which NeYfila
exposed fronrconspirators in this co try. We did
it spontaneously, but' no such princioes applies to
this case, stir - to' puMue the course tne'honoratile
gentleman recommends would be fettering our own
legitimate industry and commerce, and I do not
think the Hcinse would' agree to , such a eliange. I
think that wezught tvendeavorto enforce our law
as far as we cob; and Oat wherever we learn that
there are ships 'bang hitilepresutn . i.biy for a bellige
rent, between which'and other belligerents we pro
fessrto be neutral; we' oil fit to enforce curlew as
far as courts of justice eriable us. That will - he the
course pursued bytlie Government. As regard's one
of the iron-clads I;.s'isbich' my honorable friend has'
referred, I am informed' the the French coinul
claims it for the EMficerbrofthe Trench. [Hr. Cob- -
den shook his head.l < How that is I cannot say..
LETTER nixozr'Slitire'rnWer wun,Lus.
The following lettzr was prevented, on a point at
form, from being read ib.te Mr. Gbtrden iB the Houes
of Cominons yesterday
NATTTNZPARTMENT.
Nri.Sn'llitMOlT, May 1863.
DBAS. SIR: You inviternkattentlon to the speech
hlr. John Laird delivered in thmEhitisb House of
Commons on the 27th Want, in - which he represents
that the Secretary of the Navy rnadam apolieutton to
hire. through an agent or agents; to-build vessels for
the Government of the United Statea. Mr. Laird
remarks :
"Now, I will go .a step fiirther about the rtoriu-__
Ffie arf P in in T eLMMTIi ;71k tnin -- ; s fa ' r ' gan ' ice r s;r:
—was over here, and came to zee me with a view of
getting vessels built in this country fbrthe Ameri
can Government—the Northern , Government. Its
agent i in this country made ingutiles;" &c.
It in not improbable that Mr. Ilaird and his friends
may have interchanged views on the subjeotof build
ing vessels for the United States atetrprivateinoney
making transaction ; but it is not - true‘thst any ap
plication to build a vessel for this-Government was
ever made to that gentleman, directly or indirectly,
try inyeelf or by any agent of the Navy Department.
No person or persons have been employed by me as
agents, or been authorized by the Navy Depart
ment, or by the American Government, to make
application to Mr. Laird, or the firm of which.he is
a member, or to any other person or firm abroad. to
build a vessel or vessels for the Government of the
United States, or for the navy of the United States.
I remember applications were made to me at the
beginning of the rebellion, by persons professing to
be the agents of English or foreign firms,. to procure
vessels to be built for this Government ; and I have
an indistinct remembrance that this department was
importuned by more than one person in behalf of the
Messrs. Laird ; and very probably they, like others,
presented plans and solicited our views; but I pur
sued a uniform and undeviating policy.in regard to
each and all of these applications, declining in every
instance any proposition to build, or procure to be
built. vessels for our navy abroad.
When, therefore, Mr. Laird stated or intimated in
the Hauge of Commons that any agent otthe Secre
tary of the American Navy, or of the :Tail , Depart.
went, approached him with " a view of getting-ves
sels built in this country (Great Brittany for the
American Government," he stated what was, not
true. I have never, at any time, had such purpose
in view, and, consequently, I have never authorized
any person to act as my agent, or ais the agent of
the Nary Department, or of the American Govern
ment. to procure vessels to be built without the
limit's of the United States.
I am, very respectfully,
GIDEON WELLES,
Secretary of the Navy
The Hon. CHARLES SUMNER.
EIi6LAED .AND THE CONFEDERATE STATES.
Riclunond correspondence of the Londo
In my last letter in which I detailed the circum
stances accompanying the revocation of the exequa
tur of Mr. Moore, her Majesty's consul at Rich
mond, I mentioned that henceforward it is the de
termination of the President and the Confederate
Government that no communication shall be per
mitted between British consuls resident in the Con
federacy and Lord Lyons, the minister accredited
by the British Government to Washington, the seat
of Government of the Confederacy's bitter enemy.
The accompanying despatch from Mr. l3ehraratri to
Mr. Mason will explain the' motives of this action
on the part of the Confederate Government. It is
possible that this step may be severely censured in
England, but it is doubtful whether, after twenty
six months of patient endurance. Mr. Davis is not
justified in demanding that British consuls residing
in the Confederacy shall communicate only with
the Home Government. and no longer with the min
ister accredited to an alien enemy.
In consonance with this policy, Mr. Cridland, who
lately succeeded Mr. Magee as acting British con
sul at Mobile, and exhibited an authority from Lord
Lyons as his title to act at Mobile, has been forbid
den by the Confederate Government so to act. and
has been requested, " in order to avoid misconstruc
tion," to select at this moment some place as his re
sidence other than the State of Alabama. It is ob
viously the design of the Confederate Government
that Great Britain shall henceforward have no fresh
consuls in the Confederate States who derive their
authority from Washington, and are forbidden, ex
cept, as it were, under protest, to show respect or
courtesy to the de facto authorities of Richmond.
England must make up her mind to forego many of
her donsular functionaries in Secessia, or to derive
for her future consuls here power to act from the
only authority which exercises sway in Secessia—in
other words. from President Davis.
The inconvenience to which British subjects in
Richmond might, in the absence of Mr. Moore, who
started for Washington 'two days ago, be exposed,
will be mitigated through the agency of Mr. Gus
tavus Myers, a gentleman of high character and
standing in this city, universally esteemed in the
Government departments, who has consented to act
as adviser to British subjects, and to stand to them
in something of the relation of an amicus
There is little reason to doubt that in all cases where
British subjects possess legitimate claims to exemp
tion Mr. Myers will be enabled to see them righted.
The greatest disposition has hitherto been shown by
the War Department here, since Mr. Moore's exe
quatur was revoked, to act honorably and uprightly
in its dealings with foreigners.
TILE RUSSIAN REPLY TO FRANCE
The despatch of Prince Gortschakoff is in marry
respects a counterpart of that which was transmit
ted to England, an abatract of which we have al
ready published. There are, however. two or three
paragraphs intended especially for France. They
are of a very stringent character, and have, it is
said, caused great offence to the French Emperor.
After expressing the satisfaction which the Em
peror - Alexander feels at the friendly spirit expressed
in the French note, Prince Gortechakoff goes on to
point to Pasts as the centre and source of the revce
lutionary movements which have taken place in
Poland. Re writes:
"We should further call the attention of the Go
vernment of the Emperor Napoleon to the fact that
one of the principal hot-beds of this agitation is in
Paris itself. The Polish emigration, taking advan
tage of ite social relations, has organized a vast
conspiracy there, destined on one hand to mislead
public opinion in France by a system of defamation
and calumnies without example ; on the other hand
to maintain disorders in the kingdom, whether by
the terror of a secret committee, or, above all, by
spreading the conviction of an activeintervention
from outside in favor of the most mad inspons
of the insurrection. This influence is at esent
the source of an agitation which without it would
have been extinguished by the action of the law
before the indifference or the repulsion of the peo
ple. It is there, therefore, that the moral cause
must be sought which tends to prolong the. pain
ful state of things, to which, like ourselves, the
French Government desires a prompt ces
sation in the name of peace and humanity. We like
to believe that it will not allow the abuse of itename
in favor of the revolution in Poland and Europe.
These considerations, BT. le Baron, determine the
character of the invitation which we have addressed
to the Cabinet of the Tuileries ; they equally define
the object and reach of the exchange of ideas to which
we have invited It. As soon as the order of a coun
try is seriously troubled, the neighboring states - do
not remain indifterent ; the other Powers, without
doubt, interest themselves in the matter for the sake
of the general security. But a positive .right in re
gard to this can only be based upon the stipulations
of existing treaties. This is a reason why we should
exclude, even from an amicable exchange of opi
nions, all allusion to parts of the Russian empire to
which no particular stipulation of any international
act applies."
The despatch then refers to the position of Poland,
and, while breathing a desire that the difficulty shall
be terminated, points out that the Russian Govern
ment has anticipatedmost of the suggestions of the
French Government. Then follows an important
qualification—the piece de .resistance, in fact, of the
whole despatch :
"I ought, nevertheless, to observe (says Prince
Gortschakoff ) that experience has amply demon
etrated how illusory it would be to reckon on the
efficiency of these combinations to eftect the moral
pacification before material order and respect of au
thority shall have been re-established. t As long as
the actual disorders shall last, as long, especially, as
the hope of foreign intervention shall exist, which
is the strongest moving power of-the insurrection,
this situation will invariably result, on the one
hand, in hindering the application of all the mea
sures taken by the Imperial. Government, and, on
the other hand, to cause their rejection bythe Polish
insurgents, even were all the scope indicated by the
Foreign Ministeref France given to them."
The despatch goes on to discuss the two proposi
tions for an armistice and a conference of the eight
Powers who signed the-treaty of Vienna. The first
is holden to be impracticable:
"We believe that the French Government would
have as much difficulty as ourselves in deriaing the
character, the scope, and the mode of execution of
any negotiation having for its object le military status
quo, which evidently cannot exist between a,Go
vernment legally constituted, supported by a regu
lar army, and a secret committee formed on the
terrorism produced by crimes, and served by bands
of rebels dispersed in the. forests. Between such
elements there is but one transaction which iseo in
patible with the requirements of order, the dignity of
the Emperor, and the feelinge.of the Russian nation
and army—that is, the submission of the insurgents.
When that shall have taken place, our august master
will consult the inspirations of his clemency without
other limit than that of hisatrict duty as EL sovereign.
As to the second combination, that of a conference,
we do not contest to the Powers who signed the gene
ral act of Vienna of the 27th May, (ath June,) 1815,
the right of interpreting, according to their own con
viction, the terms of the transaction in which they
took part."
Prince Gortschakoff acids that the question at isaue
between the Russian Emperor and his,Pialish sub
jects is one of internal administration merely, and
therefore not within the scope of an European con
fei cone. The Emperor, however, is quite willing to
discuss it with the two Powers interested in the
'pacification of Poland—Austria and Prussia. Then
follows a reiteration of the wish that France and
the other Powers would join with Russia in exer
cising a moral influence, in order to. disconcert the
plots of the party which aspireeto.the overthrow of
the European continent. .
(Prom the London Pest, July 23.)
This state of-public feeling in France, with respect
to the Russian reply, ha's. certainly tindergone no
pacific change. The dissatisfaction which the nature
of that reply oecasioned,. and especially the strong
feeling awakened by ttlr reflection which it cast upon
the Parisians as the chief alders and abettors of the
Polish insurrection , _so far from subsiding after
mature time for reflection, have grown into a warlike
spirit which now, to a greater or lesadegree, ra said to
animate the whole of the French people. And this
sentiment is fostered by the tone of some of the
Paris journals ' which representthe Russian reply as
a defiance of the French power, and contend that a
war with the Northern autocracy would he .abort and
promptly decisive. The Paris correspondent of the
Globe makes the following trite observations, which,
appeariag ia as dicial orpa, Will iiot i)9 without
'IRE WAR PRMSS.
(runisnEn WEEKLY.)
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Three conies " ...... SOO
rive copies " •• 800
Ten " " Ili Olt
Larger Clubs than TOn *III be charged at the seat
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The money vatlet atteavo accompany the order. egged
Os no instances can these terms be deotated from. cco
they enrorce eery fifty more than tke coat of the paper
tea- Postmasters are reormeted to act as Agents for
Tux WAX Pass&
Say- To the setter-no of the CIO of t6a or twenty, as
sacra copy of lb. Payer will be given.
their weight : "The Emperor may safely allow the
Russian reply to produce its natural effect upon pub•
lic opinion, and when the moment for action comes
he may give the war signal amid universal acclima
tion." A letter from the French capital represents
the excitement which prevails among the public as
oothing when compared to that which exists among
i n Uttar's , men, who are said to be surprised at not
h e .,,ving yet received marching orders, and indulge in
nmc t speculation as to when and where the cam
pejen fs to open. The Polish committee in Paris,
i n the face of the Russian declaration. that the in-.
surreal ion was the work of foreign revolutionary
agents, has. it is said. proposed that Prince Adam
Czertors *alfishould be immediately proclaimed King
of Poland. It is asserted that the French GoVern,
merit has decided unon the terms of its reply to
Prince o n , Ischakoff'sr despatch. The reply was
sent to Lone 'on and Vienna yesterday.
Maria Oorrepp, Nild.n re London Nests, July
No wo n d er /. hat the Government hesitated to pub-
Mb the Russia; t reply in the Afariiteur I It has now
apOvared (the ex ample of publicity which was set in
London yesterdm 7 being irresistible),,and everybody
is of opinion that the text is infinitely, worse' than
the worst of the an alyees which were circulated by
anticipation. - It co - ustitntea the most mortifying
diplomatic cheek tha t a great nation ever received.
It says not a word a. bout accepting the six points
oh, p r i n d p l e, ,, an we were told ithad done, but, on
the Contrary, refuses t, 'tem, exceptin so far as they
may tie ultimately hel by the Czar to coincide
with his well-known gt `serous intentions. It re
fuses the armistice; it r. ;fuses the conference. In
nroposlirg a conference ot the three Powers which
shared in the partition of Poland, it mocks
at Fradce and Engler.. 1 , well knowing that
in such a conference pm maia would vote.with
the Czar; and that Austria, even if she shold be
find in her preaent attitude, would be overruled.
The tone of the despatch is conical and insolent,
even more so than the one a ddressed to London.
?ar from condescending to de. fend Russia for her
bad government of Poland. P rince Gortachakofr
me
makes himself an accuser. Fran is the main pro
motes of the disturbed state of Poland, by the en
couragement she gives to Polish refugees who in
habit Paris end have "social relat tons" there. He
only conaente to echo the French - pinion that the
Polish question is a European one upon condition
that the 'expression shell be underat ood to refer to
the interest of P;Orope to put down "1 *he revolution"
wherever it its head. He will i ththear of any
concessions until the inameents shall I save uncondi,
tionally submitted to the Czar's cleme IleY. Every
thing tends to sedum that this enawe r of Prince
Gortschakoß'is well coned: ered, anti it seems to me
puerile to suppose that any amount of diplomatic
netoric will induce - Ruasia tmoinct from: HATlM
least degree. , sink they
gag t iMirTo the only rational and manly ' answer.
THE POLISH DP.BXTE 1.17 PARLIAMEN
Polish riffs:Trite - ere debated - jut both Hansa l on the
4th. end general was expressE 'd with
the Rinsian reply, In the Bowie of Lord 5 the
'Earl of Ellenhoroughtisought rite answer of 1 1 1nee
Gortschakoff was a practical termination of E 111 at
tempts at diplomacy with any hope of useful lee&
We now knew exactly where we were, and it was
for here Majesty's Government cwefullY to cone Met
what they would do next; With; regard to the a. tro
cities committed in Poland by Russia, he conten( led
that the proclamations of General hfouravieff wE 're
in themselves atrocities. Every Say he felt mo re
cetvinced, be the-prudence of Cabinets what it
might, desirous as they might - be to prevent the an.
ranee of war into Europe, now peaceful, their efforts T.
would be of no effect if - these atrocities were to be
continued. He trusted that - Russia would seriously
consider the position in which- she was placed in --
reference to Poland. We were not, in this country,
the enemies of Russia; .on the contrary, we desired
the continuance of the state of things which was
established. Vienna:- We acquiesced in it—Eu
rope had become accustomed to it. It would break
up almost the whole-of 'Europe if it was materially
altered ; but Russia would render it impossible to
maintain it, If - she persisted in the course upon
which she had entered. Had she derived any ad
vantage from Poland in the state in which that
country had been for the last thirty-three years%
On the contrary, Poland had cost Russia more
than it had ever produced. At the present mo
ment the Emperor of - Russia was the first revolu
tionist in Europe. He was placing himself at
the" head of the emancipated- serfs against their
late masters,- and against - all the proprietors
of land in every part of Poland. It. was a
popular insurrection in Poland against property, and
the Emperor was at the head of it. But it would
never answer to continue that policy ; and the Em
peror might depend upon it that he and his family
would suffer for the confusion and danger he was
now creating in Poland. Justice and generosity
were more efficacious in the government of nations
than the greatest severity; - severity might, for the
instant, create an apparent calm-, but it was delusive,
and was always followed by a reaction which pro.
duced a state of things far more dangerous than that
which preceded' the calm. The man who outraged
a woman made mankind his enemy, and exposed
himself to all the consequence of the loathing he ex
cited ; and yet it was impossible to doubt that these
outrages were committed' under the orders of Dlon
ravieff, the favorite agent ofthe Emperor.
After some observations from the Earl of Dialmes
bury, who blamed the Government.for not having
pursued the policy of non,interventron which they
bad adopted in the case of America, and Earl Gran
ville. who defended GOvernment, the motion was
withdrawn. •
IN THE HOUSE OP COMMONS
Mr. Kinglake said that the circumstances of the
present time with respect to• Poland bore a startling
resemblance to those previous to the Crimean war.
He regretted that the recent debate had not taken
place twenty four hours later, when it -would have
elicited the opinion of the House of Commons on
the reply of Prince Gortsohakoff. Tee tone of that
despatch was extraordinary ; its sarcasm was most
irritating, and its whole purport WAS a contemptuous
refusal of the demands of England and France.
Their right to interfere was utterly ignored, wish
the slighting intimation that Russia would consult
olnly with Autria and Prussia. He hoped that Go
vernment would return a clear and categorical an
ewer, for he believed that no good could result front
further negotiations. He'spoke warmly on the con
duct of Austria, which had' already repudiated the
idea of a conference like that sugeested by Russia,
and declined to take any course which would sepa
rate her from England and France on this question.
Be believed that Austria could, from her position,
interfere actively to put a stop to the scenes now go
ing on in Poland. •
THE POLISH AND AMERICAN QUESTIONS IN r Arms-
The Opinion Nalicmale, the organ of Prince Napo
leon, and one of the beet exponents in France of the
inborn hatred of every true Frenchman for per,ficte
4/bion, in referring to the English tendency to back
out, says'
Poland cannot, in fact, found any serious hopes
upon the action of, the Cabinet of St. James. We
say this with a regret that will be participated in by
a portion of the English people. •. The arriere pewees
of the British aristocracy, its conservative spirit,
dissimulated beneath a garnish of false liberalism,
its traditional jealousies, and the cowardly
rence of its "shopkeepers," seem entirely to control
the situation, and the English journals have already
taken their part in this shameful retreat.
After making some extracts from the English
journals, and particularly the Star, Herald, and Times,
in which a retrograde policy is recommended, the
Opinion continues:
Ah! if the matter in hand was a conflict with any
of the email States of A merits,with Greece, Japan,
some Rajah of the Asiatic word, how we would see
the Times 'change its position! With its clenched flit
upon the handle of its sword, and.with a menacing
eye, it would point with superb gesture to the MA.
ning cannon of the royal navy. But it is the Czar
who is in question. France might, perhaps, again
exhibit upon the battlefield a superiority humilia
ting for her ally, and, what is worse, make a new
stroke at the venerable treaties of the year of our
salvation ISM
What matters it if women are abused and men
hung and shot; if fire and sword are exterminating
en entire population in the Polish provinces? "Am
Imy brother's keeper?" said Cain. "'Must we de
fend Poland I" say they on the other aide of the
channel. Chacun chez soi, chacun, pour soi, and rule
Britannia.
Every crime has its expiation, and every coward
ly act its punishment. The Czar, some day, will
kill England upon the banks of the Yang-tse-kiang - ,
the Indus, and the Ganges.
To-morrow, it is said, a concerted reply of the
three Powens will be sent to Russia. This will, of
course, not be an ultimatum, and will necessarily,
after a month or two delay, bring another answer
from Russia ; and so Russia will prolong the diplo
matic action until the close of the year, by which
time she hopes to succeed in crushing the revolu
tion in Poland.
Of one thing we may rest assured, and that is that
until the difficulties with Russia are settled—which,
whether they result in peace or war, will require
several months for-arrangement-Napoleon will not
permit his sympathies for the South, and his convic
tion that, the Union cannot be restored, and his
Mexican interests, to lead him to the commission of
any overt act which will lead him into trouble with
the United States. The Secessionists here curse
both Russia and Poland heartily, and say that had
it not been for them the Emperor would have lent
their cause a helping hand long ago.
The officers taken prisoners in Mexico are expect
ed to arrive here in a few days. They are to be sent
to different military posts in France.
The Paris journals have generally confined them
selves to the publication of the news relative to the'
recent Federal successes in Pennsylvania and the
fall of Vicksburg. Everybody is surprised here; for,
taking their cue from the English journals, every
body supposed the cause of the North lost.
Pd. Bendel, the new Minister of the Interior,
publishes this morning his first newspayer warning.
The:'Siecie has the honor of beingthe journal upon.
which M. Boudet draws his maiden sword ; the oc
casion an article by M. Lem Plee, entitled "Tin
Plebiscite pour la Pologne," in which the writer
recommends putting to vote to the entire French
people the question whether France shall demand,
and enforce, if need be by the sword, the. inde
pendence of Poland. M. Boudet says this is a
recommendation which interferes with the imperial
prerogative, and therefore warns the Sieele. This is
the second warning hanging over the head of that
journal.
The Coming Man.
The following are the concluding paragraphs of a
speech by Judge Kelley, a member of Congress from
this city, at the recent meeting for the purpose of
furthering the enlistment and equipment of a negro
regiment : -
In the gloomy days through which we' have, just .
passed I have bu with hope amounting
to faith . Behind
been
the darokyant
and heavy cloud thathung
so oppressively near us, I savc, in the rapidly develop..
ing providences of God, the sure promise of victory
and peace. During weary, sorrowing months - and
years .of war we have sighed for the "coming man"
who was to bring us these great blessings. We have
not found him. Not Butler, norßanks, nor Freiriont
nor Grant, nor Rosecrans, nor Meade—though he
has invested our quiet Gettysburg with the com
bined glories of. Magenta and Solferino—has shown
himself to be the man whore genius and power were
to deliver us from protracted war. To admit this is
but to admit that our great soldiers are not übi
quitous. Don elson and Vicksburg, each in turn;
New Orleans, Port Hudson, and Gettysburg, , have
each been worthy the attention of a great general.
Shall we, then, ceasato hope for him whosecoming
Hope has so long prophesied? Oh, no! He waits our
bidding - . He is the colored man ! He has made
Port 'Hudson the Thermopylre of his racek he occu
pies sad surrounds Richmond; he is ready to inter
cept stragglers in the Shenandoah Valley; ,he occu
pies the strongholds of Tennessee; 'he wiK gii , e you
Charleston, which- is in his power, and in !distant
Texas he will respond with a joyous "Aye, aye" to
your call, and ran the Union flag to the top of every
staff upon her. prairies; he holds at his mercy, every
sere of Conledesate territory; as a-chattel,- he: feeds,
clothes, and arms every rebel soldier; . as a man, na
tured of your sympathy, he will crush every rebel
stronghold.
Yes, sneer at or doubt it as you may, the aegrb is
the "coming man" for whom we have wailed,_ Give
him the chance to attest his nature at, all: those
points around which our white brethren perish, in
swamp and hospital, and, throttling and- crushing
his old oppressor, he will; give us speedy victory,
- and a peace that shall greyer again be disturbed by
civil war. [Tremendous_ and long continued cheer.
ing.l
WO3IESZ As ThAvvjurrEßs.--Several German girls
have gone to serv,lee, in the harvest fields of North
w .--
ern Illinois, whe. they receive one dollar per day
wages. The Galena advertiser says that German
girls are not the only ones who engage in Vim era
ployment."bast year, in many districts around that
city, whr.lre the men volunteering for the war left a
scarcity of outdoor assistance on the farms,. women
of enr,,gy
turned out and assisted in gathering the
cror,a„ In many iastances, in peculiar cases, the
I, ",enen of a settlement'would go in a body, and her
'vest large fields of own "for gone Foos e . oldigli lone
WU: in n aiDs lo (14.