PUBLISHED EXOB^BP). ■ : ; i /;;»Y v "|eH!t^W. , .n»l(lfEYi^’.' i ' -:£]* ':■ - '_ ?bh 'WBKK. payable to foe Carrier* ftlailedto Subsoriberaout of theCitystSix Dollars pbb annkcm. Foua Dollabs re* IMaar Mont-hs ; Thrbb Dollars v6fc*Bix Mostbb—mvariablr in ad vance for 'l jrßtrWimV PRESS. jvj Mailed' to'"ettbacribera oat of the City at Thkb Dot p-'- larb fiag Awyp'A; r in gdraflee/ :._ t MONDAY, SEPTEMBERS, 1859. The Black Pamphlet. JUDGEBLACK’S D6CTIUNE BEPI/DIATfcDBY THE PRB. SIDEST AND LEADING AIfiBBEUS OF HIS CABINET, , A-Vtu strsrAiXEC ur tub opinions of wilsiot, SEWARD, aiDDIXOS, Ac. Ow headers, ate aware that shortly after the appeaknce of Judge article in Har per’s Magazine on Popular Sovereignty iu the Territories, a lengthy reply, written by Hon. Jeeewuh S. jßlagk» Attorney General of the Unitcd Btatcs, appeared- intho. Washington cir culated throughput "the country in pamphlet form, and is popularly known as « The Black Pamphlet.” The answer, of Judge. Do«aw.a to sotne of the misrepresentations arid strange positions of this pamphht will be found in his "Wooster speech. Wo propose also to show that one 6f the most important positions put forward by the law-officer of the Administration is in di reefc Conflict with'tho' opMdns heretofore ex preasod'hy: tho President, by his Secretary of State and" Secretary of the Treasury, and In close harmony with the idea of Territorial Go •vernmcnts htld by leading members of the Re publican'party. -:Tlms Judge Black says 1 A* A Territorial government is merely provisional and temporary. It is created by Congress for the neoessary preservation of order and the pnrpbses of police: The powers J conferred upon ife are expressed-' in the organic"' act, which •• Is the charter ..of its existence, and which may be changed or repealed At. tho of 'Oon* gress. Tn most of those acts tho power h*>s ecn-oxppe?aly reserved to Congress of revising the Territorial laws, and the power'to repeal them exists without tmoh reservatlou. ’ This was .asserted. Sn the caso of, Kansas by the most distinguished Senators intho Congress of 1858. The President appoints tho Qorcrcor, judges, and all other officers whose appointment Is not otherwise provided for. directly or Indireotly, by Congress.- Even the expenses of tho Territorial government are paid out of the Federal treasury; The truth 157 they htveeno attribute of sovereignty about them. The essence of sovereignty consists in having- no su ■perior. But. a Territorial government has a snperiaf' ih -the United States Government, upon whoso pleasure i£ is dependent for its very exist encp—in whom it tires end moves and has its be log—who has made*and can unmake it with a' breatir.” ** This doctrine that a Territorial government has no attribute of sovereignty whatever about it, our readers have repeatedly; heard hereto fore—.but almost invariably from Republican orators and statesmen. It will bo found, on examination of tho Congressional Globe and Appendix, that a similar opinion abounds in tbe-speopbes of Seward, Houaoe Mann, Gu>- and it is strongly expressed in a Hon. David Wilmot, delivered in tho House of Representatives, August 3,1848, (f on tho restriction of slavery in tho new Ter ritories.” . Mr. Wilmot said: . u Territories possess no tnherit political ijors r*ispity‘ Sovereignty appertains to organized States.. It is that power which prescribes laws, and to which the citizen is required to yiold'obe dienoa. Tbo jwwer no moro resides in a Territory than,it does in a county or township. 1 AsVell might the inhabitants of the latter claim tbo right to make laws and regulate their own affairs, as that tho -people ©La Territory should assume to them -Bolycs such high prerogatives and powers. Snch a doctrine is unknown to tho legislation of this coun try. During the whole period of our national ex istence, not ,one .example con be found in which a Territory has boon permitted to exorciso a single net.'of independent political sovereignty. .This doctrine ,is of recent origin—a new invention. It originated in tho necessities of tho oooasiott/as a cover .behind which to tAke shelter, and avoid the rettxmribility of meeting directly the great ques tion of : the' extension of slavery into Territories now free.lt is not the dootrino of the Constitu* tied.* * It is-unsupported by authority, and wholly at variance,with , the teachings of those who have gonp'beforo'tls. ,, ' - : in .tiiua fallipg back upon tbo old theory of the .Republican party, - Judgo Black has merajy ' aniagonfzeA' Che \yicyk . many, leading PmmjgfSW as prove If <*o - iuui'ua. 01 cftraetsTTor the present, koWerorr wo will content purselves with but a few speci mens: 1 This first is ftomMr. Bcchanan’s let ter of acceptance of tko-'nomination of the Cincinnati Convention: . “Tho agitation *on - the question of domestic slavery' has too long distracted and dividod tho people'pf this Union, and alienated their .affec tions from each other. This agitation has assumed many* fortes''slnti© Its - commencement, bat it now seems to be directed ohlefly to the Territories; and, juding frouwfs present character, I think wo may Safely anticipate that it is rapidly approach-, lug & ' finality/ Tho recent legislation of Con gres respecting domestio slavery, derived, as it haibcen, from the origins! and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of tho major ity, promfsos ero long to allay tho dangerous ex citement. This legislation is founded upon principles'as ancient as, fret government itself AND is accordance M'lilf them, has simply de clared that THE PEOPLE OP A TERNITORT, like thoseof a State, shall decide for themselves , WIIRTIIER SLAVERY SHALL OR SIIAtL NOT CXISt within their limits. l‘The Nebmska-Kansas act does no moro than give the force of law to this elementary principle of.Bclf-gQvennn.tnt ; declaring it to be ‘ the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or Stole, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof per fectly free to form and regulate their domestio in stitutions in thelr own .wM'j.subjcofc only to tho Constitution of.tbo United States.’ Th& principle will surely not be controverted by any individual of any party professing devotion to popular government. Beside* how vain and illusory would any other principle prove in practice in regard to tK©-Territories'. This is apparent from the fact admitted by all, that after a Territory shall have entered the Union and become a State, no constitu tional power would then exist which could prevent it from cither abolishing or establishing slavery, as the oase may bo, aooording to its sovereign will and pleasure. - - * . ' - •Thisprinciple,however,.of Popular Sove reignty in the Territories, which Mr; Buchanan thought, in 1856, would « not be controverted by any of any party professing de votion to popular Government” Is considered one of the greatest of political heresies by his Attorney General! The opinion of Hon; Howell Cobb, Secre tary of the Treasury, as delivered' at West September 19th, 1856, is,'lf possible, still more explicit than that of the President, showing conclusively, as it docs,' that the people of a Territory, who, according to Judge Black,’ possess no attribute of-sovereignty whatever, clearly possess the right and power of deciding whether slavery shall or shall not exist .among them* Wo quote from tho report, os follows: [A gentleman here interrupted Mr. Cobb, with his consent, to Inquire whether bo meant that the people of ihe Territory, before forming their Constitution, should' have the power to exclude slavery) or that -they should have the'power to pass, upon it when- they form their- Con* sUtuUon. Ho also desired the speaker to explain net only his view on tho subject, out also the view which fs‘advocated by those who stand with him ihthe Southern States, and support Mr. Bu chanan.] , - 'Mr: Cohb,, resuming, said: “.Follow-citizens, there never lias becu, in all the history of. this slavery matter,- a' more purely theoretical issue than the one Involved in the question propounded to me by. my friend, and I will show it lo you. I will state to you the positions of the advocates of this doctrine of non-intervention, on which there are different opinions held ; hut I will show you that it is the purest abstraction , in a practical point of view, that ever was proposed for politi cal discussion, There are those who hold that tho’Conatitation oarries ail tho institutions of this country into all the Territories of the Union; that slavery, ;be(ng one, of the institutions recognised byftho.-ConstUntfon, goes with the Constitution fntothd Territories of the United.Btatos; and that When- tho Territorial fJoverorabut "Is organized, the people hare ho right to prohibit slavery there, until tuey oome to form' a State Constitution. Titat'x it, 'what-my friend calls .'Southern dbbtrinef There 'is another class who • bold that tho, people of. the Territories in. their Territorial state, 'and whilst acting as a Territorial Legislatnre, have.aright to decide upon tbwauestion whether slavery shall exist there'dur- 1 fogt their*,Territorial stfttej and that has been dubbed,‘squatter sovereignty.! - Now yon por ctslve that there is but one point of difference be tween, the advocates of the two dootrines. Booh bolds that'tho people have have tha right to decide the qdbfltlon in. the Territoryono holds that itdfin.be dbne-tbroiigh.the Territorial Legislature, and whilst a.Territorifll existence, the other hotds that lt can be jione only when they-come to forth a StAte obQßtUution. But those Wjig hold THAT - VflE‘ TERRITORIAL 'LeGIBLATUBB CANNOT P46S.A JLAW rnOHZBITXNO . SLAVERY, ADMIT THAT ’unless' Tub. TebmtqbUl Legislature pass LAWS P.OB 'ITS ‘ PROTECTION, SLAVERY WILL SOT fld TUERBI THBRBVORBf RfiACVIOALLY a MAJOR ITY op tAe.Vbople 1 BRbRRSRNTBD is tUb Tbu hrra/UAL' Legislature decides- the question. Whether theydecide it mr pßonißiTiss it, ActoßtUsd to the orb doctrine, or b? repos* iNft.iO PABS .PROTECT IT, ASCQNTENP* other, party,-is immatsbial. Tttfe XAfORItY OP TAX' PEOPLE. BY. TAB:ACTION OP will decide the ' 'QpBSTioNjVAND'.ALL .MtlSr AdlOR. THB DECISION iWREN'«inE.' fUreat.hpplanso.i ' ■ 'il My friend, voti observe that—no matter what is presented—l stand upon a prim* l planted myself fn tho oommenoe- ofthe people to ' raoif-zdveriiihetiti I intend to-malntam H, to«tana * bril h tobirry itbut to enfotod it.* If _U 'Operate StfW of the people of mV seoUoh.of tho 'c^ariTfi'QAftheseTerritorrics,'be ifso; il ls the i CpCwatlon- of the country, - and ■ they have no VOL. 3.—NO. 49. right, to complain,. If Jfc operate in their bobalf and for their protection, I call upon you to say, It it not right that they should have tbo benefit of it?” But the most conclusive answer to Judge Black’s whole argument will be found in the speeches of Gen. Cass, Secretary of State, whose published, opinions, as may be scon by the CongresiionalGlobe andAppoidix, arc indi rect conflict with tho ideas of the leArncd At torney General. Tims he disposes of tho fa vorite dogma that Congress can confer no power that it does not itself possess, in Appen dix to Congiemonal Globe , vol. 29, page 279, as follows: “ But again, sir, with respect to this objection that we cannot grant a power wo do not possess—l have to remark that, as a general principle, it is contradicted by tho legislative experience of ©very day. We confer a i’asl variety of pOt&ers tOhich toe have not the shadotdof authority to execute ourselves. And going to the Territories, what do we there?' why, sir, the most important of all their righU— the right to establish A constitution for, themselves preparatory to thoir Admission into tho,’union—is provided for by Congressional legis lation. What-, theb. beoemes of Ibis objection? Because wo enable them to exercise their xumcrtie power of docs it thence follow that ifie [ possess it m the first instance, and could form a constitution which should bind and con trol them ? Every man instinotively answers that question in tho negative as soon as hears it, and that answer refutes this proposition without further argument Many striking passages in defence of the right of the people of the Territories to form and regulate their domestic institutions, will be found iirthe speeches of Gen. Cass. Uor tho present wo content ourselves With the fol lowing from his speech on the Kansas-He braska hill, delivered February 20, 1854 : “ The power of the people to legielato for them seVea bpon all these questions of domestic policy is the inevitable result of tho preooding principles, and of American institutions. If Congress has no jurisdiction over the subject, tho people must have It. or the most important concerns of social aud civil life would bo left without security or protec tion. No one has ever questioned their just claim to regulate, by their immediate-representatives, tho various questions oonnootod with their olvil and social relations, except this relation of master and servant; and this exception cannot stand the test of uny reasonable scrutiny. lam aware of tho objections which have been urged against the existence of this right of self-go vernihent found ed on the connection of the people of the Territo ries with the Government Of the united States ; aitlllhavcbcen amazed at the subtle arguments, politico-metaphysical, indeed, which have been presented against the enjoyment of one of the most sacred rights which God has given to -man. 1 Tho inseparabto union betweon representation and the regulation of tho domestic affairs of a com munity, including taxation, is one of the cardinal principles of American political faith laid down in our State papers, taught in our schools, and tri uuiphantly asserted ana defended on tlie battle field ,\ a principle which the Continental Congress, in 1774, declared in theso words: "The English colonists are entitled to a free and e*- c/«airf-power of lerislotion in their rovernl Provincial Legislatures, Where their nght of representation can alone be preserved m all cases of taxation and internnl polity," &c. “ And strange is it, in the vacillation of human opinions, that from defenders we are urged to be come offenders, and, with the practice, to adopt the principle of Lord North in this crusade against human rights. For there is sotrccly an argument which can be urged against thh claim of local legislation whim the British Ministry did not urge against the demands of our fathers to be al lowed to legislate for themselves. We have been told with due gravity, and, I have no doubt, with duo sincerity, that the United States aro the 1 so vereign;’ana we have been,asked, ‘and how cad sovereignty, the ultimate and supremo power of a State, bo divided?’ Sovereignty indeed! And who can find tbo word in tho Constitution, or who can deduce any power from its use ? It is a process of constructive authority which cannot be too se verely reprobated, at war, as H is, with tho funda mental basis of the Confederation. Onco establish its operation as the foundation of Congressional action, and other and nearer rights than those of distant.' feeble would soon bo pros trated before it.” The Great Eastern at Sea. Our readers thanked us, wo fof haviDg given them, in. our impression of Saturday, as full particulars of the progress made by tho Great Eastern, on her trial-trip, os we < could collect’ from the F.tigU»h jrmrttflto- ‘ T.W he^'^nw^rtdgS’at Deptford, on the Thames.' carly^oa- Wednesday, September -me-sevenett. “she mado~a triumphant Toy age down tho Thames—a naval ovation it may be called—and anchored at Purfleet, not far from Gravesend, that night, not very far from Tilbury Fort, where Queen Elizabeth, in demi-armor and on horseback, harangued her troops at the time when Pmur tho Second of Spain had sent out bis Armadu against England. Early next morning, the voy age was resumed, and the ship anchored off tho Nore, that night. On Friday, September 9th, she prassed Margate, Peal, and Dover, and was expected to reach Portland, Dorsetshire, early on Saturday, the 10th inst. So far her performance has been excellent. Tho London Times calculates, from tlie rate at which she went down the Thames—with a ne cessarily limited amount of steam pressure, and the paddles and screw much under what they will be—that her sea-going speed will bo about eighteen to nineteen miles an hour. There was no «< swell ” in her wake, and scarcely any vibration on the vessel. So that, “ as far as could bo gathered from outward ob jects, one might much easier have imagined otio’s-solf writing in a Parisian salon than in tho cabin of the Great Eastern flying down to the Nore.” Tho calculation is that sho will require 250 tons of coal a day. Happily, if report bo true, an English savant has discovered a mode ol economizing fuel, in steamboat consumption, which will render it necessary to use only a Htth moiety*of what is now found requisite. We observed, with satisfaction, the beautiful tribute to the scientific genius of Fulton which the Liverpool Journal paid, when no ticing the performances and prospects of tho Great Eastern. Our readers will be grateful, no doubt, for the politico-geographical inforrua. tiou, supplied by the London Morning Herald , that the State of Maine was ceded by England to the United States, by the Ashburton ca pitulation. Had the brilliant London Morning Advertiser madethis blunder, wc should not have been surprised. “Wo had previously been impressed with the belief that Maine was ad mitted into the Union in August, 1821. We fear that the facts of the Herald of London aro not more reliable than those of its namesake in New York! PERSONAL. Tho South Carolinian , of last Wednesday, s«tys: “Tho numerous friends of Hon. W. G. Preston will be highly gratified to learn that his health within those fow mouths has been better than for some years. He is now on his way homo to Charleston. Mr. William. Whitney, ono of tho oldest mer chants in Boston, died last Friday. Mr. Everett spoke the whole of bis oration upon Webster withont referring to notes. Tho Provi dence Journal says: “The wonderful exertion of memory is not without precedent; but suoh power of memory, oomhlned with each other groat power, may challeogo comparison with anything in tho history of oratory.” Tho members of the deputation from Troland preached yesterday at several of tho churches in New York. Ex-President Fillmore is detained at Newport, R, 1., on account of the illness of his wife. Hon. Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky, is at the Spencer House, Cincinnati, Ohio. Mr. Ton Broook writes from England to a friend in Memphis, Tennessee, that his winnings in Eng , land this year have topped $140,000, to gain which he risked but $20,000. Mr, Augustus Boh ell, of New York, has gone to Washington, probably to confer with our venera ble President on tho result of tho Syraouso Con vention. A Company liavo been boring lor salt on tho grounds of Mr. T. L. Drako, on the New Haven onn., railroad, Last wock, at the dopth of 71 foot, they struok a fissure in the rock through which ;*»©y were boring, when they tapped a roln of wa ter and oil, yielding 400 gallons of pure oil evory 24 hours. The pump now in use throws only five gallons por minute of walor and oil into a largo vat, when the oil rises to the top, and tho water runs out from the bottom. In a few days thoy will have a pump of three times tho capacity of tho one now In nso, and then from ten to twofvo hun dred gallons of oil will be the daily yield. Master Ebbn Pale Sutton, whoso singular infirmity of limbs has excitod so much notice and sympathy, has again, and for the seventh tlmo, had his leg fractured This timo tbo thigh bono was broken. Ono of his limbs has been broken four times, the other three, and he is but eleven years of ago. Four times the fractures have happened in the month of September. No amount of watch fulness and precaution is found sufficient to prevent the recurrence of these accidents. The young suf ferer bean his injuries manfully and seems forget ful of his own calamity in witnessing the anxiety of his friends.— -Salem- {Mass-) Register. :Thb late rains have raised tlio Connecticut river so that the Hartford steamers are now able to reach their docks at that city. They have been running onty to Middleton the past few days. A FUIiIi AND OOEHBOT BEPOftT OP THU GREAT S3?KBJCIt JUDGE DOUGLAS, WOOSTER. OHIO, ON THE 16TH INST. HIS REPLY TO THE “BLACK PAMPHLET.’ 1 Ladies and Gentlemen : I rogret, ag much ns any of you possibly can, tho dolay in tbo arrival Of tho cars. Tbo only excuso I can inako for putting you to this inoonvonienco in waiting is, tuat tho Democratic party is not responsible for tho delay. .(Laughter.) Jfor can it bo charged to tho account of Popular Sovereignty. [Ronowed Laughter.] I inust say, howover, in justlco to the l’ittsburg and Fdrt Wayno RailroaJ, tiiatit is ono Of tho host in tho country; and the Only reason why wo could hot rirriVo earlier Is that tho great National fair had collootod moro people in Chicago yesterday than oould stoop in the street* last night, and the railroad had to bring thorn out of town. Wbqn I was received at tho cars to*day and du ring my passago up tho streets through your beau tiful town, I was reminded of tho scenes that t witnessed in my own beloved Illinois last year. I almost fancied that you Were tltinoisians, right from the heart of Egypt. (“Good! Good!” nnd much applause. J For such a reception no man has over received or oan receive except from tho genu ine Democracy of tbo Northwest, t rejoice, there fore, that t have tho Opportunity of addressing you Upon those great fandameatal principles which bind ail Democrats together, no matter what may be their locality. It is not my purpose to dieoues any question per taining to your internal polioy or (lomostio con cerns. Those questions aro mattors for you to de termine for yourselves, without the interference of anybody outaido of t!»o limits of your own State. I might say that I havo rather a debt of gratitude which t ought to pay to this State—oho of long standing—-which has been‘accumulating intorest. Four fellow altlteng, Father Qhidings and Mr. Chaso, havo Canvassed Illinois several times for my bonofit, and I do not know that there is any harm in ray saying a word in Ohio for their bene fit. | Laughter and applauso.] However, my object iB not to deal with indi viduals, but with thoso principles that separate tho Democracy from their opponents. I am ono of those who believo that the Democratic party, un der tho Democratic organization, with tho time honored principles of tho party emblazoned on thoir banner, is tbo only political organisation that oan preserve tho peace, harmony and unity of this great Confederacy. If wo have any dis putes or misunderstanding* in respect to the prin k eiplea or polioy of tho party, let us settle thtm ourselves, insido of our own organization, and in conformity with our own usages. [“ Hear, hear,’’ and loud’obeering.) The principal question which divides the Demo* oratic party from their opponents, North and South, is akin to all' the measures that have sopa rated tho Domooraoy from their opponents in all time. So faV a* tho slavery question is involved in tho contest, it is simply a proposition of whother slavery is a Federal or n loonl question. The De mocratic party stand upon tho isstto that slavery is a local question, existing In the several States uu der tho laws thereof,- by Stato authority, and not by virtu© of the Constitution of the United States. If slavery bo a local question affecting the inter nal polity and domestu affair* of tho people, then it must bo regulated and controlled by local au thority. If, on tho contrary, it be a Federal ques tion, deriving its validity from Federal authority, exiting by virtue of tho Constitution of tho United States, then it must bo regulated and controlled by Federal authority. Tho first question to which I wish to call your attention is whether it bo a Federal or a local in stitution. To determine that question it Is only necessary for you to road tho Constitution of tho Untied States, and then administer to every man who denies tboDeraocratio dootrino an oath to sup port tho Constitution. The Constitution of the United States recognises tho title in slaves as pro perty, and then provides who way bo slaves, wnero they may be held, by virtue of what authority slavery may exist, and in what contingency a fu gitive slave shall be returned to bis owner. You find theso all In tho Bame elauso of tho Constitu tion. If any gentleman has a copy of that intstru weatberelwill read it,, andjif notion fcpw j . fferson held to service or Üborfih tho State, under the laws thereof, escaping Into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation thorein be discharged, but shall bo dollvercd op to tho party to whom such sorvico or labor may be duo,” There you find tho definition of slavery— slave is a person held to sorvico or labor in one State under tho laws thereof not under tho laws of the United States, not by virtue of tho Consti tution of the United States, not in consequence of any federal anthority, but in a State, under the laws thereof. Thus yon find the Constitution re cognises slavory as a local and domestio institution confined to the State whoso laws sanction it, and existing by virtue of Stato anthority, and by vir tu© of no otheranthorijy undor heaven. If slavory bo a local and Stato institution, then it must bo managed and controlled by local and Stato au thority. You In Ohio have decided that question for yourselves, as you had a right to do under tho Constitution. You havo decided that in this State, with Jjour climate, your productions, and undor your cirourastHncos it is not good for you to have slavory. You had a right to make that decision. No man on oarth has a right toqueation it. It was your business—it offeotoa your own domestic con cerns and internal polity. But whon you have de cided this question to suit yourselves your powor ceases. You havo no more right to interfere with slavery in Viiginla, than Virginia has to intorforo with your domestio concerns. If the people of Vir ginia Bhould get up emigrant aid societies, or in any other mannor intorforo with your domestio concerns with a view of compelling you to adopt slavory, would you not tell Virginians, that they bad better go bock across the Ohio river ? Then, if your Abolitionists should cross the Ohio river to intorforo with tho domestic affairs of Virginia, cither to steal thoir slaves or any other property, I trust that thoy will teach them that they had bottor return to Ohio. (Cheers.] Thus you iiml that tho very essence of the De mocratic croed upon this slavery question, and upon all othor local and domestic questions, is that every distinct political community shall manage it s own affairs, regulato them to suit Itself, mind Its own business, and let its neighbors alouo. If you will all act on that principle there can bo peace between all tho States and Territories of this Union. i But wo aro all told by tho Abolitionists or Republicans that slavory is such a monstrous ovil that they cannot permit tho people of a Territory to manage their own concerns, they must manage them for them. Governor Chase and Father Gli dings, when thoy come to Illinois, tell our people that tho peoplo of tho Torritorios cannot bo trusted in tho management of their own uoooerns, and that they will ruin. themselves by bad laws if you permit them to make just such laws as they pleaso vn respoot to tho negro. They have no objection to letting them govern themsolvos in respoct to white men; they can trust the peoplo of a Terri tory to inako tno laws relating to husband and wife, parent and child, and guardian and ward, and all othor things that effect white mon, but thoy cannot trust them whon thoy come to make laws concerning the negro. [<• Truo,” and laughter.] They seem to think that it requires a higher de cree of intelligence and civilization to legislate for tbo negro than it does for tho whito man. and honoo they will not pormit tbo Territorial Legislature to pass laws determining the relation between the white man and the negro in tho several Terri tories of the United Statoa. Whore do thoy de rive the authority of the Fodernl Government to interfere with the local and domestic concerns of tho people either in tho Statea'or the Territories 7 They cannot find any suoh authority in tho Con stitution of tho United States, and traoe back the htstory of the States to a period anterior to tho Revolution, when they woro Colonics, and see if you find any sanction for this intorforonoo on the part of the Fedoral Government with tho local and domestic concerns of the people. Boar in mind that tho first serious controversy that ever aroso on tho Atuorican continent be tween tho American Colonies and tho British Go* vornment was in regard to the right of tho Le gislature of Virginia, then a Colony, to regulate the slavory question to suit themselves, Be lioving they had more slaves than was consistent with their Interest or safety, and taking into view tho spnne whito settlements surrounded by hostile Indian tribes, they passed a law to check and re strain the further introduction of slaves into that colony. No sooner had that law been passed by Virginia than the British merchants, who woro en gaged in tho African slavo trado, petitioned tho King to annul it, and to protect them in their rights to emigrate into the Colonics, whioh wero the common property of the empire, acquired by the common blood and tho common treasure, and to hold tbeir slaves in dcfianco of tho local law. The King of England, being a good Republican, in | the modern senso of the term, | laughter] granted i tho prayer of tho petitioners, annulled tho not of 1 tho Virginia Legislature, and deolarod that the 1 Colonies were tho common property of the empire,' acquired by tho common blood and treasuro, and thoroforo that ovory Englishman had a right to go into those Colonics and carry his slaves with him, and that ft mere provincial Legislature had no right to excludo him or discriminate botwcon them. What did old Virginia say to that doctrine theu? She said that tho poople of ft Colony wore not pro perty at all. She deniod that Apolitical commu nity, called a Colony, was proporty in any sons© of I the term, and claimed that tho Colonists were Eng lishmen, endowed with all the rights of English men, and as such it was their birth-right to mako all laws governing themselves in respect to tbeir internal concerns when they wero organized into political communities.. Tbo battles of the Revolu tion wero ail fought in vindication of that groat political right-—tho right of tho Colonies, tho right oFProvinces, tho right of dependent Territories to mako their own laws and govern themselves in ro spoot to their own internal conoerns. Ourfuthora did not claim that the Colonics woro sovereign States. Thoy did not claim tho right to exercise independent and sovereign power, but thoy did claim that although Colonies or Territories, thoy wero entitled to the -exclusive right of legislation respecting their internal concerns and domestic policy, slavery included. And booause Great Bri tain would not grant that privilege thoy resisted her authority—established their independence— and thereby secured to themselves and their pos terity the exclusive right, in all timo to come, of {governing themselves. The question which I now propound to the Ame rican people, is whothor the American Territories, under the Constitution of the United States, aro not entitled samo rights and privileges which our PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY >t SEPTEMBER 26, 1859. fathers claimed for the British Colonies under tho r British Constitution. Wo, tbo advocates of popu lar sovereignty, claim no moro for the American Territories than our fathers fought for ns Colonies. If wo aro not right in the assertion of this doctrine of popular sovereignty in tho Torritorios. thou the Tories of tho Revolution wore right In resisting tho olaims of ourfatbors. (Cheers.] A voico. Have you tho doouments hero - for that’ Mr. Douglas. Yes, air, Ihavoiho documents in tbo bead and heart of every American ctiifen, (Im mense applause,! and thc:o small school boys stand ing around horo will lo«mi overy fact that t baVo stetod In tbo simplest littery of tho Uplted .SUtes that may bo plnocu in their hands. What riian Is thoro who cun Toad and write who ,do©* not know that the American Colonics resisted tile authority tif tho British Government merely because it would riot concodo to them the right to govern thomsolves in respect to their local and domestio concerns l I havo already romnrkod that tho Republican jiarty so far as tbo question of slavery ts edri* oerned, in denying the right of tho peoplo-of a Territory to manage their own domestic affairs, claim tho power of Congress to occupy the identi cal position that Ucorgo HI and tho Tories of tho 1 Revolution occupied towards tho American Colo nies. I do not say it innuoffonaiyo sddso--I am not questioning thoir motives or tffbu‘riuQerity--i only toko that parallel In their history in order to Illus trate their doctrine In a light tint cVofy jflnh. Wo man, and child will comprehend, t happoiled to take up a newspaper .this morning in the pars, in which t found tno resolutions of tho Into Rcpiibli oan Convention In tho Strito Of NeW York., They affirm tho same doctrine. Rcntambor that the Ro puli|pftn National Conventiotrnt Philadelphia, in 185(»] doolftred that Congress possessed sovereign power ovorthe Territories of tho United States for their government, and that In tho exorcise of that power It wnS their right and duty to prohibit sla very. That is tho precise doctrino that tho British Parliament assorted in tho preamble to tho repeal of tho Stamp Act. In that preamble thoy declared that tho Parliament of Great Britain had tbo right to bind the American Colonies in all cases whatso ovor. Tho Republicans of this day declare tnatCon gress has the right to exerclso sovereign powor over tho peoplo in tho Territories in nil cases whittkL over. Aro not tho iwlsitions Identical ? Can you tell the difforeuflo between A irioddrri Republican and qno rtf tho ministers of Clcorgo Ifl In the year 1776? But upon what ground is it that the Re publioans claim tho right of Congress to exercise sovereign power over tbo people of tho Territories ? I find it In tho following resolution adopted at the Now York Republican Stato Convention in Syra cuse d few days since: ‘ Remind, That the territories of the United Stitps are the property of tho people of Hie Umtod States, that the Constitution baa conferred upon Con :ress the power to make all noodful rules nnd rogpeotinc said Territories, nnd that it ts the riglit ami duty of Congress, ns the guardian of their welfare, to preserve them free forever from nil political and social nuisances, and particularly from tho infamous and debasing insti tution of domestio slavory.” You find that, in this resolution, the Republicans boso their rights to exoroiae sovereign power over tho Territories on tho Assumption that tho Terri torles are tho property of tho people of the States. What nro tho Torritorios? What fire they Com posed of? Thoy afo political domuUutities of American citlions living on their own land which they havo. bought from the Fedefal Government ana governing themselves finder the principles of tho Kansas-Nobrnritn bill. A Territory Is a politi cal community with its executive, legislative, nnd judicial departments, occupying a country suhdi vided into Counties and townships, with all othor organisations necessary for sustaining such a po litical community, and wc are told by the Repub lican party that n Territory thus orgwized is the property of the peoplo of (ho United Stefc*. How long will it talco the Republicans of the present day to unlearn tho dootrino* of tho British Govern ment nnd to adopt there of tho American States 7 [Appteu io.) Thoy think tho Territories nro pro porty just beenuso tho King of Great Britain tho.ight tho Colonics were property, hut George Washington taught George 111 that ho was slight ly mistaken on that point. I Hear, hear, nnd oncers.( Tho Tories of tho Revolution fouDd that If tho Colonies wore property, that thoy were pret ty good fighting property at loast. (Groat applauso.] It was that, very odious designation to which our fathors took exception. It was that claim that tho Colonist* had no rights to which our tethers took exception. Our fathers said, although wo are Colonists although we nro Provinces, although wo are Territories, yotwohave political and personal rights, And among them wo have the inalionablo right to gororn ourselves in respect to our local and domestic concords when ever wo nro formed into political cotrimunitios, no matter wbothor you cull them States, Torritorios. Provinces or Colonies. That is all wo claim now. Tho Democratic party olaims for tho peoplo of the Torritorios no uiOro tbdu thflt. Wo do not claim that the Territory i-a anvoreten ; wo do not claim that it is independent of tho Fe deral Government, any moro than the Colonies were sovereign and independent of th© British Go vernment. but we do not claim that they have tho inalienable right of self-government in thoir lrmal and domestic cmiuorns, &a our-.*?* 31 , -vtmnroiTrtlur inintruEnorjnux.- rturvtlCJfl vOIOQIVS previous to the Revolution. But a Republican will tel! you that tho Territo ries nro property because tbo United States owns th© tend. That happens to be r mistake also. Tho United SUtoa are a laud owner in tho Terri tory of Nobrftfeka, tbo rente as they are In tho State of Ohio, and no more. Tho United States once owned all th© tend In tho State of Ohio, the same as the United States once owned all th© land In the Territory of Nebraska, but undor our tew* tho tno mont a settlor went into tho Territory of Nebraska and occupied tho land, b© bccant© entitled to a pre-emption right, and at tho proper tiino proved it up. paid for his land, and becatn© the owner of it. Reneo, tend which th© United Stetcs doc* own in tho Territories is thnt which is vacant, and has no settlers upon it, and the laud upon whiofc the people live is owned by themsolves, ami to which tbo United States has no title. (Laughter and chcore. | Just as ft is in tho State of Illinois to day. Tho United States own* perhaps 100,606 acres of land in tho State of Illinois, but thoro are no pooplo living on it. I)oos that teot give the United States the right to govern Illinois ? (Ap plause.) Does tho fact of ownership of a small amount of land in our Stato niako th© Stato of Il linois property' Are wo the property of the United States merely because the United State 1 * own a tittle tend »n tho State l Tho United States this day own three-fourths of all tho land in th© Stato of Minnesota; but is Minnesota the property of tho United States for that reason ? According to tho Kepublican platform tsh o would bo tho property, merely because tbo United States is a landholder within her limits. {Laughter nnd npplnueo ] Aconrding to that rulo Ohio is pro* porty, Indiana is pnmerty, Illinois is property, Michigan is property, Wisconsin is proporly. lowa is property. Minnesota is property. Missouri is property, Arkansas is property, and Louisiuua. Mississippi, Alabama. Florida, California, and Oregon aro property, for tho United Stßtcaown ft Krtion of tho public domain in each ono of them. >OB that fact make them property, ordoeaitgivo tho United Slates any right to interfere with thoir domestic affair? and intornat concern 4 ' * If it does not, how can it givo thorn any more right to it in a Territory? Tho unappropriated land in a Terri tory belongs to tho t United States. Tho lands which hftvo boon oetftipied and settled under our laws bolong to tho settlers; and what right has tho United States to govern the settlor, merely because it once ownod tho land on which ho lives } Anil yet this heresy about the United States owning tho Territories as common property, Ims given riso to one-half of tho political differences that liavo grown out of this Territorial question. Whenever you find ft man talking about the Territories being the common property of tho United States, ac quired b,y tho common blood and cnmniou treasure you may know ho ha* been reading with affection ate attention tho doctrino of tho Tories of tho 110- volution. [Cheers.] Tho question then nnsiu, wbnt right Ims the United States to interfor with tho local nnd do mestic affairs of tho people of tho Territories 7 The Constitution has given no such right—it has conferred no such* authority. Tho most that can bo claimed for Congress is tho right to institute Governments for the Territories, ns the British Parliament instituted Governments for the Colo nies, leaving tho Territories free to govern thoin pelves, tho same ns tho Colonies woro free to govern themsolvca, Tbnt is the doctrine of tho Demo cratic party, and hence tho Democracy of this country for years have stood upon the platform which declares non-intervention bv Congrosa and popular sovereignty in tho Territories ns ft cnrdiunl orticlo in our political faith Tho Compromise mea sures of 1850 rested on that principles. Tou all know that those measures, which were adoptod by ‘Whig* and Democrats alike, n* an article of our political fAith in common, asserted tho right of tho people of aTorritory to govern themselves, without excepting tho slavery question. Tho Ivansas-Nebrnska bill wnsintroduce:! and priced for thopnrposoof carry ing out that same principle; lam the author of that bill, and I havo hcon pretty genteelly abused for being tbo author of it. T linvo seen the time when I could travel from Boston to Chicago by the light of my own effigy, {laughter ami cheers, nnd all along tho Western Kcsorvo of Ohio 1 eouli find my effigy upon every treo wo passed. jKe ncwedlaughtcr. | And for what was all this abuse heaped upon my devoted head ? Simply bconuso I had introduced into Congress, and helped to pass, a bill declaring that it was tho true intent and moaning of tho act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave tho peoplothcicof perfectly free to form and regulate thoir domestic Institutions in thoir own way, subject only to tho Constitution of tho United Stntos. (Cbeors) Tho Republicans en deavored to make fbo people believe that tho ob ject of tho Kansas and Nebraska bill was to upon all thatcountry to slavery, and to establish slave ry In it. But it was only" necessary to read the law in which the ohject was clearly defined, to dis cover that the repeal of tho Missouri Compromise was in order to leave the peoplo ot ovory Stnto and every Territrry perfectly free to form and regulnto*their own domestic institutions, slavery included, just ns they pleased. I hold now, that if you, tho peoplo of Ohio, want slavery, yon havo a right Jo it. If you do not want it, no power on earth has a right to foroo it on yon. If tbo peoplo of Kansas want slavery, it is thoir political right. If they do not wantit, no power in Christendom Khali over force it upon them, if T by any, effort of mine, can defeat it {Great cheer.-*.) It is no answer to this arguuiont to say that slavery is an evil or a crime, and therefore tho peo plo should not bo permitted to min themselves by indicting such a ourßo upon them. It is tho rigid of every peoplo to iudgo for themselves whothor it bo an evil or not. tt isthelrright to judgowhether it bo a crimo. It is tho right of evory community to judgo for themselves tho character and naturo of evory institution it is proposed to adopt. Vir ginia has judged thnt question for horsolf, nnd de cided in favor of slavery. You havo judged it for yourselves nnd decided it against slavery. You each linvo tho right to arrive at tho conclusion to whioU you hnvocoiuo, and neither Imi any right to intorfero with the other. So it is with tho Terri tories Tho moment you orgnnlzo them into dis tinct political communities, governments composed of oxooutivo. legislative, and judicial departments, you invest them with tho nbsnluto right of deciding all loonl and domestic questions to suit themselves. But the enemies of tbo Democratic party are iu the habit of saying that the few first settlers, mere squatters bn tbo public domain, ought not to ho permitted to make laws binding tho peoplo who aro Wqwno after them. Now, I admit that thoy ought not’to bapormlttedtodcoidothatornnyothorquc. l '- tlqtt until they havo people onoilgh to constitute a community otpablo of eelf-govermnent. How many dot* it require ? .That i$ a question for Congress to dttermino, and Congress has no right to organize a Territory at all uutil thoro are people enough in it to govern theuisolvos. Congress has no right to givo them a Legislature until they aro capable of latiou. Uquo© th© objection to a few peoplo deci ding this question for thomselvos, is itn objection to the organization of a Territory «t all, and not to tno ottent of tko power tho Territorial Legislature shall oxorciso whon organized. If there aro not eliOifgh people In Arizona to govern themselves, iu fwpWt to their local arid domestic concerns, then i t-oto against a Territorial tirgdhfrelltm there, tf they are net oapablo of self-guvornmont do notgivo thorn a Legislature ; for wheu you organizo them into a government and. give them a Legiateturc, you admit by that net that they imvo people enough to constitute a government, that they are capable ftjr tiptfu all rightful sub- JectsoflegUlatioD, and hence you aro estopped from urging .objoutiou. t I think.'wo havo been in the habit of'often organizing Territories when there wore jteotew poopte,,- Thte of self-government tadtoGi to 6asi itriuWdual who iu*y stroll upon tho jwAitio lands. ' It U not attached to every in truder apjn tho public domain. It only applies toopulftr sovoroignty, 1 deem it my duty to vindicate tho Democratic party ngninst the consequences of theso malignant falsehoods. Th© position which I occupy, in common with niucty nino out of every hundred of tho Northwestern Democrat?, ia so grossly and wickedly perverted and faltifiod in this pnmphlct, as to prcchnlo th© possibility of its being tho result of unintentional or innocent error. I will road tho )a?t paragraph first: “ We .iro railed upon to make a content, nt once nnno rp«csnmuiit liopelen, % ah tii© jitrlicur) «>r tbo nation. Wo object to it. \V© will uot ob©> Mr. Dmulaa when he cnmmimh u« to n#*xnulUho tiupremo I'otiit ofthn Unitoil Stales, We believo the Court to bo right, ami Mr. lioijjtinuwrens,“ And again, on pago six, referring to mo, tho writer t-ays : “ In cjiso ho is elected IVosnlent, he must seo 1 ho laws fmthiiilh executed. /j(K.< he //uni Ac eu/i kerp thnt onth Ky hehtmt tlti- jit'hctnry In theso and other passages it uns evidently tho deliberate purpose of tho writer to convey the idea that I hud assailed the judiciary in iny nrticlo in Jiaipcr, and that I was actually ougaged inn crusade against tho Supremo Court bo-muso of their dcoiriouin tho Drod ocott care. Now, whoovor will tnko th© trouble lo road my article in ILujxv, to which this Black pumphlot purports to bo a re ply. will find that, instead of assailing tho court, I refer to them and their decision In term' l of ro- -pect nnd commendation As I rodo through tho streota of youv beautiful town on my way to this stand, I snvv tho newsboy* distributing several thousand copies of my article in Harper. I call on every man who hears mo to lend it, nnd mark particularly vvlmt t said of tho Supremo Court and the decision in tho Dred Scott case. You will find thnt I fully endorse the decitiun, and quote freely from it to sustain my position in regard to tho doctrino of popular sovereignty. Tho author of this Black pamphlet, whoever ho may bo, while professing to review my article in llarntr, represents mo j\b “ fighting the judici ary/* ns making a •* Contest with tho judicial authority of tho nation,” and ‘ assaulting the Supreme Court of tho Unitod States.” with tho full knowledge that I had not uttered ono word of disapprobation, cither of the court or of their decision. I defy the wholo gang of anonymous conspirators who aro endeavoring to divide and defeat the Democratic party, by assailing tbo doc trine of popular sovereignty, to allow ono word I have ever written or spoken against tho Supremo Court or tho Dred Scott decision. Tt is well known to tho country that I have mado more speeches in defence of tho Supremo Court, in connection with the I)rcd Scott decision, than any other living man. During tho IlUuois canvass, last year, I made ono hundred and thirty speeches in defenoo of tho court and their decision, against the assaults of the Abo lition loaders, when they wero supported and en couraged by those who wore supposod to havo con cocted this Black pamphlet; yot, in tho faco of these well-known vaots, which no honest man will deny, this monstious and wicked charge is made by a band of anonymous slan lerors, am! circulated undor the official flunk of tho Attorney General of tho United Statos. I will not atu rapt to notico and c\po*o nil tho falsehoods and misrepresentations in this illnok pamphlet. It would not bo ju«t to the mauy thou sands of peoplo now present to occupy their time, which c»n oo moro profitably employed. I will, however, giro one or two moro instances ns a spe cimen of the whole document. On page 10 tho writer, referring to me, aays: “ Ho claims for the Territorial Uovornmonts tho rulit nf cmiliMMinu? private proporiv on tho ground that tha f ' do l frntnents arr mh-ihavo nn unnmtriil bblp and independent power over all tl eir internal nffmTH." This short soulcnco coutains two pnlpablo false hoods: Ist. I never did eJniin for the Territorial Go vernments the right of confiscating private pro perty. 2d I neverclaimcd that Territorial Governments woro govereigu, or that the Territories were sove reign powers. Tho writer of the lllaok pamphlet convicts him self of having mado this last elmrgo with a full knowledge that it was untrue, for on his fifteenth page hequotes from my published reports, speeches, and letter* in 185(1,1817, and 1858, in which I stato that u Territory is not a sovereign powor !’* I will read the extract fiom my report in 1850, ns copied into this Black pamphlet: '• Toe Bovereuiit v of aTorritory remains in abeyance, sa/meaded in the United Slates, in iruat fur the prnple until they shall bo admitted into the Union ns a State. In flit nn an time, they are enUtlul in eninj an ft e i rrctee alt tkt rtnhts anil vriviltKei of • elhßoi ernwent, in *u bnrdmation to tho Constitution ot the United States, nml in obedience to tho organic law passed by Conirross m pursuance of that instrument, raht* mid prici- J« prs are alt iferiretf from the Constitution, tli roll nil the act of Congress, nnd must bo exercised ami enjoyed in subjection to nil the limitations and restrictions winch that Constitution imposes.” Thus it will bo seen thnt in 1850, 1857, and 1858, as well ns now, I claimed that tho peoplo of tho Territories fife “ entitled to enjoy and exorcise all tho rights and privileges of sclf-gorernment,” under the Constitutftn, although the Territories wore not sovereign powers. Tuo Territories aro not sovereign any umro than the American Colo nics wore sovereign before tho Revolution; nnd yottho peoplo of tho Territories are entitled to enjoy and exorcise all tho rights and privileges of solf-govormnont, subjoot only to tho Constitution in the same manner, nnd to tho same extent, as our fAthorsolaiuiod tho same rights and privileges for the Colonics. It must be borne in mind that the bat tles of tho Revolution were fought in defence of tho rights of dependent Colonies, Provinces, and Terri tories, and uot of sovereign States. \Y© now claim for tho American Territories only thoso rights of self government which our fathers claimed for tho British Ocdonios in America. Hence I reaffirm to day all that I haVo cVef s »M in tho reports and speeches referred to in tbo Black pamphlet, deny ing that tho Territories are sovereign, nnd ut tho sntuo time claiming for them all tho rights and privilege* <>f BoU-governuteat in their internal polity. 1 repeat, that tho author of the Black pamphlet must have Known that ho was tdUrcpfeeohting wjr position in regard to tlie sovereignty of the Terri tories, for th© reason that in another portion of tho sflmo pamphlet ho quotes from two report?, two spoecho*. and one tetter of min?. W prove that in ISsfi, 18J7, and 1858, I held Ibr'oppyiite dotflrJuc, without producing a imritete of evidence that I had over held or expressed any other opinion. Not content with representing as the confiscation of private property in Terri tories, tho writer in the Black pamphlet imputes tho same dangoroua heresy to “ th® President, the judges of tho Supreme Court, and nearly all the L'cinocratic memoors of Congrc3s.” jn respect to theconfiseftiitlg vf private property in all the States of tho Union! The writer says: “,011 tbej’tiiof hand, the Freniilont, the juitets of t»o kilj-.Cmo CmiG, nearly all the Democratic inenil*rsof Cointreau. *he xvlic.la often pftrtf South, and ft very larxe nifunnty North, nro penetrated with a conviction that no such powor is vested in a Territorial L< stSlataro. and that tho*c whotbutre /ncortS.vf«iftpnn*t« Aind mutt watt until thry get n Coni/ititi favor of the doctrine that the mo ment n Territory hccofcn a litotr.H tnny confis cate all the private proptity within /’* Hauls ! I deny this whole doctrine of confiscation, f brandit as adangeroua and wicked heresy. I deny that thefo Is nny. rightful authority anywhere with in tho limits of the United States—Federal, State, or Territorial-^which can oonfiscafe private pro porty of any law-abiding citizen. Private property may bo taken for public uses, in pursuance of law, upon the pavpiont of a just compensttion. bqt not othorwire. The Supreme Oourt has decided in tho Drod Scott oare that the Constitution “ places tb© citizens of a Territory, so for a® these rights aro concor»cd,im tho same footing with tiiecitizena of tic States.” In thnt case, tho cetlrt. afler referring to thoso c lntlfies of tho Const ittltion whioh guarantee the freedom of religion, tho freedom of speech and of the presv—the right of petition—fho right to bear arms—and prohibits tb© taking of private property for jiublio usog without jiist compensation—proceeds Id say: “nm I’threir mTr parson nml proper!* of which we speak nr© not rt»l\ not n in the Territories, or nnvwhe »> eW. Not»n!.\ iii tin eoimlrv ©\er thought nr s.iul ho” Now, I submit to this intelligent audience whether it he Iruo in point of fart that nobody ever said or thought that tho Con-dilution establishes slavery any where. Did not President Ruohanan, in lit* Sillimnn loltor in lbi7, nay in sub-tunee that ho thought .*<» and was greatly surprised that tuiv* body should lmve ever doubted it' Did ho not. in substance, affirm tho same proposition iu hK spe cial message commnuli'ating tho Lccompton Con stitution to Congress, on tho 2d of February. l‘v>S > Jins not the Washington Cnto/t afliimcd the same proposition over and over again in tnuy variety of form for tho last two years, and denounced me nml ©very other friend of popular sovoieignty for denying \t' l havo not the SUliman letter nor a file of the Washington Union with mo; but for tunately, I'hnvo the proei*u language of Mr. Bu chanan in hi* Leoompton mcssxge. In that mes s tgo lie said *• Ii has betniKolenml) adiiukeil by Ibo lnj «-'•/'?< i» KfiHtttt 11\ VIUT»h , in which ho said. “ that tho fitople of a Territory , like tlioso of n State, shall deetife foi themselves vhcthrr slave 1 y shall or shall not exist within thtir limit*." That they woro at 0110 timo solemnly and irrevo cably pledged to this doctrine, is ns cortnin as that they did everything in their power to elect Aboli tionists to Congress in Illinois la3t year over the regular Democratic nominees 1 I do not regard the assaults and malignity dis played in this Black pamphlet ns directed against mo alono. They nro directed at ftil the friends of popular sovereignty and non-intervention wherever they may bo found. Tho Illinois game of hist year is to bo played this year in nil tho Northwestern States whero elections aro now pending. It is well known that every Democratic candidate in Ohio, lowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, where elections are about to he held, is openly committed and pub licly pledged to the doctrine of popular sovereignty amt non intervention ns it wni explained and un derstood in the Presidential election oflSofi. In fact there can scarcely ho said to he any di versity of opinion upon this subject. Upon this TWO CENTS. point cite Northwest nifty bo said to bo a unit, fop at liiuety-nind out of every hundred Demo* era{s are firmly reaulved never to'abandon the doc* of the Cincinnati platform and Mr. Buchanan’* letter of acceptance. “ that tho peopleof aTerri torjf, like those of a $ tate, fliall decide for themselves whether rinvery shall or shall not exist witblntheir limito.*’ Judge Kauuy, your own distinguished 9 indidate for Governor of Ohio, who sits by my side, stands us firmly nu this platform as J do, and consequently cannot full to consider the assaults of this Black pamphlet as aimed at him, and intended todefeathis election! The gallant Dad**, who is fighting so glomus a battle on the sam** platform for the Governorship of lowa, against the Abolitionists, will find this Black pamphlet ammuni tion in tho hands of tho enemy to bo u*ed ag&idst him and tho Democratic party. The indomitable Hobert, who leads th%PAo« crali j hosts as the nominee for sinon tho popular sovereignly platfym. molt re gard this iilsck pamphlet aac&lculated to help the enemy in thsir fight upon him and the Democratic party. Ho it is with Becker, Shields, and Cava naugh. who are fight a gallant battle against the Abolitionists of Minnesota. They stand fairly noon tho Cincinnati platform, as captained by Mr. flu channit in IBsfl, and boldly proclaim the doctrine of popular sovereignty and non-intervention wher ever they go . These gallant leaders and faidi tul Dctftodrala are all entitled to the sympathy and aid,of every true Democrat in tho land. Ihegret that I am nnable to comply with the ur gent appeals which Lhave received from tho State Gcatrol Committees oieadh of tho*e States to come an) help them. The Abolitionists in oil the old Stases are sending tbeir ablest men spid bastspeaje •N.to fight tho Democratic party in the Northwest witjh the deadly ammunition furnished in this Black pamphlet. 5Jv friendr, you wilkpardofl this digression from lito thread of my argument, to which we will now reborn, without further notice of the misrepresenta tioi3 contained In the Black pamphlet. ! CONCLUDING REMARKS. T hive not many more words to say. I wish to exhort «1! Democrats, all tnen who regard the pence and harmony of this Union aa paramount to partisan success to rally around those great prin ciples which Alone can preserve the peace and undttlmify of the country. So long as this doc trine shaft prevail that Congress can interfere with slavery anywhere there never can be peace, for so long as the doctrine shall prerrfll that Congress oaij rifle! ought to control the question, the enti tles ery men will demand that it shall ho controlled against slavery, while [he pro‘davery men will de mand that tho powers of tho Government riiall ho exdrfcd for slavery. The contest, therefore, bo twcon these jarring element*, tbit sectional etrile, must Inst just as long a$ tho people allow Congress to touch the question. A voice. u That’s *o. J ’ The agitation can never as Congress may net upon it. No matter which way Congress act*; if it nets at all tnefft till! ho strife, there will be ill blood, there will be socttoHal hate. Sup pose the South should come forward and demand a slave code to be enacted by Congress to compel tho people of Kama* to have slavery when they did not want it, would you be satisfied to allow it ? (“No/’l Then I* it any more satisfactory to the Sooth that the Republicans should interfere) and deprive tho people of slavery when they do want it ? IVe have before Us two case* in point awaiting tho mooting of Congress. There Is tho Territory of Now Mexico which was organized in IS5d and refused to maintain and protect slavery until the last year, when ft adopted ariavecodemaintainiogand protecting slavery. Now the Republican party stand* pledged by their Philadelphia platform, by all thpir Btoidp speeches or political ser mons that even disgraced tho pnlpit, by nil their professions to come forward and repeal the "lave code whioh tho people ha>o there adopted for themselves. On tho other band, the Terri tory of Kansas, tthb-h first Adopted a elaTccode establishing and protecting African slavery, re-, pealed that code by an act of the Territorial Le gislature on tue 9th of February, 185$. and »iK»U>h ed all laws protecting slavery or tho right/ of <*l*\o property! and punishing any man for violat ing thoso rights. According to the doctrine of the Southern interventionist they eiaft interfere and demand that Congress shall now pass a law com pelling Kansas io hate siftvory when she does not wautit. ThoHepubliCrirs and tho Southern in* 1 terventionistrf not on the same principle—a con tempt for the righte ofthe people, In; demanding that Coogfcss shall, exercise the same power which our lathers resisted wnch Colonics against the Bri tish Parliunent. -Tho Domocfritic party will meet that question just ns boldly in Netf Mexico and Kansas as wo have met alhaimihir questions. Wo shall maintain tho doctrino of mon-intervention with slsrer.v either in Now Mexico or Kansan. /Cheers.] T tell yml hore that every Democrat in America, who is entitled to be deemed & Democrat, holds to th© doctrine that If New Me.rico iranta slavery she has a right to it, and if sho wants a stove code, she has a right to Adopt one for herself: and on the jotter that if Kansas docs not want slavery no Mrsoa_pn earth _ shall force It on her' and if die compel her hi bate jdwJLoftt.. and cheers.] That is what we mean bv popular sovereignty—tho right of the people of Kansas to adopt a slave code when they please, and to re peal it when they get tired of it We in Illinois bftvo had some experience on the subject. The old ordinance of 1787 told the people of this North west Territory that they should not have slavery if thoy wanted it. The Territory of Illinois, not withstanding this, passed a slave code, introduced African slavery, pro’ectud and maintained it whilo in a Territorial condition in spite of tho ordinance. .Just so long as Congress said that slavery should not exist in Illinois it did exi«t, and tho moment tho prohibition wax withdrawn, and we were left freo to do a* we pleated, we abo lished it. In the very teeth and face of these facts Governor Chose comes out to Illinois every year and makes half a dozen speeches, in which he glo rifies the ordinance of 178*. and tell* the people of Illinois that thoy would inevitably have been a slave State but for that ordinance. Very likely ho hn* told you people of Ohio that you dcrivo all the blessings of freedom from that blessed ordinance of 1787. Docj be tell you so * {Voices, yes! yes ‘‘'l Well, I will tell you what I said to tho peopleof Illinois, when Chase made a few of the green ones heltovo that they were made free by the ordinance of 17*7. I told them that if their freedom depended upon the compulsory action of an act of Congrcs-. they did not deserve freedom. [Voices, “ that’s it.” and applause.] Tho doctrine of the Republi cans is, that you nto free becnase vou cannot help it. (Laughter and applause.] That you are free because Congress passed an act saying that you riiould be free. I thought that you were all free because you chose to be free I thought that you prohibited slavery because you did not wnut it; >ut now wo are told by the Republicans. “Oh! no. Ohio would bo a shivo • fc 'tato now but for tho ordi nance of ITS;, and would always have been a slave Stale but for that ordinance " So in Illinois and Indiana, all of the Northwestern State?, the people would hav 0 hail shiv cry if (’engross hail not inter fered. This is the Republican doctrine. On the other hand. I hold that Ohio derives her freedom from the glorious action of her own citizens, and Ohio w ill remain free just so long as her owu oifi 7pih are true to the doctrine of popular toveroignty (Cheer* | Whenever you become to depraved and degenorato that Congress can fan 0 either free lam or jdnvcry on jon, you do uot deserve to be fre* unv longer A voice. Is slavery a Christina institution ‘ Atr. Dmnus. I*know of do earthly tribunal which is authorized to pronounce an autlioratative nn-wer to that question. The Constitution of the Baited States docs not authorize tho Federal Go vernment to determine what institutions are Chris tian and what are not. The Federal Government U expressly forbidden to take cognizance of that question. It can prescribe no religious te.-t. It can establish no form of worship. It can proscribe no religious faith It cannot restrain religious free dom It cannot determine what institutions aro Christian and what are not. The right to doter- 1 mino those questions by the political action of the Government is forbidden by the Constitution, and Tam sworn to sustain that instrument. Whether slavery is ft good or bad institution—just or unjust —wise or unwi«e—is apolitical question under out syr-tem of Government which tho Constitution has expressly reserved to tho States respectively or to the people. Ohio has decided that question in accordance with the \ri*he*of her own people, as sho had a right to do. Kentucky has decided the Mime question the other wav, as she had an equal light to do All you have to do is to re e prct the rigid of ouch to decide to suit itself Miud your own business, niul let your neighbor alono. Thcro is high authority for the warning—judge md others lest you be judged * | Applause.} My friends, l will not detain you any longer—l have wearied you and wearied myself, a* my voice shows. T imi't, in conclusion, renew to you my profound gratification at what I have witnessed hero to-day, and, in fact, vvhorcver I have been in the Statu of Ohio. I find tho Democratic party « unit, determined to rally as one man round your noblo leader, and win n glorious triumph. [Cheers } Your principles nro sound—your candidates truo and reliable—you havo e* erything to encourage— upon you rest tho peaco and safety of the country. What will become of this great Confederacy, if a tnoro scitionnl party shall obtain control of the reins of your go- eminent' Why shall we encour age sectional strife between tho North and the South * Arc wc not brethren of a common coun try f Do we not rejoice in common glories won by our ancestors on the field of battle f Arc we not animated by common hope.', to transmit our liberty unimpaired t») L.ur latent posterity’ Why, then, can wo not act on these some principles that nni mated our lathers when they won our liberties! There was no se« tional strife.in {{evolutionary d*o * There were no sectional jealousies in Wash ington's camp On every battle field. Nqytb and South—at Camden, Yorktown. Saratoga. andTren* ton—Northern and Southorn blood flowed in com mon streams in a common cause. (ChceTS | On every one of thoso sacred battle* fields, South ern and Northern men gave up their live* in order that thi« Union might forever remain composed of free States ami elavo States, with the right ci'her to have slavery or not. ns it pleased Why, then, can we not act as brothers towards our friends in tho Smith } Have the Southern people ever been wanting in fidelity to the Constitution, or their loyalty to the eauso of freedom > On every battle field Southern chivalry has been conspicuous.by tho side of Northern chivalry; in every war wo have had. the South has always beeu ready to defend the flag, no matter whether it was upou the Southern or Northern frontier. Along the Canada line, and among the snows of that region, you will find tho bone* of Southern soldiers bleaching, who were* killed during thu war of 1812. Whenever » call has been made upon this Union thcro has been no distinction between the patriotism, tho gallantry. and tho disinterestedness of the two sec tions. Why, then, shall wo not remain at peace * Aro Ihoro no Southern men here' b there no man hero whoso heart heats at tho thought of a mothor'fl fate in old Virginia l Is thcro no daugh ter here whoso hopo and last prayer at night is for a mother or a risfer in a slaveholding State ? Why, then, I repeat, can wo not recognise our Southern friends as out brethern and our equals, and grant them every right which wc claim for ourselves, and maintain for ourselves every right which we concede to them ' Then, my tric-nd*, all we have to do 50 i* to maintain the time-honored principles of ihe Deuiwratiy party, and stand upon tho Cincinnati platfoim without the interpolation of a single plank, or tho abstraction of a single column—stand by that platform «s it was ex- THE WEEKLY PRESS. Th* Wxxxlt Pxsis, wiUfe* sent to Subscriber* by mail (persaanai, in #dvanee,)at_.. ThreeCop'M} u * *» - . ,|^f Five Copie*, w *• - _ , Ten Copies, u u ~; 21M Twenty Copie*,•• »* (tdooe address) HM ■Twent j Copies, or ov#r “ (to of eaehSubscnber.) each-. ij| Foe a Club of Twenty-one or over, we will etadaa extra copy to the getter op of the Clut£ Postmasters are requested to act as scents foe The Wszklt Pskss. CALIFORNIA PRESS. 1 ““ fd S-mi MoalU, la tiu. fcr tb« Steamers. poondo-i and understood i n when Mr Bs ebaoan was elected President upon it. Let ns stand by the Kansaa-Nebnaka bill —bv the Com promise of ISiH)—by the the right of the people to govern themselves, a* stated by Mr. Boebanaa in Hi* letter «3flatfgfcteiv}« «« gfcnt and we maintained v the battle., left year sin gle-handed. We stow say to Ohio, the oldest of the Northwestern States, and the one entitled to take the lead, rally, bring yourself into irae, en l take the command of the entire Northwest. Illi nois does not claim the lead—Ohio is entitled to it. Redeem her from Republicanism, Chase-ism, *M Glddings-ism, and come back to your first lore, th« Democracy. [Cheers and laughter.] Whenever you do that Illinois will follow you. If you do not throw off the abac if ex, we will maintain the fight single-handed andkek&the Democratic fiag waving in triumph over ana Northwestern State at least. [Great applause.) Afy friend/, I aiwavs leave the beet thing for the conclniioD, and now I am going to give it to joq : I presebt to you Judge Benny, the next Demo cratic Governor of Ohio. (Tremendous about of applause,, followed by nine oncers for Douglas.} FOREIGN MISCELLANIES. Shol'LO circumstances next year not permit Queen Victoria to rLit Canada it is pretty certain that the Fringe of Wales will, oy bis presence, re spond to the tfiritetlon of the people presented by the Speaker of the Hoese of Assembly. The Army axd Nayt Estimates.—'The Tints tally believes that j£5, 000,000 of money could be saved oat of the army and navy estimates, and the army and navy be more efficient than now. The Ttmtt calls upon Mr. Cohden. and saya, if be would onlygivc a portion of his vacation to master ing this question, it i$ convinced that £5,000.(K)0 might bo saved, and with one of these £5,000,000 oar ships of war might be manned as easily as they aro now coaled. Ir is nvMcituD.tbat Lord Derby and several of bis late colleagues will be entertained at a public banquet )n Liverpool, to take place in the course of a few week*. Tim Derbyshire Ailrtrtiter states that a young man, a member of an evangelical choroh, adver tises io a local paper for board in a pious family, where his Christian example would be considered a compensation O.NMifHir B'illiam Armstrong's guns made at EUvtkk wft.- tried on the iU. It sent a ball 9000 yards, oc upwards of five miles. Rbpout ox Decimal Coinage.— The report of the eommbcion on decimal coinage has at last been published. The decision of tho commissioners, in substance is that a decimal coinage, at least in the form which is now most frequently proposed. “ can cot be looked upon as a well-assured or demon strated unpto\euu»nt on our present coinage, but rather bo considered as an experiment of veiy doubtful value, accompanied, beyond all question, by many serioa* transitional difficulties. The ALCorxis. from Ireland state that the re vival movement is only now commencing “in right earnest” in the capital of Ulster- MLlame Goldschmidt Lind) will sing at Belfast on the 12th, 14th, and 15th October. Tho prices of mlmissu'u’are 15s and a balf-a-guinea. As ingenions Scotchman has trained a couple of mice to turn a reel for twisting twine. The labour ers ran about ten miles a day, and reel from 100 to 120 threads. A halfpenny’s worth of oatmeal lasts a mouse five weeks; and the clear annual 'profit i*a each animal j»er year is computed at six shillings. The Emperor has commanded the Perfect of the Sciuo to continue the improvements in the suburbs of Paris on a gigantic scale. The Emperor is expected at the camp at Chalons on the 2iKh instant, and at Paris on the 25th, and it is state,' that he will go to Cherbourg fax the courve of October- # Bohkthivg of Prince. Napoleon and his toKagland^iTth^.eganw of the iiib rikfc.nu uurtftAAß.ar"tinw.ivui piuutuiy of tho shortcomings of the measure v>f disarma ment which it announced the other day, baa deter mined to give it farther extension. A consider able portion of the conscripts of lso3 will obtain a six-months leave of absence, which will t>e re newable so long as the exigencies of Ibe service shall permit. Tiik Havre Joibvjls elate that there is no foundation for the rumor that the French Govern ment intends to fortify that place. The only works proposed are for the enlargement of the oulerpcrt, which is too small for the present trade. Havre now stands for one-fourth m the whole movement of French commerce, which is estimated at about 5,.‘129.000,0wfc., and tor one-third of all that is ef fected by #ea. Marseilles now occupies only the secoud rank in mercantile importance. Tiir Prixcb Natoleox had quitted Paris for Auvergne, from whence he wifi proceed to Switzerland. Itisrupposed that bis journey haa reference to-tho intended interview between the Kmperors of France aud Austria at the Castle of Abremherg. Tue King of the Belgians, it is said., is about to pay a visit to bis villa on the Lake of Como, in Italy, where the Archdacbcss Maximilian, his daughter, will meet him. Tub King of tho Belgians has passed through Frankfort, travelling under the name of the Count des Ardennes. I.v Paris it is stated that Kin£ Leopold and bis son-in-law, the Archduke Maximilian, ax© about to pay a viiit to the Emperor Napoleon, with** view of talking over the propriety of converting Ycnetia iuto au independent State, under the rule : of the Archduke. Kiso LKoroLu’s son, the Comte de Flandres, ba.*a i kedin marriage the daugbt&r of the King uf Sweden, Md’lle Charlotte Eugenie, born 24thof April, fo:*0, consequently older than the bride groom. As Leopold's own marriage with a daugh ter of Louii Phißippc was a mixed one. each re taining their respective creeds, this new Lutheran connection is according to precedent Thr JaJeyi a Janee in speaking of the in tended fortification* ot Antwerp, the plan of which i- attributed to Napoleon X. states that the details were communicated last year to the Belgian Go vernment iu the moit courteous manner by the French Minister of War, with tho authorization of Napoleon Tli. The city of Ghent has addressed a petition tn the Senate of" Belgium against fortifying Antwerp. The ogitatfon in Germany is increasing in furor of a firm, strong, and central Government, and for the convocation of a national assembly in lieu of the present diet, and Prussia is called upon to take tho initiative in the measure.*. Three hundred horses arc annually killed in Hanover for consumption by the eater* of horse flesh. a very numerous class in Germany. The large Russian ship-of-war .General Admiral, with the Grand Duke Constantine on board, sailed from Portsmouth on the 7th, for Cronstadt. A CHCttni is now being built at St. Petersburg in which divine service will be performed in French. oThf. biJepammff says that England ha 3 pro posed to France and Austria an European Con gress on Italiun Affairs, on the preliminary basis of non-intervention by force of arms The Vienna correspondent of a Hamburg paper eavs “It is quite certain that Sardiria offered a to our Government for the cession of Veuetia, which uffer, though hacked by England, was simply decliued. Sardinia then proposed that Mantua and l > Cschiera should be cedw, for which a considerable indemnity was also offered; but this met with as little favor as the previous pro posal. Sardinia lastly demanded that they should be made federal fortresses: and up to the present time she insists on this requirement " The Gazette dt France has made the remarkable ■ lis'overy that the conditional a:cepUnce of Tuscany by Victor Emmanuel is due to English intriguer To punish this interference the Gazette sug gests the raising of 2.000,U00 of soldiers, and a loan uf 1)10,000.000 sterling, to bfot England from tho map of Europe The utmost strength of the troops in Central Italy, which could now be brought into the field, would not exceed 20 000, or at tho utmost 22.000 combatants. The Tuscans r.ow under the orders of Garibaldi may perhaps be reckoned at 10,000 be tween regular troops and volunteers. Besides the Tu*cans. Farini has organized a Modena brigade, a Reggio brigade, and is now busy with tho forma tion nf a Parma brigade. Regular troops, however, are for more difficult to be made ready for active operations than toheuierely projectedinadecree. Thk Duchess of Parma issojourning at ** Clarens, sweet Clarens, birthplace of pure lore,*' on the bankiof Geneva's laßes. She is residing at the residence of a celebrated Legitimist. M. Nicolai, on whose counsel and friendship she sew much store. fA Statistical publication just issued states that 0 cost of keeping tip permanent armies on the continent emounts to SO millions sterling. Add the value of the fobor of the men taken from tho plough or the loom to be initiated in the mysteries of the giiose slop, and you may form an adequate idea of the foe