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'.- ---':-.4-' ;''''•"•• 4 ' . :'''''- .4 "-- 3? - r.!:;-0 , ;Mrnallt,4ll_,MilliktWVlVlC*oo. lb. 4 1 4 rd" ,' ' ' •'•''. , -' : is, _ -i ' .:=• • - - Z ~,, , , . . ~ , • Mang tOWMOI*II9BO Al e -°4 74,t454( 1,434 4 14 ..... -• I, ~ . ,t. , - i,'' ' - - • ''. - - ''' ' - - ' . • . ' :,;j. nit Amu; loutlroumurrA asifirt mini; i n . , - Vi i , , tostkitikikelkilkfirtitiiiiirailiblybisiliaied tbi th, - . - * 4 `,-- • ie. ... ' ~ ~~`~ `~ . 6 . j er tilithyj'et faun Dote . NIX anlittpi ilikktrlata. , t.-Ta• • . - . -- : 1 10 4 einthi - Pielli ei4U'bii "NM' kilitiojedbori:l4 :seAt '(pelicirjudn i 111 iiiitesete,) st,L. ' • , 101 1 00 .I"helee'iree.., lk - ,,, - , -,5f, , , - -. l^, "4 - ' • - . 6 00 ,11/v• 1;1 itili3Ookiii 4 . 2 . r , 7,1, ~._ ~ , 6.•ep ........ 4. 011 " W. ' 'gg - Twenty theitelli' c , ' '' -' 41, (te One teddriVe).... 20 00 'TweitY 00Plee, oewrw,- (I (to 1t44t 6 / 1 71 or snob ' - .r• fflebeeliket)itiob - 44' - ' ~; 1-20 for 0...1D1ub of,Twookr-000 or oysr, ire vat amod OW - e,'stro eelif th:thto'gether-qp - of the Olub.. , . '115"! reetoutatoriiie'resioeste4 *act ea Airoi!ti - roi - , Ilia WareCylavea: ',.„ :. , TO THE TNBLie,, , - Iltront the in:nuenee patronage beito'ned upon Bee itOti'a Tovieo OALT;t110. taid of the ast;i4lo Okhis ,beettlCd fo boileve tbat higpoeti9il adietijiemooto hive unli44l 'roar, 04-bas'eeiteltidid„to,, his Many ; readers it poem snore: Worthy pf caraftd _ pa' than any oi'Lls fortuar efforts` TIM poiai be leagthy t and will be ,contlauWl 3,1 A. week potil Objeit4M4 alior n up, .aido slde t Flare, ,ittiotblng to wear, ,, and Idt 'l'eton 904 with *Wog told ; and its doingthis; the unthor, in ti e lulu* .hf.the Immortal Shaltspoire,' „, „ , would fai— , • ichnok here upon this picture and , on this." LITTLUTON.,9III4,A,'IIItiIUII !LORA idog).olihr A poetlial liwyer, in Idinhatten Cite, ' tins given" the publq a pliant or ditty, Iu *bitty:Mb eatlrleal tatignmerefived, '" With ettnewchiesa and caching:to act as abettors, ' • Heepreadm btble,rWere n Coast for the mind, , , • , Bye prellaredlathe,kimbettaf In feet, on Pesuloti,li lance he has tilted, -Against a- fair maiden hy"Whom ho was plied ; ' • MIR Flora kleriludef, of Madison Square, - A lady of feettion who'd nothing to wear,, ' knbw that a lawyer Is fatnowtfor teat, . le =Lettere of, fancy she Matteis or feet ; And,"lttereforeourpeet that In Malting e,pien-, • • Where he both them:angel and Went =tot be,' Defending himself, every word be nay utter, I (queidloned, would load to an inquest rebutter. 'Yea. If the opponentagainst him arrayed, , Unmehorded'in late, Was a matron or maid; , Though clad in an motor cejorAtee oak - truth, - Appareled ht,ralment,of messy ; , foratmilt, ; tie Would may,lo thejnige, to .the jury;dielare The woman opposimf hos uotting to wear. ,, • -The atorythatiteld , datanpoemordilly, By the lawyer and poet of Illanhattatt City, - lehallbptpreteudltt t jttlfuUnee}totyll,'..- inotgliw you the gitit;settiiht from the shell - . 7 There lived a young lady in Madison Square, Mite FlOraMore the fair: • The maids, bad pride,end. atill.botter bylar, , A' net au Itidalgent, a Boating pope;- A Man aboln youth one fortuno was beakt,' And loaned outlets cash ate hundred per cent (=, Until the AnenabilomancaS ba bia • Medi the aggregate euttiof hie estrange and eavlngs; A round half a million, and than ho retired For his tireelth, and abeantiful daughter.; admired - . Smiled an by.the woctieti,andlattered by "mini • He hamtpAtbe list of the growl apps r, ten 1 , 1 Now Flora, his damtbfer, was handsome and gay; , • 'And couteMie hio dropped In her hearing one day,, , - Th 6 slmpleremarki from an tingearded 'tongue, . In the forcible language of G 4 it tattle young) Yaw FlOml wan young. and her fattier was old;_ - _ • . She wad heir to him coScre or • And she idea hexed -' twai n pity, Mack - That money get neer `As Evil Onei: ; Would go uo4arlebt—itertniitter•oluire It would go.—; • e a e feati that all of tut know.,• , BO the maiden determined herself she would blest, By being„theleatter of fashion ated dries; • 1, And (sopa/thin:AlM 'with her friend, lire: Varese , „. She took sundry tripe to the city of Pacts. " Ia ,her regal ragellei Thelleerahe mkt aeon, Norio took her for less than an empress or queen. Whatever Abe MO - , If ltannimarted a Itintosts, Wee purelnwed;no matter ',bat price the bestowed; If cir a mAntle;:or, bonnet itt - Thcla te st , :•!lt ititketi that were eureteherallai A ad gazing she pnrehased, and buylog did gsze,. Determined thatnothlng,to plume or amete Shanld'be iiitharcityof Paris; ea:Met - he ' - Could,drowon the hanker, herlather,""and Would honor, the drafts p( his deAllitt, the Mho; floribtclrliemei of Itadlionk re. ""'• At hitt wlttiher Mutes - to *elate of fraitloii;"'''' - She bade an mom to her frlextdaytholitridene, • And taking eteanter—X thin* 'tele the Areger. llirought home ber, o ltertaaa. the bulls et theasup-1' [To Be ' And the author would respectfully salt his readent to 'kee(i - th64-iptiat, nod also to keepig iimindihkeßnoltv still entitlotteito cell restilcrnableitaidy:lfidiOlothfail# attha leiwestliriceS; it 141'ov/se itittf, githeitth B. zzi,- "Stallf.clavr &rimer, Viatile"aide,` , bettipen s aiia-sixth iteteti. = • • . " - AA/ ARBURTQN I S . •w • • ooviallsow.woßmipllEAD;-' ...saampor "lithe aud' ill • the deist!" -1042NTEhi Inc,ille-, "Wei Dte9 rrtt' ULU) , . CheaUemen "re invite,* to..e4l_lthe exteeloh;,t octiel•eni , aka , - . ---, ---,-- an iiriginal --__ ---. 50 imotitli* tnit4 Of oblktrbbils tauntoll l ASinttit, Anattsr‘ikitktintAtottot At'Amm.,/not s: , / ~, ~Iftn,,lo# AlAtla thtit Ibis fitinunthi atorY or Ural' DelpriZArnstfittllktrMA foetAt Ant ,ttel . 04144 -fir vut'pirt mod the prrsonti foinktiVil t 5 44,1,44. 9 1 1 00 1""V a 1'A ie :.- I.liWt` ~,,4 . ~.. 110 1 4 , 12 040a$Ov ' .• '', ' , :' • ' 0116 S MO ' 1 4 1 4, 4 4 a XtfAt i #4._:.,A. , -, Ritafi, A 'LW' rforae4 , - *:,i; ,- • • ~.' :',.'!-...--- .: _ • ,-..., ", • • ;-IlievaimOokstibliit 611 )2e**011,11141,1, tr 1 itodlifitk.".4.44.lt;' n tiOAll,titingstnt, .1140usiti - ' --- ' . , I , ,•-bli f ir ..,. ..:11) , ..thtWeylioolr. I ivs4- '•k4,-Ar cv2.,:i.,-.‘,...._ -:l3gt - uo9i; A lett% rles; ralsOle4 'OO4 irretk u trofe g eo W YO AL to on , Wei° r . s ' .. :ili;t:';',,'-ifi?: . -,;,',‘ , T,, VOL. 1 1- -NO: 'll4. ZATURDAt, ,DEOkiAIZR. 12, 18b7. 1 AMONG 'TEE PERIODICALS.' ' "Msgazthes and RtilelOWs have ttrriVed at the dignity:Of going almost' neeessiries of (mental) life. ' Newspapers rnit into' polities, itito:the ;eventa and Objeete of daily' eilsiertee, but' the trientbli Inagazine,e'r thequarbnly review SUP pileathOulud,i/lit literature in Its moat popu 7 lar feina,Bere, chiefly supplied by Mri W. B: Zrpnr:l4 of.SoutlrThint Street, 'who seems to have theageney ibr almOst every thing in that line, lye have a great manYperiodleale on our 4004 Now anti then; our, attentive friend, Cit:Lanza, earner 'of Third and Walnut, hands 11f1 . 11 Oagasine r • Occasionally, too,Mr. 4.-Purunaort sends us something in this way. We mention..them thus collectively,. 'manse we have been unable to remember particularly from whom we have received each licraison.. Scoilic Co., of New York, who reprint the'four great British Quarterlies, and publish a fae-simile edition of Blackwood, at lam thadathird of the English suhapription, have lately published new, numbers of the Westminster, the Quarterly, and North British, and Edinburgh Reviews-Lextreme liberal, tory, and , whig organs, - in politics and literature. The most, notieeable article in the Westmin "der is - that tilion Female Dress in 1857;" written with as much force as satire, and a dreadfal LW of indictment , against ,the fair , and ,fashionable From his minute ac quaintance with the materials and variety of costume, one might imagine the writer to be a man-milliner—a sort of well-instructed Man- tiliol—but then; the literary composition is so ,good thatiorni but, a practised Writer could have written it. Perhaps two'hands were en gaged in it 7 Rumor hints at Mr. Gnaw., the 'hietorhin of Greece, and his wife, who is a bas bleu. fifth or sixth Year, it appears neces sary, M the eyes of the Edinburgh Review, to open with an article upon llscos. In the new number, there is •such an .article, based upon 'SPEDDINIi'II new edition of the works of him who,.wisdescribeil,hy'Posc as—. "IViseat, grootOat, meant of mankind." .ono thing is singular in this criticism— . nantely; , its &Voidance of the ordinary error of 'speaking - of , Lord BACON. There never was sitelt"a persenjer 'such a:peerage, FRANCIS 'BICOn was 'cieated. Baron William and yli colinkAt. Albans, but,never was Baron BACON.' Even MACAVLAY.himseIf, who is very particu lar on Comparativelptrifling points, invariably ei Lord BACON." TIIOTO are some other articles of interest here—one upon the .Scottish Highlands is able, though sketchy, : and the paper on .the' Indian Mutiny is ex ;timely good. r In the Quurtei,ly Riviete,by far the best aril "cle is upon "The Pariah Priest," the more elabolate working -out of an idea started in the • retrospective introduction to MACAULAY'S Miltory,of England. Other readable papers here aro those upon Cornwall, Dr. ARNOLD of Rugby, the- Venetian Embassy -to JAMES 1., 'and G EOR OE Srpriansosr, the father of Railroad travelling. :. , Por a long time, there has not bean any number of the Qiiarter/Yhalf as good as this.. the North British Review, which bad 'been'snapebdiA In the early part of 'the year, and teas, very , acceptable to a large portion of the coon:ability, as representing 'the opinions of that branch of the Church of Scotland with veld& the late Dr. CoriLmons was long ?den tided, lens-lately resumed, and the second number (for , :November ) which Messrs. iSaorr,,, haver just issued, shows not only acute"- and ''' vigorous criticism, but a re 'tern, bi ' the. ,souild , principles which ede ma* characterized it.: Opening with a full atiil - ;)tnit review of At.r.sotr, as a historian, it4Lsetisses,Oenests sed_Science, Lurrarit.'s J)lary, saottiih Metaphysicians, Slavery and - . '.§.l.lr,Atatea, - (i,teniperate article,) Joffe Irlsorarealiteinoirs, BRRATtedity as Tolitician and- 'Poet, and,. early and' recent navels in Arabia and Palestiee. • In the 'Slavery 'article, lila prophesied that the census, of 1860 " will tai alter the Position ofNorth and South, of pree Stateimukfillave Statea, 'that the election of snanti-slavery President, In 1861', may be I,'ilekoned Sintipt ituniebable." ,UnfortUuately -fordiris 4heorY, iht, Plesideolial election will take place in 1860, before the, reviewer's Its -os4ea t,0,0.3 , c,an 'c'Perate• i.; :re -.shidl .. have the December number of , 19tfsekwoosi's Magazine in,afew 'days; arid may , ,Sitgapishile say that the story nailed ",Jeilet'a Momitahee,"-inst coucluded in this periodi #l, is'onw Of, the:Most touching' and pathetic we .linve ' ield', 'for—we .knolv , not how. long: Phemile'.alisss 4 ° graphic account of a paisage serosiMiellt i pintis,Of Tamale, and a further dieinalion. o .filliitar3'),education in England. A New :itirit,Pisplicatitin; called The Young Miefa,Mngisaittli'',whielt, ye receive through. Mr./o„sit.t.tencal occasionally contains good "ytketintigh. its general 'tone Is to heavy Indeltdactio.:, In the 'neve,Ouniber there is a , capital ;paper op; e_c. Our -Motels," in which, .ht_dMi*er s , the 'tare' IA "piled up" a little too -iiirring; , ...li...bitigraPhi of P.iiittv, the Arctic `NavigeterAl icririailable. It opens well : ''..:On it .bririrend beitintfal 'day,* few summers it'64,skimis cat ints 7 on board 'ono of the stesmtMats whloh ottr#_peraengeill between' London rind a isalltdownmaterieg-place near the mouth of: the TiMilnelf• • A's,. th e vessel proceeded' rapidly up the -firer w e're!, sucideuly , mapped lb order to receive ale}' a' bast *blob came alongside .frbiLt i he Ilboie.: AV' IMO' party came on board, eyi tlir conelstini"of persons of ' refinement and ~attiOLV ThienWits a lady,'accompanied by several rieglatarpiAne of the , - latter more thin thirteen tam o r and Glair male'compinion seemed to ' :the ndsire.bf these - happy girls , t.ho now ,orepeo ' , to lilt side and'imon played on tin debit aegba MO. ', • - ' , 3 '.• ' . , .. ~ : ' " .-"Thtt gentlemen's - appearance. at , once arrested I my ,attentiott„ltior stature was as lolly. as hir fr- 1140, *4 4 ,1fe11 - /iel,t . .nuit massive: . his' eye WAS nObt; yet Oahe; - his gray hair was half concealed "Is an nadress navel:cap, and over a long blue coat , linet,alrapPed Piece/Cape. The whisper went round among: the' c ipatimegers that this was Sir Edward Perjy,,tbe' overaor Of Greenwich' Hospital. - 818 panieitadimen familiar to was agreat Arctic die. rescoreyeit i nce oblleboopt days, and we felt deeply tattle( lifthilyersonuel of one so distinguished. ( g talksMany, whose reel self, as to outward aspect _;" iii"-"Mayoklngly inferior' to the Ideal with -Whielliti admiring fancy had Invested them, here =iiint-enoWho, "thee& holed ' somewhat with ;vAncliiimODS!tutllMillesiTet could not fail' to eto as!" tusinrauce ot a man" We (Multi well lbisek _twenty - or thirty years to what he was ' en, , picetly, and, totelleotually, and; recognise i, site; • ittenliwially,fitted . by,Proyldenoe fora PM., . rile . demanding inflexible 'deehtion, lisr , . plea id the fade of obstacles, T..' ~i: , " iiiii of - Mittiptiod hardships.' , Id 0 , - naked' ittbst gentle face now thougnt . f , , • <, , • Illumined - by the' smile of affection ,_, . !UrbINVIIVIV swept past the no-, 1 11 411 A a asylum ,of Greenwich h o spital, and ' flints slitiv,:at 'is , sigttil hoisted. belie off a gig /lby-Thitish-bitte-jnekets, who, iii - his own "istiat,reelirreyed tbefievernoronabore. "Newatched Vim isitite &Scandal lonian stern of Ilse boat, and '=" tdoltillirsiiit:4-Itsvanten , grit and list glimpse of ose of Eagiend'sgreatest sons. ' . ,"elfeci,:MXlLVot , , the - Presbyterian Quarterly • 'lir PAlt. IIluta". time ittach V:). I 1:222 ,iir r Stag oiit I* Aut. SA Ask • .tytia, tfOoinhitshe4 hi rblytdpipbta;operis With o;pso,l, l lil.nit 49111 i Wimeurri 'and Wl' Times, which, without ramiing into 'Mfeestilie length ItritbMonsanto(' may fairly be, said alma to - - eifigtei tho'imbitict - Loolchtg upon WIORLIFFEI 'ititheitddoffincil l nOttiot Of,',the Reformation, 01,4testi La:gm has ger.Mially'Obtained ,jbe credit , ,OrJ4 the !notary' or. the man cannot be unimportant. The paper on the Settlement 'Of ltdryinuil fails into the error of , being too 4),:itecleetsial.' There loan able and ingenious dittensaion On tho Wiled or 'Deacon,: gore is ci 'litii , pni:eittin; relating t 6 thd. burden'ef secular • • t. - bitiiinesithictird . nPon _Uhrslau , ,mitiletc,rs of Al denominations : , , , , , ‘ , . ..". 4 gni groai .b m e rien of raiSlog funds thr the 'building' of chus, for .the sweetie° and, 'aby sm/oft of epilogs" and sobOols, and for the extension ' of ibletspollittpigsn'eountlits, is 'cot upon the ministers" of the`land, not tolmeution the many instance. in *Met in all our denominations, they are eonstralned,,,thatthey might not static, to -raise theli'sofn Wiriest. We speak here caps. eisity,ttitengh hot ,exelusivelY," of pastors. Not 0 11 1 .71 1 1 11 (1 11 4304 to. plead the cause of , benevolenoe ' ittlbe vulva—Ude te: legAt t irelititt-they are else stakekcipon to _Mints personal applications for mousy to Sally en the Ohnreh's work, This labor is excetticlltillion (4 the extetit and !wealth et a postoi.steon~lest. , Mnay!' Inloister hag rpentlatil Initditys, Win* he ne eded for payee wig sbsfOlifryllog Rola dot* to!door seeking e on tAbalti4ll torti s a t n .. of i.p. p ., 3 •ssd , his , ,no _lto "der ' Ole • p F., wV, ~, , clalithiot votausu is has TA eidor;: When' IVOljurell is to be • • 0, fee t ' hi is . implif4o4 tO fake Ocoblor 41:11!E -..- `e-Y14114 . part in the work of raising money to liquidate Ito cost or if his Church is on , debt the I larger share of the burden, incident upon its re moval, is thrown upon him. 'lt is his Church ; be is its :minister; he la :to live , by It; let him see to its freedom from embarrassment.' If a ohm& is In debt, alhorisand mileato the south or west, his le applied to, and an hour Uf hitibest work ing:day IS consumed in' listening tO'Cre tale of, its high importance to Prritostantism!or tO.Presbyte ,l rianistu ; yea, even to thei country4t, large, He Muld aid in U . M endowment of colleges, in the Pur chase of soholarships, and spend a morning in troduoing an agent to this and that 'prominent member of his Church. lie Must employ his pri vate influenee onl behalf of some "ptitr"scbeme of a prominent minister, and thus rob blaireart and his head of prayer and mental application, which neither himself nor Ids people popld afferd"to lose. Ile must occupy his precious niomiinta in solicit ing subscriptions fo newspaper, derriagasine, or re view, on the ground of Its great importance to the interests of the Church and soolity, or. it may be, even of the American Union. He must consume his time in reading some unimportant book, with a view" to its introduction into the fon:Mimi of his flock. Ile must be bead and chief of every great and generous financial movement on behalf of Bible, Tract, Sunday-sohool, ,Missionary, Protest ant, Educational, and such other :moieties. So far from being a caricature, this desoription scarcely neither; the true delineation of the demands which are made upon our clergy, in relation 'to the col= looting of funds for literary, ecoletlastioal, and otherwise charitable purposes. A pastor, indeed, Is scarcely safe from intrusion during one entire hour of the working day, and the sanctity of tho Sabbath even Is not always auffrolout Warder ap plicants from approaching him on "the subjeot of, money." One of the best-conducted and Useful works in this country is FnEEUAN lIILST'S Merchants' Magazine. It has. stood the test of nearly twenty years'. competition, and continues at the head of its class: . Not only in this colin try, but all over Europe; its' ;rain is recognis ed. The statistics of trade, commerce, mi ning, and manufactures which it concentrates and contains .are it .thO 'utmost value. `Mr. MINT exchanges, we believe, with half the newspapefs in' the' Union, and the smallest fact, connected with the avowed purpose of his work, contained in them, is made use of by him, and handed down in a pernianent form. In tke December number, just received by Mi. ZIEBER, the opening article, 'e On the Panic and Financial Crisis of 1857," is written by Mr. E. C. SEAMAN, of Michigan. It is a full and lucid exposition of causes and effects, and con eludes, hopefully, with expressing a belief that the country will soon recover from the effects of the late revulsion. . . We have seen two numbers of to The Indian Empire Illustrated," written by MONTGOMERY IdAnine, the: historian 1 . ;) r the British Colonies, profusely embellished. with maps and first class engravings, and - published by the Len ders Printing and Publishing Company, who (as we learn from an advertisement in our own columns) have Mr. REED, of 218 'Walnut street, as their agent here. There are three large steel engravings in each number—any one• of those we have seen being worth the es,quarter "'charged for the whole. Mr. MAR via, who has lived in India, is as well quali fied as any man now living to give a faithful and graphic account of British India. Of the Bankers' Magazine, published in New York, we have received only the num ber for NoveMber. It contains a great deal of well.digested information. Tho opening article, on the . HistOrY of the Post Office, is the best•on that subject we ever read. A fortnight ago, we received the December number of The Atlantic Monthly, a new maga zine published at Boston.- 'We have delayed noticing it, _because it is not pleasant to speak disparagingly of a new undertaking. Butt, as the truth must Out, we take it in hand, even now. It bias the negative merit of not containing any 'thing so indifferent as the rhymed platitudes, in the November number, by R. IV. Ent:am:ix, entitled "Brahma," which, if the sublime were to be found in the obscure—and then only—may be a stupendous poem. " The-Battle-of-Lepautch't attributed to W. H. PaEsoorr ; the conclusion 'Of Mr. lilonxi7S "Florentine Mosaics," Dr. 0. W. Houses! amusing "Autocrat of the Breakfast Table,". (winding up 'with a chanson a boiro converted into a temperance, hymn,) and • et Our ' Birds and their Ways" would do credit to any, periodical. There; our praise must end... The paper • upon ei Robin Hood" is so superficial that It might have been compiled in a folVhburs by 110 ordinary writer. The article on-T/10116a Caatur, by an ardent hero-worshipper, contains many words,; but tells nothing. In the first number of the At lantic Monthly, a single sentence in a prose essay, attributed to PARKE GODWIN, indicated that Abolitionism would be the hobby of the now Magazine. 'Mr. Gonwlit Is a man of more' ability than jedgthent. It is' scarcely doubt ful that his introduction and strong , ad imcaey of extreme sectional politics was the principal cause of the decline and fall of Putnam's Magazine. He is fol lowing the same track in the Atlantic Monthly, which is now irretrievably committed to the stockholders of the,Underground Rail- His article " Where ;will it end ?" may be answered—in breaking lip the Atlantic Monthly.' His violent attack on the South, however, is , so extravagant that even HENRY WAan BEECHER himself intuit have shrugged his shoulders and litted-up his eyebrows when he read it. What can be thought of a writer who seriously states, and expects to be be lieved, that "the ruling influence of the na tion" (as he calls the South) is represented by is not much more thin fifty thousand voting men ?" We turn to another point. Boston has been described as a nest of singing.birds, and undoubtedly a good deal of readable verses have thence come to us. In the Atlantic Month ly, however, instead of the free and giishing spirit which (to use Bvnou's words) "wreaks it ' self into expression," commonly called Poetry, 'we have mannerism, affectation of singularity, andprose hroltennp into lines to looklike verse. Here, for instance, in a piece called "The Wind :and, the Stream," we have each verse , ending with such a refrain as— That winding stream, A pretty stream, a placid stream, A softlyfgllding, bashful stream," and so on through five verses. AL the end of each, new varieties of adjectives are appended to the'utifortunato I( stream," which, at last, is properly described as "That littfo stream, The cheated stream, the hopeless stream, The evor-mutmering-ttsoeting'stream." In another lyric, occupying over two pages, and entitled , « Skipper Ireson's Ride," there 19 a eonstantly.recurring refrain, (tagged to each verse,) this ; "here's Plod Oiroon, fur ' hlo horrd horrt, Torr'd an'Sathored on' oorr'd in a corn By the4dlnen htorble'ea3.'•'•-• Is This to pass current for Poetry'?-.What is it but the commonest prose, declaring that Old, Floyd ireson for his hard heart, was tarred.end feathered and carried on a cart by the women of Afarbiebetid ? Neither in the deed, nor In the words which 'chroOlcle it, is there any thing poetical, Even this isnot so bad as cc The Golden Mile-stone," a page of ; prose so„heavy that the corimOsitor, to make it look light, broke it up into something like blank verse. What, but the merest prose, is 'this : "By the fireside there are youthful dreamers, building castles fair with stately stairways, asking blindly of the future what it eannot give them." Or, " Each man's chimney is his golden mile•sione is the central point from which be measures every distance through the gateways of the world around: him" Or, this closing sentence : " We may build more splendid het:it/01mA flu our rooms with paintings and with sculptures, but we cannot buy with gold the old ambeiatiens." Last, but not least in estimation, is the time honored Knicktrbockek, the oldest of Ame rican monthlies, which, every now anti then, quaffs off the Elixir Vibe (there is * fountain 'of it - ,,rit.'„Plerinent), ;and ,thus preSitves,per petnal youth. We dread to thinli ;whit will become of the Knieiyrberfeer, whoa Its pope: far. editor g shit files or this *mortal 'coll." For, LEwts Gavr.anti Citsast is the maga zine. His lialter's Time is more - generally read, and more genially enjoyed, we venture to say,llupi , any .021 quantity of print In any other periodical. .Ife is gay- and theughtrul as . ever, tfds roonlk--rfon,q4 anti wisdom often togetber—and inmaking up his mind, no doubt, for a great spring, in January, when be ;letttr coMmerite stiervvolinno. — PHILADELPHIA, • SATURDAY, DECEMBER 'l2, 1857. SPEECILOP SENATOR DOUGLAS. Defence of Popular Sovereignty and The Will of the Majority. IN SENATE, DECEBIBER 9ru, 1857 On motion of Mr. DOUGLAS, the Senate resumed the oonsideiation of the motion made by him yes terday; to print the President's Message and RO oompanyingdoeumentm, with fifteen thousand extra copies. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, when yesterday the President's Message Was read at the clerk's desk, I heard it but impetfootly, and I was of the iinprehlow that the President of the United States bad approved and endorsed the action of the Le compton Convention in Kansas. Under that im pression, I felt it my dutyto state that, while I comma in the general views of the Message, yet so far as it approved or endorsed thp action of that Cenvention,l entirely dissented from It, and would avail myself of an early opportunity to state my reasons for my dissent. Upon a more careful and critical examination of the Message I am rejoiced to And that the President of the United States hos not recommended that Congress shall pass a law to receive Kansas into the Union under the Con stitution formed at Locompiton. It is true that the tone Or the Mosul° indicates a willingness on the part of. the President to sign a bill if we shall see proper to pass ono receiving Kansas into, the Union under thht Constitution. But, sir, it is a foot of groat significance ' and worthy , of consideration, that the President toes refrained from the endorsement of the Convention, and from -any recommendation as , to' the -consio Congress should pursue with regard to the Constitution there formed. The 'message of the 'President has made an ar gument—an unanswerable argument in,my opinion —against that Constitution, which shows clearly, Whether intended to arrive at that result or not, that, consistently with his views and prinoiples, ho cannot acoept that COnstitution. Ho has ex pressed his deep mortification and disappointment, that the Constitution itself has not been submit ted to the people of Kansas fur their acceptance or rejection. lie informs us that he hes unquali fiedly expressed his opinions on that subject in his instruetions to Governor Walker, assuming, as a otter of course, that the Constitution was to be submitted to the people before it could have any vitality or validity Ho goes further, and tolls us that the example sot by Congress in the Minnesota ease, by inserting a clause in the enabling act requiring the Constitution to bo submitted to the people, ought to become a uniform rule, not to be departed from hereafter in any ease. On these various propositions I agree entirely with the 'President of the United States, and I am pre pared now to sustain that uniform rule which he asks us to pursue, in all other cases, by taking the Minnesota provision as our example. I rejoice, on a careful perusal of the message, to find so much loss to dissent from than I was under the impression there was, from the hasty reading and imperfect hearing of the message In the first instance. In effeot, ho refers that document to the Congress of the United States—as the Consti tution of the United States refers it--for us to de cide upon it under our responsibility It is proper that ho should have thus referred it to us as a matter for Congressional action, and not no an Ad ministration or Execbtive measure, for the reason that the Censtitution of the United States says that " congress may admit now States into the Union." Hence we And the Kansas question be fore us new, not as an Administration measure, not as an Executive measure, but as a measure owning before us for our free action, without any recommendation or interference, directly or bid'. reetly, by the Administration now in possession of the Federal Government. Sir, I propose to ex amine this question calmly and fairly, to see whether or not wo can properly receive Kansas Into the Union with the, Constitution formed at Leeempton. The .President, after expressing his regret and mortification and disappointment, that the Consti tution had not been submitted to the people, in pursuance of his instructions to Governor Walker, and in pursuance of Governor Walker's assurances to the people, says, however, that by the Kansas- Nebraska act the slavery question only was re• quired to be referred to the people, and the re mainder of the Constitution was not thus required to he submitted. Ile acknowledges that, as a general ride, on general principles, the whole Constitution should - be submitted ; but according to his understanding of the organic not of Kansas, there was an imperative obligation to submit the slavery question, to their approval or disapproval, butts° obligation to submit the entire Constitution. In .other , words, he regards the organic act, the Nebraska bill, as having made an exception of the slavery,olause, and provided for the disposition of that question in a mode different from that In which other domestic or local. es contradistin gaished from Federal questions, should be decided. hir, permit me to say, with profound respect for the President of the United States, that I conceive that on this point be has committed a fundamental error, an error which lies at the foundation of his whole argument on this matter. Icon well understand how that distinguished statesman came to fall into this error. tie woe not in the country at the time the Nebraska bill was passed; ho was net a party to the controversy, and the discussion that took plane during itspassage. Ile was then representing the honor and dignity of the country with greet wisdom and distinction at a foreign court. Thee deeply engrossed, his whole energies were absorbed in conducting great diplo matic questions that diverted his attention from the mere territorial questions and discussions then going on in the Senate end House of Represents. tires, and before the people at home, Under these circumstances he may well have fallen into an error, radical and fundamental as it is, in regard to the object of the Nebraska bill and the principle asserted In it. Now, sir, what was the prtnetple enunciated by the authors and supporters of that bill when it was brought forward? Did we not come before the oonntry anti say that we repealed the Missouri ,restriction for the purpose of substituting and carrying out as a general rule the great prinoiple of self-government, which left the people of each State and each Territory free to form and regulate their domestic institutiens in their own way, sub ject only to the Constitution of tha United States ? In support of that proposition it was argued here, and I have argued It wherever I have spoken, in various States of the Union. at home and abroad, everywhere I have endeavored to prove that there was no reason why an exception should be made in regard to the slavery question. I have appealed to the people if we did not all agree, men of all parties, that all other local and domestic ques tions should be submitted to the people. I said to them, " We agree that the people Shall decide for themselves what kind of ajudiciary system they will have; we agree that the people shall decide what kind of a school system they will establish ; we agree that the people shall de termine for themeolves what kind of a banking system they will have, or whether they will lave any banks at all; we egree that the people may decide for themselves what shall be the elective franoldee in their respective States; they alien de cide for themselves what Anil be the rule of taxa tion and the principles upon which their finance shall be regulated ; we agree that they may decide for themselves the relations between husband and wife, parent and child, guardian and ward ; and why should we not, then, allow them to deoide for themselves the retations'between master and ser vant? Why make an exception of the slavery question by taking it out of that great rule of eelf government which applies to all the other relations of life." The very first proposition in the Ne braska bill woe to show that the Missouri re striction, prohibiting the people from deciding the slavery queetion for themselves, , constitu ted an exception to a general rule, in viola tion of the principle of self-government, and hence, that that exception should be repealed, and the slavery question, like all other ques tions, submitted to the people, to be decided for themselves. Sir, that was the principle on which the Ne braska bill Woe defended by Its friends. Instead of making the slavery question an exception, it removed an odious exception which before existed. Its whole object was to abolish that odious excep tion, and make the rule general, universal In its application to all matters which were twat and domestio, and not national or federal. For title reason was the language employed which the Pro. sident has quoted, that the eighth section of the Missouri net, commonly called the Missouri Corn Proloim,•wfullepeeled because it was repugnant ti the principle of non-intervention established by the compromise measures of 1850, "it being no, true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof per. feetly free to form and regulate their domestic in stitutions In their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United 'States." We ropealid the Missouri reetriotion because that was Oonfined to slavery., That sittut"the" only exception thqre .was to the general principle of solf.governmedt. That exception was • taken away for the avowed and express purpose ,of making the rule of self government general and universal, co that the people shonld form and regulate all their dinuestio institutions in their own way, Sir, what would this boasted principle of popular sovereignty have been worth, if it applied only to the negro and did not extend to the white man ? Doyen think we could have aroused the sympathies and thepatriotism of this broad Republic, and have parried the Presidential election last year in the face of a tremendous opposition, on the princi ple of extendingthe right of self-government to the negro question, but denying It en to all the relations affecting white men? No, sir We aroused the patriotism of the country and carried the election in defence of that great principle, which allowed all white MD to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit themselves--Institutions appli (table to white men as well as to black men—Nati tntions applicable to freemen as well as to slaves— institutions concerning all the relations of life, and not the mere paltry exception of the slavery ques tion. Sir, I have spent too much etrongth, and health, too, to establish this great prin. oiplo in the popular heart, now to see it frit tered away by bringing it down to en exception that applies to the negro, and does not extend to the benefit of the white man. As I said before, I can well imagine how the distinguished and eminent patriot and statesman now at the head of the filo vernment fell into the error—for error it is, rattiest fundamental—and, if persevered In, subversive of that platform upon which he was elevated to the Presideney of the United Staten. Then, If the President be right in saying that, by the Nebraska bill, the slavery question must be submitted to the people, if follows Inevitably -that every other clause of the Constitution must also be submitted to the people. The Nebraska bill said that the people should be left " perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic Institu tions in their own way '—not the slavery question, not the Maine liquor law question, not the banking queition, not the school question, not the railroad question, but " their domestic institutions"— messing each and all the questions which• are local, nett national, state, not federal. I arrite at them:inclusion that the prinelples enunciated so baldly, and enforced with so mueh ability by the President of the United States, require us, out of respect to him and the platform on which he was sleeted, to Nand this whole question tack to the people of Kansas, and enable thew to say whether or not the Constitution addax has been framed, each and every olause of it, moats their approba tion. The President,' in his message, has made en un answerable argument in favor of the principle which requires this question to be rent back. It is stated in the message, with mere clearness and force than any language which I can command; hut I can draw your attention to it, and refer you to the argument in the massage, hoping that you will take it as a part of my speech—as expressing my idea more forcibly than I em able to express it. The President says that a question of great in terest, like the slavery question, cannot be fairly decided by a convention of delegates, for the rea son that the delegates are elected in districts, and in some districts a delegate is elected by a small majority. in others by an overwhelming ma jority ; 80' that it often happens that a majority of the delegates are one way while a majority of the people are the other way; and therefore it would be unfair, and inconsistent with the groat principle of popular sovereignty, to allow a body of delegates, not representing the popular voioe, to establish domestic institutions for the mass of the people. This is the President's argument to show that you cannot have a fair and honest decision without submitting it to the popular vote. The same argument is conclusive with regard to every other question aa.well as with regard to slavery. But, Mr. President, it is intimated in the mes sage, that although it was an unfortunate eircum• stance, much to he regretted, that the Lecompton Convention did not submit the Constitution to the bpeople, yet perhaps it may be treated as regular, ecause the Convention was called by a Territorial Legislature, whirls had been repeatedly recognised by the Congiess , of the United States as a legal body. I beg Senators not,to full into an error as to the President's meaning on this point Hs does not say, he does not mean, that this Convention had over been recognised by the Congress of the United States as,logal or valid. On the contrary, ho knows, as we here know, that during the last Congress 1 repelled a bill from the Committee on Territories, to authorize the people of Kansas to assemble and form a Constitution for themselves. Subsequently, the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Toombs) brought forward a substitute for my bill, which, after having been modified by him and I myself in consultation, was passed by the Senate. It ie known in the country as the Toombs bill." It authorized the people of Kansas Territory to assemble iu Convention and form a Constitution preparatory to their admission into the Union as a State. That bill, it 10 well known, was defeated in the liouse'of Repiesentatives. It matters not, for the purpose of this argument, what was the reason of its defeat. Whether tho reason was a political one ; whether it had reference to the then existing contest for the Presidency; whether it was to keep open the slavery question; whether it was a con viction that the bill would not be fairly carried out; whether it was because there was not people enough in Kansas to justify the formation of a Steto ;—no matter what the reason was, the House of Representatives refused to pass that bill, and thus denied to the people of Kansas the right to form a Constitution and State Government at this time. So far from the Congress of the United States having sanctioned or legalised the Conven tion which assembled at Locompton, it expressly withhold its assent. The assent has not been given, either In express terms or by implication ; and, being withheld, this Kansas Constitution has m just each validity d jest snob authority as the Territorial Legislature of Kansas could impart to it•without the assent, and in opposition to the known will of Congress. Now, sir, let me ask wont is the extent of the authority of a Territorial Legislature ay to calling a Constitutional Conven tion without the assent of Congress? Fortunately, this is not a now question ; it does not now arise for the drat time. When the Topeka Constitution was presented to the Senate nearly two years ago, it was referred to the Committee on Territories, with a variety of measures relating to Kansas. The committee made a full report upon the whole subject. That report reviewed all the irregular aims which had occurred In our history in the admission of now States. The committee went on the supposition, that whenever Congress bad passed an enabling art authorizing the people of a Territory to form a State Constitution, the Convention was regular, and possessed all the authority which Congress had delegated to it, but whenever Congress had failed or refused to pass en enabling act, the proceeding was irregular and void, unless vitality was imparted to it by a subsequent Oct of Congress adopting and con firming it. The friends of the Topeka Constitution insisted that although their proceedings wets irregular, they were not so irregular but that Conereas could ours the error by edmitting.Kansae with that Con stitution. They cited a variety of oases—amongst others the Arkansas came. In my report, sanctioned by every member of the Committee on Territories, except the Senator from Vermont, (Mr. Collamer,) I reviewed the Arkansas) ease as well as the others. and affirmed the doctrine established by General Jackson's Administration, and eennelaled in the opinion of. Mr. Attorney General .Butler, a part of which opinion was copied into the report and published to the country at the time. Now, sir, to order entertain what we understood en the 12th of &arch, 1856—littlemose than a year and shalt ago—to be the true doetrind a this-paint, let me call your Attention to the opinion of Mr. Butler in the Arkansas ease. The Governor of the Territory of Arkansas sent a priuted address to President. Jackson, in which he stated that he had been urged to call together the Legislature of the Territory of Arkansas, for the purpose of al lowing them to call a Convention to form a Consti tution, preparatory to their admission Into the Union as a, State, The Governor stated that, In his opinion, the Legislature had no power to call such a Convention without the assent of Congress bad first boon obtained, but he asked in , truetions on that point. The President referred the case to the Secretary of State. and lie risked for the ad vice of the Attorney General, whose opinion tree given, and adopted us the plan of Fiction, and com municated to the Governor of Arkansas for hie in struction. I will read some °streets from that opinion: Consequently it is not In the power of the General Assembly of Arkansas to pass any law for the purpose of electing members to form a Coned bitten and State Government, or to do any other act, directly or indirectly, to create such new Go vernment. Every finch law, even though it were approved by the Governor of the Territory, would he null and void. If passed by theta, notwith standing his veto, by a vote of two-thirds of each branch, it would still be equally void. ,s If I em right in the foregoing opinion, it will then follow that the count(' of the Governor, in declining to call together the Territorial Legie biter° for the purpose in question, was such as his legal duties required: and that the views he has expressed in his public address, and also in his official communication to yourself, so far as they indicate an intention not to aanetion or concur in any , legislative or other proceedings towards the formation of a State Government until Congress shall have authorized it, are also correct.' That is what I have understood to be the Bottled doctrine as to the authority of a Territorial Legis lature to call a Convention without the consent of Congress first had and obtained. The reasoning is very clear and palpable. A Territorial Legisiii tore possesses whatever power its organic act gives it, and no more. The organic act of Arkansas pro vided that the legislative power should be restart in the Territorial Legislature, the same as the or genie art of Kenna provides that the legislative power and authority shall be vested in the Legis lature. But what is the extent of that legislative power 1 It Is to legislate for that Territory under the organic act, and in obedience to it. It does not include any power to subvert thd organic net under which it was brought Into existence. It has the power to protect it, the lower to execute it,,the power to marry it into effect; but it has no power to subvert, pone to destroy; and hence that Power can only be obtained by applying to Con greats, the same authority which created the Ter ritory itself. But while the Attorney General de cided, with the apprbbation of the Administration of General Jackson, that the Territorial Legisla ture had no power to call a Convention, and that its action was void if it did, lie wont further "No law has yot been passed by Congress which either expressly or implicitly gives to the people of Arkansas the authority to form a State Govern ment." Nor has there been any in regard to Kansas. The two oases aro alike thus far. They are alike in all particulars so far as this question involving the. legality, and the validity of the Leeouipton Convention is concerned. The opinion goes' on to Bay For the moons above stated. I von, therefore, of opinion that the inhabitants of that Territory have pot at present, and that they cannot, acquire otherwise than by not of Congress, the right - to form such a Government." •. ,General Jaeksoae Administration took the ground that the people of Arkansas, by the au plturityof the Territorial Legislature, had not the power to hold a Convention to form a Constitution, tind could not aoquire It from any souroo whatever except from Congress., While, therefore, the legislative cot of Arkansas was held to be veld, so far as it mourned authority to authorize the calling of a Convention to form a Constitution, yM they did not bold, in those dap, that the peopletcould' not assemble and frame a Conatitution in tilt form of a petition. I will read the rest of the opinion, in order that the Senate may understand precisely what was the doctrine on this subject at that day, and what the Committee on Territories understood to be the doctrine on this subject in March, 1855, when we put forth the Kansas report as embody ing what we Nebraska men understood to be our dootrine at that time. Here it is. This we espied into that report: • ‘. But I am not prepared to say that all proceed ings on this subject, on the part of the citizens of Arkansaa, will bo Illegal They undoubtedly possess the ordinary privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States. Among these is the right to assemble and petition the Govern ment for the redress of grievances. In the exercise of this right, the inhabitants of Arkansas may peaceably meet together in primary assem blies, or in Conventions chosen by such assem blies, for the purpose of petitioning Congress to abrogate the Territorial Government, and to ad• mit them into the Union as an independent State. The particular form which they may give to their petition cannot be material, so long as they con fine themselves to the mere right of petitioning and conduct all their proceedings in a peace able manner. And as the power of , Con grees over the whole subject le plenary and un limited, THEY MAY ACCEPT ANY CONSTI TUTION, HOWEVER FRAMED, WHICH IN THEIR JUDGMENT MEETS THE SENSE' OF THE PEOPLE TO BE AFFECTED BY IT. If, therefore, the citizens of Arkansas think proper to accompany their petition with a written Cotiatitu tion, framed and agreed on by their primary as emablim, or by a Convention of delegatea chosen by such assemblies, I perceive no legal objection to their power to do se, nor to any Meetnirea which may bo taken to collect Clemons of the people in respect to it: provided always, that such measures be commenced and prosecuted in a peaceable man ner, in atriot subordination to the Waling Territo rial Government, AND IN ENTIRE SUBSER VIENCY TO THE POWER OF CONGRESS TO ADOPT, REJECT OR DISREGARD THEM AT THEIR, PLEthURF.." While the Legts ature of Arkansas had no power to create a Convention to frame a Constitution, as a legal, constitutional body, yet, if the people ehose to assemble under such an act of the Legislature for the purpose of petitioning for redrew of griev ances, the assemblage wee not illegal ; it was not an unlawful assemblage ; it was not such an assem blage as the military power could be need to die parse for they had a"rtght, under the Constitution, thus to assemble and petition. But isumed to themselves the right or the power to make a Government, that'assumption was an act of rebel lion which General Jackson said it was his duty to put down with the military force of the country. If you apply those principles to the Kansas Con vention, you will find that it had no power to do I any act so a Convention forming a Government; vow find that the act milling it was null and void , From the beginning; you find that the Legislature I could confer no power whatever on the Convention. That Convention was simply au amotablage of Peaceable citizens, under the Constitution of the United States, petitioning for the retirees ofri • se ancen, and, thus assembled, had the right to pat their petition in the form of a Constitution if they chose; but Still it was only a petition—lnning the force of a petition—which Congress could accept or reject, or dispose of as it saw proper. That is what I understand to be just the extent of the power and authority of this Convention assem bled at Lecotnitton. It Von not an unlawful as semblage like that bold at Topeka; for the Topeka Constitution wan made in opposition to the tot- Modal !amend as I thought intended to subvert tho Government. without the consent of Congress, but, as contended by their friends, not so in tended. If their object was to subvert it without the consent of Congress, it was an eat of rebellion, which might to have been put down by force. If it was a peaceable assemblage simply to petition, and abide the decision of Con gram' on the petition, it was act an unlawful assemblage. I hold, however, that it was an un lawful assemblage. I hold that this Leottrapton Convention was not an unlawful assemblage; but , on the other hand, I hold that they had no legal pewee and authority to establish &Government. They had a right to petition fora retirees of griev ances. They had aright in that petition to ask for the change of Government from a Territorial to a State Government. They had a right to ask Con gress to adopt the Instrument which they Bent to us as their Constitution; and Congress, if it thought that paper embodied the will of the people of the Territory, fairly expressed, might, in its discretion, accept it as a Constitution, and admit them into the Union as a State; or if Congress thought it did not embody the will of the people of Kansas, it might reject it; or if Congress thought it was doubtful whether it did embody the will of the people or not, then it should send it back and submit it to the people to have that doubt removed, in order that the popular voice, whatever it might be, should prevail in the Constitution under which the people were to live. So• far as the act of the Territorial Legislature of Kansas call. ing this Convention was concerned, I have al ways been under the impression that it was fair and just in its provisions. I have always thought the people should have gone together en ',tam and voted for delegates, so that the voice ex pressed by the Convention should have been the unquestioned and united voice of tho people of Kansas. I have always thought that those who stayed away from that election stood in their own light, and should have gone and voted, and should have furnished their names to bo put on the regis tered list, so as to be voter's. f have always held that it was their own fault that they did net thus go and vote ; but yet, if they chose, they had a right to stay away. They had a right to say that that Convention, although not an unlawful assemblage, is not a legal Convention to make of:lemma:tent, and honeowe are under no obligation to go and express any opinion about it. They had it right to say, if they chose, " We will stay away until we ceo the Constitution they shall frame, the petition they shall send to Congress; and when they submit It to us for ratifioation, we will vote for it if we like It, or vote it down if we do not like it." I say they had a right to do either; though I thought, and think yet, as good citizens they ought to have gone and voted ; but that was their business, and not mine. Having thus shown that the Convention at Lecompton had no power, no authority, to form and establish a Government, but bad power to draft a petition, and that petition, if it embodied tho will of the people of Kansas, ought to be taken as such an exposition of their will, yet, if it did not embody their will ought lobe rejected—having shown these facts, let me proceed and inquire what was the understanding of the people of Kan sas when the delegates were elooted t' I understand, from the history of the transaction, that the people who voted for delegates to the Lecompton Conven tion anti those who refused to vote—both parties— understood the territorial act to mean that they were to be elected only to frame a Constitution, and submit it to the people for their ratifica tion or rejection. Imy that both partial In that Territory, at the time of the election of delin gates, so understood the object of the Convention. Those who voted for delegates did as with the un derstanding that they had no power to make ago vernment, but only to frame one for eubmiesion, and those who stayed away did so with the same understanding. Now for the evidence. The Pre sident of the United States tells ns ' in his message, that he had unequivocally expressed his opinions, in the form of instructions to Governor Walker, amusing that the Constitution woe to be submitted to the people for ratiaeatlowe' 'When we look into Governor Walker's letter of acceptance of the office of Governor, we and that he stated expressly that be accepted it with the understanding that the President and his whole Cabinet concurred with him that the Constitution, when formed, was to be submitted to the people for ratification. Then look into the instructions given by the President of the United States, through General Cass, the Secre tary of State, to Governor Walker, and you there find that the Governor is instructed to use the mili tary power to protect the pone when the Conetitu• Lion shall be submitted to the people of Kansto for their free acceptance or rejection. Trace the his tory a little further, end you will find that Gore nor Walker went to Kansas and proclaimed, in his In augural and in his speeches at Topeka and else where, that it was the distinct understanding, not only of himself, but of those higher in power than himself—meaning the President and his Cabinet— that the Constitution was to be submitted to the peo ple for their free acceptance or rejection, and that he would use all the power at his command to de feat its acceptance by Congress, if it were not thus submitted to tile vote of the people. Mr Preel dent, I am not going to stop and inquire how far the Nebraska bill, which said the people should be left perfectly free to form their Constitution for I themselves, authorized the President, or the Cabi net, or Gov. Walker, or any other territorial MR. nor, to interfere and tell the Convention of Kansas whether they should or should not submit the ques tion to the people. lam not going to stop to in quire how far they were authorized to do that, it being my opinion that the spirit of the Nebraska bill required it to be done. It is sufficient for my purpose that the Administration of the Federal Go vernment unanimously, that the administration of the Territorial Government, in all its parts, unani mously understood the territorial law under which the Convention was assembled to mean that the Constitution to be formed by that Convention should be submitted to the people for ratification or re jection, and, If not confirmed by a majority of the people, should be null and void, without coming to Congress for approval. Not only did the NIP liana! Government and the Territorial Government se understand the' law at the time, but, as I have already stated, the people of the Territory so un derstood it. As a further evidence on that point, a large number, if not the majority, of the dele gates were laetrile fed in the nominating conventions to submit the Constitution to the people for ratifi cation. I know that the delegate. from Douglas county, eight in number, Mr. Calhoun, President of the Convention, being among them, were not only instructed thus to submit the question, but they signed and published, while candidates, a written pledge that they would submit it to the people for ratification. I know that mon high in authority, and in the confidence of the Territorial and National Government, can vassed every part of Kansas during the elec tion of delegates, and each one of them pledged himself to the people that no snap judg ment was to be taken; that the Constitution was to be submitted to the people, for acceptance or rejection; that it would bo void unless that was done; that the Administration would spurn and scorn it us a violation of the principles on which it came into power, and that a Democratic Con gress would hurl It from their presence as an insult to Democrats who stood pledged to see the people left free to form their domestic inetitutions for themselves. Not only that, sir, but up to the time when the Convention assembled, on tho lot of Sep tember, so far as I can learn, it was understood everywhere that the Constitution was to be sub mitted for ratification or rejection. TbeY met, however, on the let of September, and ['Owned until after the Oetoberelection: I think it was wise and prudent that they should thua have adjourned. They did not wish to bring any question into that election which would divide the Democratic party, and weaken our chances of suceese in the election. I was rejoiced when I saw that they did adjourn, so as not to show their hand on any question that would divide and distract the party until after the election. During that recess, while the Convention was adjourned, Governor Ransom, the Dernooratio candidate for Congress, running against the pre sent delegate from that Territory, was canvassing every part of Kansas in favor of the doctrine of submitting the Constitution to the people, declar ing that the Demooratio party were in favor of such submission, and that it woo a slander of the Black Republicans to intimate the charge that the Democratic party did not intend to carry out that pledge in good faith. Thus, up to the time of the meeting of the Convention, In October last, thepreo tenoe was kept up, the profession wasopenly made, and believed by me, and I thought believed by them, that the Convention intended to submit a Constitution to the people, and not to attempt to put a Government in operation without molt sub mission. The election being over, the Democratic party being defeated by an overwhelming vote, the opposition having triumphed and got possession of bath branches of the Legislature, and having elected their territorial delegate, the Convention assembled and then proceeded to complete their work. Now let us atop to inquire how they redeemed the pledge to submit the Constitution to the peo ple. They first go on and make a Constitution. Then the" make a schedule, in which they provide that the Constitution, on the 21st of December— the present month—shall be submitted to all the boon fide Inhabitants of the Territory on that day, for their free acceptance or rejection, in the fol lowing manner, to wit: thus acknowledging that they were boutid to submit It to the will of the people, coneeding that they bad no right to put it Into operation without submitting it to the people; providing to the Instrument that it should take effect from and after the date of its ratification, and not before; showing that the Conetitutton de• rives Its vitality, In their estimation, not from the authority of the Convention, but from, that vote of the people to which It was to be submitted for their free acceptance or rejection. Row .is it to be sabraitted? It shall be submitted In this form: ti Constitution with Slavery, or Constitution with no 6lavery." All men must vote for the constitu tion, whether they like It or not, Inorder to be permitted to vote for or against slavery. Thus a Constitution made by a Convention that had an. thority to assemble and petition for a redress of grievanoes, but not to establish a Government—a Constitution made under a pledge of honor that It TWO CENTS should be submitted to the people before it took effect ; a Constitution which provides, on its face, that it shall have no validity except what It de rives from such submission—is submitted to the people at an election where all men are at liberty to come forward freely, without hindrance, and vole for it, but no man is permitted to record a vole against it. That would be as fair an election as some of the enemies of Napoleon attributed to him when he was elected First Consul. He is said to have called out his troops and bad them reviewed by his officers with a speech, patriotic and fair in its professions, In which he said to them, "Now, my soldiers, you are to go to the election and vote freelyjust as you please. If you vote for Napoleon, all is well; vote against him, and you are to be instantly shot." That was a fair election. (Laughter.) This election is to be equally fair. All men in favor of the Constita- Gen may vote for it—all men against it shall not vote at all. Why not let them vote against it? presume you have asked rainy amen this question. I have asked a very large number of the gentle men who framed the Coustitution, unite a number of delegates, and a still larger number of persons who me their friends, and 1 hare received the same answer from every one of them. I never 'revived ahy ether answer, and I presume we never shall get any other answer. What to that? They say if they allowed a negatise vote, the Constitu tion would have been voted down by an over whelming majority, and hence the fellows shell not be allowed to vote at all. [Laughter.) Mr. President, that may be true. It Is no part of my purpose to deny the proposition that that Constitution would have been voted down if sub witted to the people I believe it would have been voted down by a majority of 4to I. lam in fbthynited by l l would bevoted we l l is U a pod do s t w e n by y h e t r u e— to D i ef to oe tn ra e ts so — y good reason why you should declare it in force, without being subteittelto the people. merely because it would have been voted down by sto lif you hail submitted it? What does that fact prove? Does it not show undeniably that an overwhelming majority of the people of Kenna are unalterably opposed to that Constitu tion? Will you force It on them against their will simply because they would have voted it down ifyou had consulted them ? If you will. are yon going to force it upon them under the plea of leaving them perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way? Is that the mode in which IMO called upon to carry out the principle of self-government and popular DM. reigpty in the Territories—to force a Constitution on the people against their will, in opposition to their protest, with a knowledge of the fact; and then to assign, as a reason for my tyranny, that they would he eoobatinate and so perverse as to vote down the Constitution if I had given them an opportunity to be consulted about it? Sir, deny your right or Mine to inqedreuf•these people what their objections to that Constitution are. They have a right to judge for themselves whether they like or dislike it. It is no answer to tell me that the Constitution is a good one and unobjectionable. •It is not satisfactory to me to have the President say in his message that that Constitution is an admirable one, like all the Constitutions of the new States that have been re cently formed. 'Mother good or bad, whether obnoxious or not, is none of my business and none of yours. It Is their business, and not ours. I care not what they have In their Constitution, so that it suits them, and does not violate the Con stitution of the United States and the fundamental principles of liberty upon which our , institutions rest. lam not going to argue the question whether the banking system established in that Constitution is wise or unwise. It says there shall ho no monopolies, but there shall be one bank of Issue in the State, with two branches. All I have to say on that point is, if they want a bank ing system, let them have it ; it they do not want it, let them prohibit it. If they want a bank with two branches, be it so; if they want twenty, it is none of my business; and it matters not to me whether one of them shall be on the north aide, and the other on the south side of the Karr river, or where they shall be. While I have no right to expect to be consulted on that point, I do hold that the people of Kansas have the right to beconsulted and to decide it, and you hove DO rightful authority to deprive them of that privilege. It is no justification, in my mind, to say that the provisions for the eligibility for the offices of Governor and Lieutenant-Governor re quire twenty years' citizenship to the United Stars. If men think that no person ahouki vote or bold office until he has been hero twenty years, they have la right to think so; and if a majority of the people of Kansas think that no man of foreign birth should vote or hold office, unless he has lived there twenty pears, It is their right to sayso, and I have no right to Interfere with them ; it Is their business, not mine; but if I lived there, I should not bo willing to have that provision in the Constitution without being heard upon the subject, and allowed to record my protest against it. I have nothing to say about their system of taxation, in which they have gone bank and resorted to the old exploded system that we tried in Illinois, but abandoned because we did not like it. If they wish to try It, and get tired of it and abandon it, be it so; but if I were a citizen of Kenos I would profit by the experienee of Illinois on that subject, and defeat it if I could. Yet I have no objection to their having it if they want it; it Ii their business, not mine. So It is in regard to the free negroes. They provide that no free negro shall be ranassittad Olive In Kansas. I sup pose they have a right to say ao if they dune; but if I lived there I should want to vote on that question. We, in Illinois, provide that no more shall come there. We say to the other States, take care of your own free negroes and we will take care of ours." But we do not my that the negroes, now there, shs shall not be perm i tted tolii ninandinttb oplo icu nsas oug live to have the right to Bay whether they will allow them to live there, and if they are not going to do 80, how they are to dispose of them. So you may go on with all the different clauses of the Constitution. They may be all right ; they may he all wrong. That is a question on which my opinion is worth nothing. The opinion of the wise and patriotic Chief Magistrate of the United States is not worth anything as against that of the people of Kansas, for they have a right to judge for themselves, and neither Presidents, nor Sena tor:, nor Howe of Representatives, nor any other power outside of Kansas has a right to judge for them. Hence, it is no justification, in my mind, for the violation of a great principle of self-go vernment to say that the Constitution you are forcing on them is not particularly obnoxious, or is excellent in its provisions. Perhaps, air, the same thing might be said of the celebrated Topeka Constitution. I do not recollect its peculiar provisions. I know one thing: we Democrats, we Nebraska men, would not even look into it to see what its provisions were. Why ? Because we said it was made by a political party, and not by the people; that it was made in de fiance of the authority of Congress; that If it wastes pure u the Bible, as holy as the ten command ments, yet we would not touch it until it was submitted to and ratified by the people of Kansas, in pursuance of the forms of law. Perhaps that Topeka Constitution, but for the mode of making it, i woula have been unexceptionable. Ido not know ; Ido not care. You have no right to force an unexceptionable Constitution on a people It does net mitigate the evil, it does not diminish the insult, it does not ameliorate the wrong that you are forcing a good thing on them. lam not wil ling to be forced to do that which I would do if I were left free to judge and act for myself. Hence I assert that there is no justification to he made for this flagrant violation of i popular rights In Kansas, on the plea that the Constitution which they have made is not particularly obnoxious. But, sir, the Preeident of the United States is really and sincerely of the opinion that the slavery clause has been fairly and impartially submitted to the free acceptance or rejection of the people of Kansas, and that, inasmuch as that was the exciting and para mount question, if they get the right to vote as they please on that subject they ought to be satisfied; and possibly it might be bettor if we would accept it, and put an end to the question. Let me ask, sir, is the slavery clause fairly submitted, so that the people can vote for or against it ? Suppose I were a cal -1 zen of Kansas, and should go up to the polls and say, "I desire to vote to make Kansas a slave State ; here is my ballot " They reply to me, " Mr. Douglas, just vote for that Constitution first, if you please " " Oh, no !" I answer, " I cannot vote for that Constitution conscientiously. lam opposed to the clause by which you locate certain railroads in such a way as to sacrifice my county and my part of the !Rate. lam opposed to that banking system. lam opposed to this know- Nothing or American clause in the Constitution about the qualification for office. I cannot vote for it." Then they answer. "you shall not vole on making it a slave State." I then say, " I want to make it a free State." They reply, " vote for that Constitution first, and then you can vote to make it a free State; otherwise you cannot." Thus they disqualify every free-State man who will not first vote for the Constitution; they disqualify every slave-State man , wimp will not first vote for the Constitution. No matter whether or not the voters state that they cannot conscientiously vote for those provisions, they reply, " you cannot vote fbr or against slavery bore. Take the Constitution as we have made; take the elective franchise es we have established it; take the banking system as we have dietated it; take the railroad lines is we have located them; take the 3udiaisory system as we have formed it; take It alias we have fixed it to salt ourselves, and ask no questions; but vote for it, or you shall not vote either for a slave or a free State." In other words, the legal effect of the schedule is this : All those who are in favor of this Constitution may vote for or against Slavery, as they please; but all those who are against this Constitution are disfranchised, and shall not vote at all. That is the mode In which the slavery proposition is submitted Every man opposed to the Constitution is disfranchised on the slavery elmole. How many are they? They tell you there is a majority; for they say the Constitution will be voted down Instantly, by an overwhelming majority, if you allow a negative vote. This show:4 that a majority are against it. They dia. qualify and disfranchise every man who Is against it, thus referring the slavery clause to a minority of the people of Kansas, and leaving that minority free to vote for or against the slavery clause, as they choose. Let me ask you if that is a fair mode of submit ting the slavery clause s Does that tootle of sub mitting that particular clause leave the people perfectly treat.* vote for or against slavery as they choose I Am I free to vote as 1 choose on the slavery question, if you tell me I shall not vote on It until 1 vote for the Maine liquor law' Am I free to vote on. the slavery question, if you tell coo that I shall not vote either way until I vote for a hank? Is It freedom of election to make your right to vote upon one question depend anent the mode in which you are going to vote on some other question which has no connection with it Is that freedom of election? Is that the great fun damental principle of seltgovernment, for which we combined and struggled, is this body, and throughout the country, to establish as the rule of action in all time to mote Ths President of the United States has made some remarks in his mes sage which, it strikes me, it would be very appro priate to read In this connection. He says : "The friends and supporters of the Nebreekei and Kansas Act, when struggling on a recent occa sion to sustain its wise provisions before the groat tribunal of the American people, never differed about Its true meaning on this subject. Every- MOTIVE TO COOREOPOODIEM. Oornwposents btu Ter MOW ler SON int la salad the framing rubs t, Nam somasnohsatioa MO Do sasoolifidod k - the swim of the writer. In OtOgio to tom* oatrodalkot the 'typography, Wt 111 Ml. of Si shoot Amid ho winos spec we WWI br grestlr obliged to gentlemen It Patamt reale sal other Meted roe 000tribstione sines the in tent mire of the day la thole WI:WU "9"1., tho remarese of the sarroandiag eollatey, the leerisee of population, sad any intomestkon that will ha Isteamtbed to the mural raider where throughout the Union theyptiblielf ed their faith and honor that they would eheerfuU y inbuilt the question of slavery to the decision of the bona fide people of Karam, without any re striction or qualification whatever. All wars cor dially unitd. upon the great doctrine of yokels": sovereignty, which is the vital principle of our free institutions." Mark this: " Dad it then been Insinuated, from any quarter. that it would hare been a sufficient complianes with the requisitions of the organic law for the members of a Convention, thereafter to be elected, to withhold the question of slavery from the peo ple, and to substitute their own will for that of a legally ascertained majority of their Cionstituents. this would have been natant!: rejected." Yes, sir, and I will add further, had it been then intimated from any quarter, and believed by the American people, !lilat we would have submittal the slavery elute in such a manner as to compel a: man to vote for that which his conseinee did not approve, in order to vote on the slavery clause, not only would the ides have been rejeeted, but the Democratic eandidete for the Presidency would have been rejected ; and every man who 'Jackal him would have Menyejeeted too. The President tells us In his message that the whole party pledged our faith and our honor that the slavery question should be submitted to the people, without any restriction or qualification whatever. Does this schedule submit it without qualification? It qualifies it by rasing, "Tau may vote on slavery If you will vote for the Con witulion ; bat you shalt not do so wittiest doing that. That IS IL very important qualification—a qualification that controls a man's vote and his action and his isouseienee, if he is an honest man— a qualification confusedly in violation of out plat form. We are told by the President - *bat our faith and oar honer are pledged that the slavery clause , altould be' submitted without quali fi cation of any tied whatever; and now am I to be salted upon to forfeit my faith and my honor in order to enable a small minority of the people of Kansas defraud the majority of that people out of their elective franchises? Sir, my honer is pledged, and before It shall be tarnished I will take whatever consequences per sonal to mvself may come; but never ask me to do an act which the President. in his message, has said is a forfeiture of faith, a violation of - honor. and that merely for the expediency of saving the party. I will go as far as any 7 or you to save the party.l have as iamb heart in the great cause that binds us together as stparty ass any man living: I will sacrifice anything short of principle and honor for the peace of the , party; bat if the party will not stand by its principles, its faith, its pledges, I will Wand there, and - abide wbat -ever conaespiences may result from' the 'position. Let me ask you, why force this Coteditutiou dawn the thews of the people of Nausea, in opposition to their wishes, and in violation of our p ledges? What object is to be attained?' Cui bolo What are you to gain by it? Will - you sustain the party by violating its priaciplee' Do you propose to keep the party united by forcing a division? Stood by the do-saline that leaves the people perfectly free to form and regulate their nutitutions for themselves in their own way, and your park). - will be united, and irresistible in power. Abandon thatgreat principle, and the party is not worth tuivineand cannot be saved, after it shall be violated. I trust we are not. to be rushed upon this question. Why shall it be done? Who is to be benefitted? Is the South to be the gainer' Is the North to be the gainer? Neither the North nor the South has the right to pia a sec tional advantage by trickery or fraud. But lam beseeched to wait until I hear from the election on the 21st of December. lam told that primps that will put it all right, and will save the whole difficulty. How can i t. Perhaps there may be a large vote. There may be a large vote reamed. [Laughter.] But I deny that it ie paraible to hare a fair vote on the slavery clause ; and I say that it Is not possible to have any vote on the Constitu tion. Why wait for the mockery of an election. when it is provided unalterably that the people cannot vote--when the majority are ffidtseehised? But I am told, on all aides, "Oh, just wait; the pro-slavery elauaewill be voted down." That does not obviate any of my objections; it does not di minish any of them. You have no more tight to force a free-State Constitution on lianas than a alavo-State Coostitution. If liansu wants a alaeo-State Constitution, she has a right to it; if she wants a free-State Cousttso tion, she has a right to it. It is DODO of my business which way the slavery clause is decided. I care not whether it is voted down or - voted up. Do you suppose, after the pledges of my honor that I would ge for that principle and leave the people to vote as they choose, that I would now degrade myself by nude one way if the slavery clause be voted down, and another way if It lid voted up ! I care not how that vote maystaml. take it for granted that It will be voted out. I think I have seen enough in the last throe days is make it certain that it will be returned out, na matter how the vote may stand. [Laughter. ] Sir, I am opposed to that concern. beemaa It looks to me like a system of trickery ant jugglery to defeat the fair expression of the will of the peo ple. There is no necessity far crowding this mea sure, so unfair, as unjust as it is In all - its aspects, upon us. Why Can we not now do what we pro posed to do in the last Congrus ? We then voted through the Senate an enabling set, caned" the Toombs bill," believed to be jest and fair to all its provision, pronounced to be almost perfect by the Senator from New Hampshire, (hir- gale , ) only he did not like the man thm President of the United States, who would have to make the ap pointment,. Why can wo at take that bill, and, out of east pitmen to the President, add to it a elame taken from the Wm mots act, which he thlaim should, be a general nit, requiring the Domination to be submitted ti the people, and pass that? That unites the party. You all voted with me, for that bill, at the tut Congress Why not stand by the sane bill now? Ignore Leo-wepton, igmre Topeka ; treat both thou party movements ea it:value and void ; pass a fair bill—the one that we framed our selves when we were acting as a unit; hue a fair election, and yon will have peace la the Demo cratic party, and peace throughout the ematti, to ninety days. The people want a fair Tate. They will never be satisfied without it. They suer should be satisfied without a fair vote on their Constitution. If the Toombs bill doe+ not snit toy friend-4; take the Minnesota bill of the last is digs SO much commended by the President in his message as a model. Let us pass that as au enabling act, and allow the people of all parties to came together and have a fair vote, and L will go fur it. Mate any other bill that rectum a fair, honest Tote to men of all parties, and carries ant the pledge that the people shall be lon free to decide on their do mestic institutions for themselves, and I will go with you with pleasure, and with all the - energy maywen. But if this Constitution io to be forceddown our throats, in violation of the [made mental principle of tree government, under a Mode of submission that is a mockery and insult, I wilt resist it to the last. I have no fear of any paity sameiations being, severed. I should regret any social or political estrangement, even temporarily ; bet if it most be. if I cannot act with you and preserve my faith and my honor, I will stand on the great principle of popular sovereignty, which declares the right of all people to be left perfectly) free to form and re gulate their domestic institutions intheir own way. I will follow that principle whatever its logical consequences may take me, end I will endeavor ta defend it egainqt assault from any and &liquor tors. No mortal man shall be responsible far my action het myself. By my action I will compromic no man. At the conclusion of the honorable gentleman't speech loud applause aud clapping . of bands re sounded through the crowded callenes. THE COURTS. YESTERDAY'S PROCIEDISES [Reported for The Prees.l SUPRINE COURT—Judge Vfoodseard.—A hear ing was had on habeas corpte.t yesterday morn ing in the case of D. IL Olmstead vs. Maria 'N. Olmstead, in relation to the custody of a child of the parties, aged about two years. The testimony showed that the parties were married in 1555, in the city of New York, and that after the birth of the child in question, in the latter part of the same year, they ieparated. The husband sued out a habews toque in New York to obtain the pos session of the child, and got the order of the Su preme Court in his favor. To avoid complying with this order, it is alleged the wife came on to Philadelphia, and this proceeding was taken to make her amenable to the law of this ,State. The case was continued until Monday next at ten o'clock. J. V. (Worsen, Esq., for the relator; Messrs. ItleCall and Hopper for the defendant. NISI Patrs—Judge Thompson.—ln the ease of McMahon vs. Cartel], before reported. the jury will return their verdict this morning. VISITED STATES ColluissioNzu's OrYtea.—Ma muss Price, who was charged before Charles Heil- Mt, Esq., with the purchase and salt of counter feit coin, was discharged by the commissioner yes terday. DISTRICT COMM.—The district courts were non in session yesterday. The judges held a private session in No. I. QUARTER SFASIONS—Judge Allison.—This court was occupied in hearing some prison eases of no public interest. Mr. David Houton, a printer, has been miss ing from hishome Billed the 20i,b or November appears that he left Boston for St. Loafs, intending Ip accompany home his wife who is on *visit to that city. Until recently his friends hers bad no doubt but he arrived site in St. Louis, and were daily expecting his return, but a tabigraphis despatch was received from his wife, anxiously in quiring his wheteabotits, as be had not arrived_ The came of John Flinn vs. the Philadel phia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railroad, termi nated in the court at New Castle, Del., on Monday. The jury gave a verdict in favor of Mr. F. for 513,000. The plaintiff, it will be remembered, sued to recover for personal injortes received by a collisionof two trains while on the trip from this city to Wilmington • Tr r h • A meeting of planters was held in as trig ton county, Gs.. a few days ago, to adopt measures for shipping cotton direct to Liverpool. It was determined to try the experiment with one hun• dred and two baits, to be shipped from Savannah, by a common factor, as early as the 2dth of De• camber. • •••• • • The Hon. Andrew B. Moore was dely in stalled into ace es (taverner of the State of Alabama on the first day of the preeent month. Th e ce r e mony, attended with the canal formali ties, tack piece in the presence of the State Legis lature. It h estimated that there are now tritig un sold on the wherres at titoncester, &lase, /230,400 worth of reacketel ar.d codfish. Major John Gibson, well known as the land lord of the is Hotel, in Concord, It IL, iliikt Suddenly last week. The Dittrict Attorney of New Orleans has, it is said, been roamed, for lotting Eton. 'Wing off on light tap,