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D ; - . - VOL: 1-- - -NO. - 111. . pHILADELPHIA, .WE 6 1 . 4 0 i' , •,- IA ~7, DECEMBER 9, 1857.
' --- . - Y , *
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..4.ivx,::. , :f. , .4 - ,-----
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WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER' 9, 1857.
1,,,_ . i .. . •
PRESIDENT'S ,MESSAGE.
tared
tarsi
. 1
0 ~,.•
'0 ,
'45 ~.
1,
4#4.tttlr4P-Ft ES AV
8 4 1. 1 01 4 . 1 1'143 ,1 4tdi 10 the: wrier..
-the: 1400401'.04;9117,4tAra DOLLUIS
taga , P o Mill Moms; Titan
3roorgyiu*.triu,stvaime for the
' 4 4 P/f. 'PA X 111111;` ,- -
fiteki( pti, Atilt*" Dos,-
, jy,it
111104V011* t*it r gOifltibt‘ti .
\-; $2 00
- • 111 4 -' - ; ;; O. o`oe
- ,ton.O.Ttr.';`: , ;!` '"" : ' - • • 1900 -
~Kaq"( 4 " (to olio . 00 ittoo04 -1 0 , OD,
-XVo, or er7r,; 14 ,(to'444reee Ot _
be ;•*aith I 29
'Jr -& 1 0 ,itTireity4ne bt overi » e will fir44ll ?
yeas, oieftotifejottel , aip the,Olui: -
-11/`•goetiltidara ereo,entieste4lo,eile'rei,eseetifor
, -
T......R W WE E KLY '
PRES
S
'illeblltitNgt "PANaksT
, toIIjeKIIVNEWBEATAW IN THE', COIMITRY.
'. ' . ------ : - ..,'- -
i.iiiibiTrairitiiw - it' To axioms!
,!-. voAntEkiir-auEss , l4 00 7 14444 from the City, or
` , Vet 4,1 4 ,i11(Y, 1 ,5 6 "..''''Zi,;.' i'r - p - inip - 1,4,...,ii.,in
rub.R9,..ligbAsbt4 4 6lStatto, ,tt ;lit todlOt toostl ,
, - .. titotwin eorysttspe;-atti ,, olli-be denoted to consort*
, ~ ,.atlerines, iithietnie.toinedotion of goblin pros.
r ilt
.. , , t 1 .1 1 4iOOPiel. Order:- Huoh•s 4 WeeklyJetuintl ban
oeund In the - United ellatto, and 'it in to Ps.'
L , , :* thl *Wilm s t TUN WillUtlit MO ht.-pub li shed
'-, ..... 1110I'lltllght PRAM is Printed - ',OO moslitta whits
tt.P.P.Leliv. type, end in ottexto form, tor binding.
- , 22400,11dnia.021 ttd, MOO% or,the day; Correispondenee
from, the Old -World , and, , the New I,•Deroestio' bitelli
goneeillipdrha of , the mutant ;itarkete; Literary Re•
views . itimoollaneeas &bottom 1 the progress of Agri
eultnie try all itg - earlotto departments. ito.,# o, :'
1r.,04-tstafigrus , es sitesco. - ,•,- , I,- '
Tall etlirellitr ?ABM willbe bent to'
_
mabseribeia; bY , mill,," at , • - -•.52'00 per annum,
,Tennottillopten, Then sent to one' ad.- ~
• ' 1240di -- • .:• ' - --v •- - • • ' 2,0,0 t) '''' U ' '4
• 4 1Nrotr_C"opiiis, or Orel', to addrilts ot;' ,
iNh ptibtertlier, eta, , • •, '-'; 2 20 - • a
ytttlColutt of Twen ty-otie 6t ettr,yt:wlll send an
'NMI:a eopy,to the gittenetp o f the Club. ,
- Poot3taatetieure requelited to sot Oft Agent, for TIIB
~ 1 t wilt netoom it' S great R = my polltlCal and per
• Fat trienda t nod tali ethane _oho desire - a, first dam
,kIY Newepoper, will exert themselyse • to gtre trig
pinyalea a large circulation in theft reepeoti,
,' , _ - ', Jog& Rie
w: , •Fot,
. ..
... ••,:. • .s i -, ~ „ M iter awl rropl6ter.
$461101i6,6 °ICI; OCT/1.11 Willimv Pkr.siN tro. 417
11 0 typintoytret, 1 3 .4044eaphia„ - i, ,,-
,: , .
A FRICE
T =l 7
R 8
max
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;•-• -
ww,KkELLM)
;.WHOLESALE
'NA
RoLOW °11:415 ^ 5 •
Wijl:
tta °
amber Ith, • •
cit.., -7,, MONDAY,
gtow,
-i,ill;aqUAßTilktNh•reir
-.000-121' •
L.,
- Atid _
ELE
itxPal"f
' s•A Li
.• • AIINU AND u 0
P Aa N
ES
U n lA` -
- , , • aI•LEsALE
'Cz"•jiiiT4Y4-- OMR'
iissate of the
;•;•'4' -••
IT
the MOnt elegant
tionC 04 in
Wzliticse, fi4iikt• WWI"
*St.3t,
-Nthifr ,t"c„-i, 1441114 •
' •
• -:-• -
geis°`btyp•grsP"7.
otegan_ •
- THE NOOTTI;aIinZOBIAZie :
Lockhart, jamesHogg,"iwid. Dr. Magical. Edited;
' witHamelin and Notogi,by Do. It: Sheitoo.Maakenne,
• !hint Xenon fr voltunes, with and tart.
"eiratigec :Price s6,‘, -"- ••L , • -• • •
IdAGINN" liI4ISOBLLANISS. - The bliseeilineows Writ,
inv of the late Dr; Maginn. , -Ndtbsd, with a Memoir
and Notes, by, Dr.•lt. Shelton liteokowne. Complete
in 6 TOIIII3 ,ea orithPortralt, Tripe, per.roL, aloth,s.l.-
LIPS OP- T HE-RT. HON. JOHN PHILPOT OtrilltaN,
Ms Zan, Wm. Henry Oman ; with Notes and ad;
• , .hyWakens*, and a Portrait
- • -on Steel'and "Iterslintle:"_Third • Ddition.• cloth. ,
. „TUN O'BRIIINS AND THE DIPLAHDRTiIIi r a Na
tional Story, being the Ant of Lady.. Horgan's NorMa
- and nornanfal. 'With an,lntroduation and Noted, by
. • . •Do;•-H.:; , Shelton - Illekkensla.. spia.i 12m0., cloth.;
' Trion - - - ,
-'BARBINOTON'BBKISTOIIEH.,PeisonaIBketobesofhic
- ihrn.Timv. Sy Sir Jonah Barrington, with Mastro,
' by Parity. Fourth .Edltion, .Wlth Memoir by
• .IZ..liaakenzra., aZiao:v cloth. Print
tivoava4,lst:OF :ZZLZAIDAN. OeMolni, of. the
-tire - Of the sight - 09a, Diehard ,Itrirodey Sheridan;
Bplhomas Maoral with mat
ralle;yl2frmii
DINS, OW,IILKSIDSV:, , Dy D. Shelton: Iptiar,enstiVs.
• =Third Dditigo:Alltmir,' 010th:..-i _Pelee -••-•
Tag,lusToßT.Vße2l4 Walt-IN riNiziiitr4;
Br Major General Sir W.:16 P., - Napierilront the
•,/thorh last -xerisell , :adZioar - with AMY , Ilie Marl and
"Mons; liveYortraita on Steel, and a com plete index,
' • 5 vols.,ll2aso i ldoth, - trio ;7 to. •
_. • -.
pEIIiNSLILSH.WSH, Complete in vol.,
taw,-Pries 11210,. , • ; , • •. - •
TED SOBBST)i-11y4;.T. linatingtro4intior ol r•lerdy
• .1 Second MI
• tdon.^:- Price *1.14 - -
`...-ALLSAtto:ory,Thaillistory of iiToring , finnan:- ity J.
•Rtlie $2.
• ,
ligatltfalAtjal.,.#lof ,•
- r •
1114147:1,0t--1' 00.,,CTILESTRITT„STREET.
Masalaciau*rs 0[...
- 1 1MISR BURP IP' SILOS WARN,
thiderT.•their *rogation, oh' the • preinisep airdusbroly •
.Ottliganand Strangers in'Otod visit 'tdaw'
tv: , - -- ,..-
- . ',..4:,:i-.; 4 ..... , ~... . ~V040110,-"-...' ....*''
.lk..1161,00i1: 1 401 1 / 1 011ellthi r IIIMILAY'STRIENTIO.
? 1 / 4 ., - 4Ff - A.1.:14.404146Antt1t et sOrgiviturs, e,r evert 4.,
t ( ' ..4-0 614 tRil 0 4) 1 4 1 1;ktiot4. to order to otstob
- , 441 4 4 , . , ...i , ...-, ,
_...-: -ii - ___ .., 0 ,
' - --', --"----- 4.: - ,61- - . :1,-kg 11411 ,,,i.."4 0 4.-1 1 -itopottod
,r r
a,...„..,...,...„..k.,,,,„,,,.......„,.../.:,„1„.4.50.u..1,_._
,1 4 OfEVa r =lVlLtar t l 'b ..I'ii7
A;:,;' , ": ...- ~..-40144114Flt „ z
..:., - :.4,7:': V. `t.. , ?• ll.,lgiTi,.*lT'cl , .. f#Ait iltrftif".WillD, . i ' t ~ , i 1 , ;,.f i ; V. : ,
#: . '36;;1 'I, ::-:: -. ":..il4 041 :” V=., ,*) l6 l l4 APeici9.o 3l6 4tqlellr:CA ''''r:!-,
.-
. *194 . 4 8 8../ 11.4.. . 4- 4, 1 ; : '__,_' ,7 ,.. 1 i s ', l ` ._: •+q
4 .';'.
Irt:•'rfit,,t,::` It
- ? :# l Stikfitt:-WhOrSto 4 l 44. loo , :tt - 4-: , -:•; ,116 // 4 .° 1 .
41"he r -fg - Otritl , lA.:tW, ~,,, ,, ` ;--). .. -,‘.,4
~. -'.}l•:.::i--, ' -, -y....W - i,:,1 ,taiwzigAlt-Ogone4i. 90Ra; f= `'-'' - 4 ''`•
r';::41:':!30-4.44q;:"304.,15,:srpilefetmLya*twv,,.-1,,,,.. - .1 , -..v.- 7-. , A •
I.: -r-`;` , m4 ,,,7 4.111t o,4tm.okotatips;llo3ll_i-t,-1 . :, , ,v1„,;,5e,-iipl-Smake:
ii, ;11 att**,-_-.7, ,, , , 7 , ", , , , ,,}: ,, ,,, , ),- , :
k 1
--'-, gr., A . s4„.'se ,, ;.'- -0 tit If.C!lf.i' , ,: - ' - , •
01 P - .. 1 W.3`..1. ,- , 1 - •iii-
''ftz-=-. „ , * - 1, : 4 . : ft-P*.fit ''' d ".11 64 **
*. . 4 ,--,-. - .: ,
- ... - „Vt4t)or - =-T...ig.q.T . ri',' -.- .:. ,:
ia,,-1 ,- -41 . i., ~,,,, WAN,p. ,-:• . -, - .• -
- ;,_Vts"l;'q r ttr l l.7Clt** ll o4oo , ll 9 .01 0 11. : . : 041.10,
- ;', 4) . :, ' . '';' - 1. ), :',':? : . ,
. ,
4ato
, WAROXTOV;ziiiiiTABLE 74—A.
coußqGslrott twx map;
Embrace all the potato necessary to -- _
GENTEEL, EFFECT,:
ell the' details and item elegatieles which impart
7r443O I .OOIWFORTiIiND DURABILITY
cieattemeaare troittaLto call and -
eketls4lla 430 PREMEMEiteat ' i'' .
-`;
_ _ ---
111111 TINY, I.N.IND.LLNO34,1 1 114141-
at , . ilia; ID parts; it
1115TOItY:OP. BRITISH - INDIA:i etttn'o
count otthe Iltutyty or the Native Troops j by ILitteht=
goihetr. Martin.: itlisstrated - wittrsteel erigrarlogs
the Whelped. plooes !faltictio,; 131dt:6,8o:ties, Tortratto,
11'49/ql !, P a t Aliir r A t a i ti li Ti 9 e Q e D tNeiet i rl d hie. - ,
fee.the sale of the aletvo:', et4t*
nRIGINAL WIARLES
171011.V3 PICITTUAL MASA
in tNesilinibtfut Plays and Olugraphy, and illustrated
usitli'vei,rattuleionslluirre4l4l - on Wood t in the high.
useetile 'or art ;, farrelinit'S ,
Thtsiieseribere - hare been ;enabled to senate three
uixileejn, thidmiagishisint edition of ; 814•Irspeare,
,Irldels
bee linemen exceedingly - InnuedLite
Igen wlll be„,neuesal . to - phsltiiit
• ..
;u, -wv,rons.
const
• W 0 onol4 e, of o f ImPediat
D IA it
•
- Ifee&tieeeotreaeletei Breothevllle-itleo, :roger
*pie; ud "other-elite.* le t h e Stutondlin,e. - :
Itrertege KEW,- DZOONIS •tet,""euele ties At
yettittge tor tlieee-wia!detiliork mitts to order; , , - ; ,, ,
••
~ i 00614;
qarbtaitle,'iltatgoltlt.. -
itiiiiiista6,oAffrons,, Ll AßEETß,l'ilVAlTTAU3 l &e:
Also; ltronge'and-ipebie 47tAQS8,,eireeiteet etylee,
eni"et euperfoi,wielity.- Fildtw?cirly-
d'l -- 1 - i'44:: - .PE4UIGN2y, ,
~
OP WA.TaH °AIMS
Vii--- ..=-•-?"4.F.FIPAC'TLT- - . ±k ' ll i 4 iie;Yt4i ' '
-''' ,atf.l.oolTiglill 9 , , . anurri
. 1 go ll *. la 't MID :BTRKE'f f BLOW
~ _O Ol
--.*: ^..;---- ; . ...n.ADEL,PIII A ..--
, ' .---- ..- •
~ „Looms Pflutalo,l
C l OiliAri -- Piiiiii ( 4C-,,.-: ' r-,.
WINE -WATOHES. -
itipsdy,:et all the celebrated hondein and
Eerie a %ratchet benntintly on hand:-
oigiike. o otiline Fr odiham - tc4 at Thßersrp,fiee'
thr•rgrrey pelcei as established at
gilitaitoikigen'efielee' 2$ 216, aioo"doilare.
=-...'"-iliattri.,Vgcr'f.pricet-;14 226;250, -
as .00 , • '
; 928 OIIZATIVUT
ickhrY4A;(4)ALOWALIc2L - ..0(.)-; •-_ -_••• •
a." -.• •treedii'd VlibillT2o3T - litiLOV/411111 ItTAZET;
atiOtteteW matehas.4.esitYlne Jewelry; -Manurtatil* , .
sera or , ItteellnLandiStandosd 81leetTeis ate, 'Yorks and
eporrriz,tot.,'Whigr foiAbirstrl of Muter rrodsham's
,nWomitstieldeldldidal leadcin the
-11 - rifiOt hill Nicer s244it4s;:airaluro, • •
%h eh Wetehill ' 1 01atindeea. - `•
enable
IciPbe/40 Out Alielican, Plited Wrier
kiiAlt, BRO.- •
- mutenonreses 'AND'IMIPO rue -
`--
c.r
40.=84141hietnot street, Above , Thire':tvi' o'fittaire"
*mtsf •
lisnaritna br esti to the
8 OtIMWNION FfEavioz - BETS %num
.^ .43ffel i k- 0 9./40 81 1L9U.P. 0.;1411:34..t23.;:9A9*
Felloso•diiheni of the Senate and House of Re
, "preseittariccs _
-In.obedience to the command of the Constitution,
It has new hemitue my duty " to ire the Congress
informatien of the state of the nion, and recom
mend to their considetation. sue measilres" as I
judge to lie " nowise* and expedient."
-But first, and above all, our thanks are due to
- Almightyilod'for the numerous benefits which lie
'hair bedewed- rition this people; and our united
4,leyers• ; ought. to ascend to Rim that lie would
.continue to bless - our great Republio time to
come 'as lie hits blessed it in time past; . Since the
adjournment 'of the last Congress our constituents
have. enjoyed an 'unusual degree of health. Tho
earth has yielded' her fruits abundantly, and has
.bountifully roararded the toil of the husbandman.
Our great armies have commanded high prides,
and, up, till within a brief period, our manufac
turing, mineral,- and mechanical occupations have
.largely_partaken of the general prosperity, We
have posseseed all the elements of material wealth
in rich abundance, and yet, notaithstanding !di
these advantages , our Country, in its monetary in
terests, id at the present moment in a deplorable.
pandit-toll. In the midst of unsurpassed plenty in
all • the prodnetions p 1 egrionitore and in alt the
elements 'Of 'natiOnall -Wealth, we find our manu
factures suspended, our public works retarded, our
private enterprises of different kinds abandoned,
and thensands of useful laborers thrown out ot I
eMploynrent, and reduced to want. The revenue
of the Government, which is chiefly derived from
Mies Oh Imports from abroad, has been greatly
reduced, whilst the appropriations made by Con
;tress at its last session for the current fiscal year
are very large in atnolint.
'Under these circumstances a loan may be re
quired before the close of your present session; but
• fhb, although deeply to be regretted, would prove
to be only a slight misfortune when compared with
the suffering - and distress prevailing- among the i
people. With this the Government cannot fail
deeply to raympa thine, though it may be without
-the power PT extend relief.
It is our duty to•inquire what has produced such
unfortunate results, and whether their recurrence
tan be prevented. In all former revulsiona, the
,biaMe might have - boon fairly attributed to a va
riety of 00-operating causes; but not so upon the
Present occasion. • _ It is apparent that our existing
,misfortrines have proceeded RCM Our extra
:vagant and vicious syttem iff paper • morello,' and
bank orediti,:eteiting the peoPo to wild specula
' Gone end ''garabling in steels. These revalstons
'Mist 40htinhe Its tit* at successive intertala so
tong as the ameulst of the paper currency and bank
leans and discounts of the country shall be loft to
the discretion of fourteen hundred irresponsible
banking institutions, which, from the very law of
.their nature, will consult the interest of their stook
holders rather , than the public welfare.
Ihe framers of the Constitution, when they gave
te,-COngrese the power " to coin money, and to
tegulate , the value thereof," and prohibited the
States - from'coiningmeney, emitting bills of credit,
or making anything bit gold and silver coin a
legal „tender in `payment of debts, supposed they
bad protected the. people against, the evils of an
excessive - and irredeemable paper Currency. They
are not responsible for the existing anomaly that a
-Government endowedwittt the sovereign attribute
Of_colning money and seguliting the vallie therinif
_should have no poirer to prevent others from driv
ing this Coin slit of the country, and filling up the
Channels of ciroulatiowwith paper" which does not
represent gold and sneer.," ,
it is One of the hi hest and mat responsible dit
ties of Government to Imam to the people a sound
circulating medians; the amount of which ought to
.ba adapted with -the utmost possible wisdom and
akin to the wants of Internal trade and foreign ex
changes. if this he either greatly above or greatly
'below the proper Standard, the marketable value
°revery man'a'property is increased or diminished
in the eam6 proportion, end • injustice to Individu
als, as well as incalculable ovila,to the community,
are the consequence. • '•
Unfortunately, under the construction of tho
Federal Constitution, which has now prevailed too
long to be changed, this important and delicate
duty has been dissovered from the coining power,
not .virtually transferred to more 'than fourteen
hundred State banks, acting independently of
each other, and regulating their paper issues al
mod -exclusively by a regard to the present inte
rest ief r 'a akokholders Esereising tho sm.
Sepublio against over-issues and bank
suspensions. As a oollateral and eventual secu
rity, it is doubtless Wise, and in all 0[1509 ought to
be •re e Auirod; that banks abedt hold nil amount of
' Unit * States or State seduritlot equal to their
notes eireulation, and pledged for their re
demption. -This, however, furnishes no ade
quate security' against over-issues. On the con
trary, itmay be perverted to inflate the currency.
Indeed, it ispossible by this means to convert all
the debts of the United BMWs and State Govern
ments Into bank :notes, without- reference to the
specie required to redeem them.- However valua
ble those securities may be in themselves, they can
not be converted into gold and silver at the mo
ment of pressure, as our experience teaches, in
sufficient time to prevent bank enspeuslons and the
depreciation of bank notes. In England, which is
to a considerable extent a paper-money 'country,
though` vastly • behind our own in this rasped, it
was deemed advisable, entailer to the act of Par
liament of 1844, which wisely separated the issue
of note from the banking &pertinent; for tho Bank
of Hogland-alwaya to keep on hand gold and silver
equate, one-third of its combined circulation and
deposits. If this "proportion was " no more than
sufficient to secure the - convertibility of its notes,
With the ' whole of Great Britain, and to some ex
tent the continent of,Europe, - as a field for its cir
culation, rendering it almost impossible that a sud
den and immediate run to a dangerous amount
should be made upon it, the same proportion would
certainly be insuffieient under our banking system.
Each of our fourteen hundred banks has but a
limited circumference for its circulation, and in '
the course of a very few days the depositors and
netehOlitere might demand from such a bank a
a ufgelent amount in specie to cabinet it to suspend,
even although it lied coin in its vaults equal to
one,third of its immediate liabilities.. And yet I
cut not'awarei with the execution df this brinks of
Louisiana,' that any State bank throughout the:
Union has beer' required by 'its charter to keep
this or any ether propertion of gold and silver corn
'pared with the amount of its combined circulation
, and deposits. What has been the consequence? In I
,a recent report made by the Treasury Department
on the condition of the banks throughout the dif- I
ferent States, according to returns dated nearest
to'January, 1857, the aggregate amount of actual
specie in their vaults is 08,349,838, of their oir
aulitiOn" $214,778,822, and of their deposits
'5280,351,852. Thus it appears that these banks
in the aggregato have considerably less than one*
- dollar in seven 'of gold and ,silver oompared
with their - " circulation and deposits. It was
,palpable; therefore,' that the very first pressure
must drive them to suspension, and deprive the
• people of a convertible currency with all its dins
.trotul consequenees. It is truly wonderful that
they should haire so .long continued to preserve
their 'credit, when a demand for the payment of
one•sefenth of their immediate liabilities would
have them into insolvency, • And this is th
condition, of the banks, notwithstanding that four
hundred millions of gold from California have
flowed in upon us within the last eight years, and
the tide dill continues to flow. Indeed, such hes
been the extravagance of bank credits that the
banks now bold a oonsidorably less amount of spe
cies,either in proportion to their capital or to their
'circulation and deposits combined, than they did
Before the discovery of gold in Ualifornia. Whilst
in the year 1848 their spools in proportion to their
capital was more than equal to one dollar for four
and a half, in 1847 it does not amount to one dollar
for every six dollars And thirty-three cents of their
capital. In the year 1848 the epode was equal
, within a very small fraction to one dollar in five of
their circulation and deposits; in 1857 it is not
equal to one dollar in seven and a half of their
circulation and deposits.
• Prom Ibis statement it is easy to amount for our
financial history for the lest forty years. It has
been bletory of extravagant expansions in the
business of-the country, followed by ruinous con
traCtione. -At successive Intervals the best and
most enterprising men have been tempted to their
ruin by excessive bank loans of mere paper credit,
exciting them ,to extravagant importations of fo
reign goods, wild speculations, and ruinous and
- demoralizing stock - gambling. When the oriels
Arrives, as arrive It must, the - banks can extend no
relief to the people. In a vain struggle to redeem
their liabilities in spode, they are compelled to
contract their loans and their issues; and at last,
in the hour of distress when tin* assistance is
moetne4ded, they and their debtors together sink
into instivoney, ,
It is Ms paper * systemof extravagant expansion,
'raising the nominal prise of every artiole far be
.yond its real value ; when compared with the out
of similar articles In countries whose circulation
ISWieely regulated, which has prevented us from
iireopeting fa onr own markets with foreign menu
heiturers, has produced-extravagant importations,
and has connteraoted the effect of the large inci
dental protection afforded ' to our domestic manu
factures: by the present revenue tariff. But
for_ -this, the branches of our manufactures
mewed of "raw - materials, the p . roduction
of our, owit.country—such as cotton, iron, and
Woollen febrioe—vrould not only have acquired al
-most exelusive posseasion of the home market, but
would have created for themselves a foreign mar
ket throughout the world.. -"
Deplorable,, however, as may be our present
finapelalcondition, we may yet indulge in bright
lilies for the . future., . No other nation has ever
existed width could ave endured such violent ex
pansions and contraetione of paper credits without
Dieting bin* ; yet the buoyancy of youth, the
energies of oily population, and 'the spirit which
Miver.quails before will enable us soon
to Mayer' from, our 'present financial embarrass
mentjand`rnar ven. occasion speedily to forget
Ihnleieten Which they have taught.
to the:meantime this the dutpaf the Govern-
MeAdilrisli proper marine within its power, to aid
lifellittrlating; the, sufferings of the people ma-
Atermispinslen of the banks, and to prd
st,lide:agishust.iiiiieurrenee Of the same °ldeality
'/Ifitlixtdeetely; iti'elther upset of thi cue; oan,
'Afkbitt,ltitat.;Tl k anksjoithe Independent, 'Tree
saSlAeir,3oo,rnireirithas not'suspended payment,
#l l ,- ,1 4 6 0 04 401 11- idi to deMy, thCfallure of the
tianlta ia,lB37.`continue to discharge its
liabilities thie,peopie in" - gold and silver. Its
4 1 0-* 1111 . 10 , 1 0 4 . CO, !ill pass Into efroulatien,
and materially assist in restoring a sound currency.
From its high oredit, should we be compelled to
make a temporary loan, it can be ()Tooted on ad
vantageous terms. ThIS, however, shall, if, possi
ble, be avoided ; but, if not, then the amount shall
be limited.to the lowest practicable sum,
I have, therefore ) determined that whilst ue
useful flotternreent works already in progress shall
bp suspended, now works, not already oommenced,
otill bo postponed, if thin cart be done without in
jury to the country. Those necessary for its de
fence shall proceed as though there had been no
crisis in oar monetary affairs.
But the Federal novermitent Oannlit do much to
provide agaihst a recurrence a ..i.tinq evils.
Wen if insurniountable constitutional ob,jcotions
did not exist against the creation of a National
Bank, this Would furnish no adequate preventive
seaunty. The history of the last, Bank of the
United States abundantly proves the truth of this
assertion. Such a bank could not, if it would,
regulate the issues and credits of fourteen hundred
State books, in such a manner as to prevent the
ruinous expansions and contractions in our curren
cy, which Winded the country throughout the ex
istence of the late) bank, or secure uslagainst future
suspenaions. In 1825, an effort was made by the
Bank of England to curtail the issues of the coun
try banks under the most favorable circumstances.
The paper currency had been expanded to a 'Min
olta extent, and the bank put 'forth all its tower
to contract it in order to reduce KV, re
store the equilibrium of the foreignexo 'an*Ob. It
accordingly oomMenoed a system or 'curtailment of
its leant!: and issues, in the vain hope that thejeint-
Mock and private - banks of the - kingdom would he
compelled to follow its example. It found, how
ever, that as it contracted they expanded, and at
the end of the process to employ the language of
a very high official adthorlty, "Whatever reduction
of the paper circulation was effected by the Bank
of England (in 1825) was more than made tip by
,the issues of the country banks."
Butt a Bank of the United States wand wit, if
it could, restrain the issues and leans of the State
banks, because its duty as a regulator of the air-
Caney must often be in direct conflict with the im
mediate interest of its stockholders. If we et
poet one agent to restrain or control another, their
interest must, at least in some degree, be tiptago
nistio. But the directors of a Bank of the United
States would feel the same interest and the same
inclination with the directors of the State banks
to expand the currenoy,to accommodate their favor
ites and friends with loans, and to declare large
dividends. Such has been our experience in re
gard to the last bank.
After all, we must mainly rely upon the patriot
ism and wisdoria of the States for the prevention
and redress of the evil. If they will afford us a
real specie basis for our paper circulation by in
creasing the deneminition of bank notes, first to
twenty, and afterwards to fifty dollars; if they
will require that the banks shall at all nines keep
on hand at least one dollar of gold and silver for
every three dollars of their circulation and depo
sits; and if they will provide by a self-executing
enactment, which nothing can arrest, that the mo
ment they suspend they shall go into liquidation,
I believe that such provisions, with a weekly pub
lication by each bank of a statement of its condi
tion, would go far to secure us against future sus
pensions of specie payments.
Congress, in my opinion, possess the power to
pass a uniform bankrupt law applicable to all bank
ing institutions throughout the United States, and
I strongly recommend its exercise. This would
make it the irreversible organic law of each bank's
existence, that a suspension of specie payments
shall produce itstivil death. The instinct of self
preservation would then compel it to perform its
duties In such a manner as to escape the penalty
and preserve its life.
The existence of banks and the circulation of
bank paper are so identified with the habits of our
people, that they cannot at this day bo suddenly
abolished without much immediate injury to the
country. If we con confine them to their appro.
priato sphere, and ifillfi'vent them from administer
ing to the spirit of wild and reckless speculation
by extravagant loans and issues, they might be
ocintinued with advantage to the public,
But this I say, after long and much reflection:
if experience shall prove it to he impossible to en
joy the facilities which well-regulated banks might
afford, without at the same time suffering the ca
lamities which the excesses of the banks have
hitherto inflicted upon the country, it would then
bo far the lesser evil to deprive them altogether of
the power to issue a paper currency, and confine
them to the functions of banks of deposit and dis
count.
Our relations with foreign Governments are,
upon the whole, In a satisfactory condition.
The diplomatic diffieulties which existed be
tween the Government of the United States and
that of Great Britain, at the adjournment of the
last Congress , have been happily terminated by
the -untment of a British minister to thin
oc , ho has been cordially received.
rattly to the Interest, as4'am'con
ao ,sincere`,dealro, of the Govern,
;le orthesirre nOnottios, to be'
'friend/61p, wltb' eeotrintber,
cigln of the Government we have
id In negotiating treaties with that
afterwards in discussing their true in
tent and meaning. In this respect, the convention
of April 10, 1850, commonly called the Clayton and
Bulwer treaty, has been the most unfortunate of
all; because the two Governments place directly
opposite and contradietory constructions upon its
first and most important article. Whilst, in the
United Status,_ we believed that this treaty would
place both Powers upon tin (dad equality , by the
stipulation that neither will over occupy, or for
tify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any domin
ion" over, any part of Central America, it is con
tended by the British Goyernment that the true
construction of this language has left them in the
rightful possession of all that portion of Central
America which was in their occupancy at the date
of the treaty; in fact, that the treaty is a virtual
recognition on the part of the United States of
the right of Great Britain, either as owner or
protector, to the whole extensive coast of Central
America, sweeping sound from the Rio Hondo to
the port and harbor of San Juan de Nicaragua,
together with the adjacent Bay Islands, except the
comparatively small portion of this between the
Sarstoon and Cape Honduras. According to their
construction, the treaty does no more than simply
prohibit them from extending their possessions in
'Central America beyond the present limits. It is
not too much to assert, that if in the United States
the treaty had been considered susceptible of such
a construction, it never would have been negotiated
under the authority of the President, nor would it
have received the approbation of the Senate. The
universal conviction in the United States was, that
when our Government consented to violate its tra
ditional and time-honored policy, and to stipulate
with aforeign Government never to occupy or ac
quire territory in the Central American portion of
our Conthelit, the consideration for this sacrifice
was that Great Britain should, in this respect at
least, be placed in the same position with ourselves
Whilst 17e have no right to doubt the sincerity of
the British Government in their construotion of the
.treaty, it is at the same time my deliberate con
viction that this construction is in opposition both
to its letter and its spirit.
Under the late Administration negotiations wore
instituted between the two Governments for the
purpose, if possible, of removing these difficulties ;
and a treaty having this laudable object in view
was signed at London on the 17th ()debar, 1858,
and was submitted by the President to the Senate
on the following 10th of December. Whether this
treaty, either in its original or amended form,
would have accomplished the object intended with
out giving birth to new and embarrassing compli
eationt between the two Governments, may per
haps be well questioned. Certain it is, however,
it was rendered much lees objectionable by the dif
ferent amendments made to it by the Senate The
treaty, as amended, was ratified by me on the 12th
Alaroh, 1857, and was transmitted to London for
ratification by the British Government. That Go
vernment expressed its willingness to concur in all
the amendments made by the Senate with the
4 'single exception of the clause relating to neaten
and the other islands in the Bay of Honduras. The
article in the original treaty, as submitted to the
Senate, after reciting that these islands and their
inhabitants "having been by a convention bearing
date the 27th day of August, 1856, between her
Britannia Majesty and the Republic of Honduras,
constituted and deolared a free territory under the
sovereignty of the said Republic of Honduras" stipu
lated that the "two contracting parties do hereby
mutually engage to recognise and respect in all
future time the independence and rights of the
sail free territory 119 a part of the Republic of
Honduras."
Upon an examination of this convention between
Great Britain and Honduras of the 27th August,
1856, it was found that, whilst declaring the Bay
Islands to be "a free territory under the sove
reignty of the Republic of Honduras," It deprived
that Republic of rights without which its *eve
reignty over thorn could toarcoly bo said to exist.
It divided thorn from the remainder of Honduras,
and gave to their inhabitants a separate Govern
ment of their own, with legislative, executive, and
Judicial officers, elected by themselves. It de
prived the Government of Honduras of the taxing
power lit every form, and exempted the people of
the islands from the performance of military duty
except for their own exclusive defence. It also
prohibited that Ropublio from erecting fortifica
tions upon them for their protection—thus leaving
them open to invasion from any quarter; and,
finally, it provided " that slavery shall not at
any time hereafter bopermitted to exist therein."
Had Honduras ratified this convention, she
would have ratified the establishment of a State
substantially Independent within her own limits,
and a State at all times subject to British influ
ence and control. Moreover, had the United
States ratified the treaty with Groat Britain in Its
original form, we should have boon bound to " re
cognise and respect in all future time" these stip
ulations to the prejudice of Honduras. Being in
direct opposition to the spirit and moaning of the
Clayton Bulwer treaty as understood in the United
States, the Senate rejected the entire clause, and
substituted in its stead a simple rooognition of the
sovereign right of Honduras to these Wanda in the
following language : " The two contracting par
tit do hereby mutually engage to recognise and
respect the islands of Bunten, Boum°, Utile.
Barbaretta, Helena, and Moral, situate In the Bay
of Honduras, and off the coast of the nomadic of
Honduras, as under the sovereignty and as part of
the said Republic of Honduras,'
- Groat Britain rejected this amendment, assign
ing as the only reason, that the ratifications of the
convention of the 27th August, 1850, between her
and Honduras, had not been " exchanged, owing
to the hesitation of that Government." Wed this
been done, it 13 stated that " her Majeety's Gov
ernment would have had little difficulty in agree
ing- to the modification proposed by the Senate,
which then would have had in effect the same sig
nification as the original wording." Whether this
Would have boon the effect ; whether the mere oir
etimstanee of the exchange of the ratilloationS of
the British convention with Hondarrul prior in
point of Howie the ratification of our treaty with
idled Britain would, " in effect," have had " the
same signification as the original wording," and
tbus,htivonullilled the amendment of the Senate,
may well be doubted. It is, perhaps, fortunate
that the question has never arisen.
The British Elovernuiene, Immediately after re
jooting the treaty as amondeff, pro Pot
Into a now treaty with the United; ata
in all respects, to the treaty which, the
refused to ratify, if the United States
sont to add to the Senate's dear and i
recegnition of the sovereignty of Hen
tht hey Islands the folloWing aontitilion
Lion: "Whenever and so soon as the B
Honduras shall have concluded and rant
with Great Britain, by which Great Itrl ,
have coded, and the Republio of Ilondt
have aooepted, the sold Islands, eubjeono
visions rind conditions contained in molt' I
This proposition was, of course,, repel&
the Senate had refused to rewegplSe' the
convention with Honduras of the .27tIr
1856, with full knowledge of its contents, it,
possible for me, necessarily Ignorant oft,Ahe
visions and conditions" which mig.ht . bel con
in a future convention between the sattieA
to sanction them in advance. : --- " -,.
The fact is, that when two nation's' like,t
Britain and the United States; mutually. tie " ,
as they are, and I trust over rent hetr
lwls„
taining the moat friendly relations . IV/011ei
other, have unfortunately col:minded:AA
which they understand In senses directly OP ~
the wisest course le to abrogate such a tr•
mutual consent, and r. . commence anew'. 5J
`llia been (lobe prollipti , all ditlioultleitin t
America would meat probably 'ore' this hap ',.
adjusted to the satisfaetion of both'imiitoe= ;..
timespentindisoustipg,the 'inee r nial(Oftka
and ITuiwor. treaty wonia have; beenidei Q AO
this praiseworthy purpose, and the tank would 11,114.
boon the more eaeily'accomplished because
interest of the two einntries in Central Amert q
Identical, being Oentmed to socuriog safe tea ts'
iii , bl. ill tho tontes across the Isthegus, , ,
Whilst entertaining these . sentimellt4, -I MOH
nevoilllelese not refuse to.eentriblitCto an,f,tea. 1
ionable adjuitmOnt of the Central 'Anteiloatt ,qpst.
lions Which is not practically inconsistent with*
Atneilean interpretation of tho treaty. Overtuqx.'
for this 13trpbse have been recently made vino
British GOvbrialtient in a friendly spirit, whieli:r 4
cdrdially reciiirocate ; but whether this rehairs
effort will leak in eueoeiS I ant ndt yet prapairell
to expre s s en opinitin. A brief period will doter;
mine. ,
With France our ancient tv,lathins of friaries
still continuo to (WA. The French Clover/We , :
havelin shVeral recent instan ce s tibieh noed,not.
I t
enumerated, olinced a spirit , of g'sqd will pi,
kindness towards our tiodiitrY Which t heartily
eiprocatc. It is, notwithstanding, ruuelf•to be it!,
gretted that two nations whose produCtlets9 a
such a character as to invite the meet eaten
exchanges and freest commercial intordoi
shotild continue to enforce ancient and obse . e,
restrictions of trade against each other. Our OA
M
mercial treaty with Franco is in this respeot respect-.
exception from our treaties with all other comas '
Mal nations. It jealously levies diserimlmt
dillies both On tonnage and on articles, the gro 1, f.
produce, or manufacture of the ono country,Mi*
arriving in vessels beltingibg to the other. . ` , 'F . , O
More than forty years ago oh the 3d crirlig,'
1815, Congress passed an act ofr i ering td all nIY leg
to amit their vessels laden *it their datlanAl pee-,
duotlona into the ports of the United Statell,npop,
the same terms with our oivn vessels, protided they,.
would. reciprocate to us similar advantages. ,Wil
act confined reciprocity to tho productiontof it*
respective foreign nations who might en ter Hite. r
proposed arrangement with the United &Met q
act of May 21, 1828, removed this restriction,
lute"
offered a similar reciprocity to all such, veepp .
without reference to the origin of their cargovl ;
Upon these principles, our commercial treaties; 04
arrangements have boon founded, except wijlti
France ; and lot us 1101)0 that this exception niSrY
not long exist.
Gar relations with Russia remain, as they hat -
over been, on the most friendly footing. The
sent Emperor, as well as his predooessere, ha'
never failed, when the occasion offered, Wolin
fast their good wilt to our country ; end - Wl'
friendship has always been highl y
& y appreelatadit
the Government and people o the United Mot
With all other European overnmeats, Oboe ; that of Spain , our relations aro as peaceful so
recommendation was made by my immediate pre
decessor in his message of Dooembor, 1653 ;; and
entirety concurring with both in the opinion that
this indemnity is justly due under the treaty with
Spain of the 27th October, 1795. I earnestly room ,
mend such an appropriation to the favorable con
sideration of Congress.
A treaty of friendship and commerce was con
cluded at Constantinople on the 13th December,
1856, between the United States and Persia, the
ratifications of which wore exchanged at Constan
tinople on the 18th June,lBs7, and the treaty was
proclaimed by the President on the 18th August,
1857. This treaty, it is believed, will prove bene
ficial to American commerce. The Shah has mani
fested an earnest disposition to cultivate friendly
relations with our country, and has expressed a
strong wish that we should be represented at
Teheran by a minister plenipotentiary; and I re
commend that an appropriation be outdo for this
purpose.
Recent occurrences in China have been unfavor
able to a revision of the treaty with that empire
of the 3d July, 1844, with a view to the security
and extension of our commerce. The 24th article
of this treaty stipulated for a revision of it, in cart
exporlenee should prove this to be requisite; "In
which case the two Governments will, at the expi
ration of twelve years from the date of said con
vention, treat amicably concerning the same, by
meant of suitable persons appointed In conduct
such negotiations." 'These twelve years expired on
the 3d July, 1856; but long before that period it
was ascertained that important changes In the
treaty were necessary; and several fruitless at
tempts wore made by the commissioner of the
United States to effect these changes. Another
effort was about to be made for the samepurpose
by our commissioner, In conjunction with the min
isters of England and France; but this was sus
pended by the occurrence of hostilities in the Can
ton river between Great Britain and the Chinese
Empire. These hostilities have necessarily inter
rupted the trade of all nations with Canton, which
is now in a state of blockade, and have occasioned
a serious loss of life and property. Meanwhile, the
insurrection within the empire against the existing
imperial dynasty still continuos, and it is difficult
to anticipate what will be the result.
Under these oircumatanues, I havedeeme3 It ad
visable to appoint a distinguished citizen of Penn•
sylvania envoy extraordinary and minister pleni
potentiary to proceed to China, and to avail himself
of any opportunities which may offer to effect
changes in the existing treaty favorable to Ame
rican commerce. Ile left the United States for the
place of his destination in July last in the war
steamer Minnesota. Special ministers to China
have also been appointed by the Governments of
Great Britain and France.
Whilst our minister has boon instructed to occupy
a neutral position in reference to the existing hos-
UMW at Canton, be will cordially co-operate with
the British and French ministers in all peaeofel
measures to secure by treaty stipulations, those
just concessions to commerce which the nations of
the world have a right to expect, and which. China
cannot long bo permitted to withhold. From as.
suraneee received, I entertain no doubt that the
three ministers wilt act in harmonious concert to
obtain similar commercial treaties for each of the
Powers they represent.
We cannot fail to fool a deep interest in all that
concerns the welfare of the independent Republics
un our own continent, as well as of the empire of
Brazil.
Our diffisulties with Now Granada, which a short
time since bore co threatening an aspect, aro, it is
to be hoped, in a fair train of settlement, in a
manner just and honorable to both parties.
The Isthmus of Central America, including that
of Panama, Is the great highway between the At
lantic and the Pacific, over which a large portion
of tho commerce of the world is destined to pass.
The United States are more deeply interested than
any other nation in preserving the freedom and
seourity of all the communications across the
Isthmus. It Is our duty, therefore, to take care
that they shall not be interrupted, either by Inca-
slung from our own country or wars between the
independent States of Central America. Under our
treaty with New Granada of the 12th December,
1816, we are bound to guaranty the neutrality of
the Isthmus of Panama, through which the, Pana
ma Railroad passes, " as well as the rights of sove
reignty and property which New Granada has and
possesses over the said territory." This obligio
tion is founded upon equivalents granted by the
treaty to the Government and people of the United
States,
Under these circumstances, I recommend to Con•
gross the passage of an not authorizing the Presi
dent, in ease of necessity to employ the land and
naval forces of the United States to carry into
effect this guarantee of neutrality , and protection.
I also recommend similar legislation for the sem
city of any other route across the Isthmus in which
we may acquire an interest by treaty.
With the independent Republics on this cent!.
bent it is both our duty and our Interest to culti
vate the most friendly relations. Wo can never
feel indifferent to their fate, and must always re
joice in their prosperity. Unfortunately, both for
them and for us, our example and advice have lost
much of their influence in consequence of the law
less expeditions whieli have been fitted out against
some of them within the limits of our country.
Nothing is better calculated to retard our steady
material progress, or impair our character as a na
tion, than the toleration of such enterprises in 910-
Intion of the law of nations.
It is one of the first and highest duties of any in
dependent State, in its relations with the mem
bers of the groat family of natiollvto restrain its
people from sots of hostile aggrefiT6n against their
citizens or subjects Tho most eminopt writers
on publio law do not hesitate to denounoe such hos
tile acts as robbery and murder.
Weak and feeble States, like those of Central
America, may not feel themselves ahlo to Retort
and vindicate their rights. The ease would be far
different If expeditions were set on foot within our
own territories to make private war againet
powerful nation. If such expeditions were fitted
oat from abroad against any portion of our own
country, to burn down our cities, murder and plun
der, our people, and usurp our Government, we
ehould call any Power on earth to the strlotest so
count for not preventing such enormities.
Nils olnce the M10;4410194 et tietigtel Weeli•
lngton, note of Congress have boon in force to
4tinisb severely the crime of setting on foot a mill
itary expedition within the limits of the United
tates, to proceed from thence, against a nation or
State with whom we are at peace' The present
,lsoutrality not of April 20th, 1818, to but little
More than a collodion of pre-existing laws. Un
der this ad the President is empowered to employ
'the land and petrel foroes and the militia a for the
purpose of preventing the carrying on of any such
. expedition or enterprise from the territories and
ijarisdiction of tho United States," and the collo°.
4 tors of customs are authorised and required to de
tain any vessel In port when there is reason to be
lbws She is about to take part in such lawless en
terprises.
L' When it was first rendered probable that on at
tempt would bo made to got up another unlawful
-,expedition against Nicaragua, the Secretary of
State issued Instructions to the marshals and dis
trict attornoys, which were directed by the &m.o
-.:400s of War and the Navy to the appropriate
army and navy Mlioets, requiring them to be vigi
lant, and to'use their best exertions in carrying
into effect the provisions of the act of 1818. Net
.withstanding these precautions, the expedition has
escaped from our shores. Such enterprises can do
.nepossible good to the country, hut have already
Inflicted muoh injury both on its Interests and its
chisraoter. They have prevented peaceful emigre
lion from the United States to the States of Central
America, whiob could not fail to prove highly bone
fiaild to all the parties concerned. Ina pecuniary
point of view 01000, our citizone have sustained
heavy losses from the seizure and closing of the
transit route by the San Juan Between the two
' The loader of the recent expedition was arrested
at New Orleans, but was discharged on giving bail
for his appearance in the insufficient sum of two
,thourand dollars.
I commend the whole subject to the serious
attention of Congress, believing that our duty
end our interest, es well as our national character,
.require that we should adopt such measures as will
be effectual in restraining our citizens from com
mitting such outrages.
I regret to inform you that the President of t Para
nay has refused to ratify the treaty between the
ailed States and that istato us amended by the
fienate, the signature of which was mentioned in
the message of nay predecessor to Congress, at the
,opening of its session in December, 1863. The
reasons assigned for this refusal will appear in the
Correspondence herewith submitted.
It being desirable to ascertain the fitness of the
river La Plata and its tributaries for navigation
by steam, the United States steamer Water Witch
Was sent thither for that purpose In 1853. This en
' .torpriso was successfully carried on until February,
11855, when, whilst in the peaceful prosecution ot .
,her voyage up the Parana river, the ktoamar was
.fired upon by a Paraguayan fort. The ere was re
turned; but as the Water Witch was of force,
and not designed for offensive operations, she re
tired from the conflict. Tho pretext upon which
the attack was made was a decree of the President
of - Paraguay of Ootobor, 18.61, prohibiting foreign
vessels-of-war from navigating the rivers of that
State. As I'araguay, however, was the owner of
but one bank of the river of that name, the other
belonging to Corrientes, a State of the Argentine
Confederation, th e righ t of its Government to ex
poet that such a decree would be obeyed cannot be
acknowledged. But the Water Watch was not,
properly speaking, a vessol-of•war. She was a
anima Steamer engaged in a scientific enterprise in
tended for the advantage of commercial States
generally. Under these circumstances, lam con
drained to consider the attack upon her as unjusti
fiable, and as milling for satisfaction from the Pa
raguayan Government.
Citizens of the United States, also, who were es
tablished in business in Paraguay, have had their
property seized and taken from them, and have
otherwise beon treated by the authorities in en
Insulting and arbitrary manner, which regains
redress.
A demand for these purposes will be made in a
Arm but conciliatory spirit. This will the more
probably be granted if the Exeentlve shall have
pt+'
ng any part in the election.
The net of the Territorial Legislature had omit
ted to provide for submitting to the people the
Constitution which might ho framed by the Con
vention ; and in the excited state of public feeling
throughout Kansas an apprehension extensively
prevailed that a design existed to force upon them
a Constitution in relation to slavery against their
will. In this emergency it became my duty, as it
was my unquestionable right, having in view the
union of all good citizens in support of the territo
vial laws, to express an opinion on the true con
struction of the provisions concerning slavery con
tained in the organic act of Congress of the 20th
Zday, 1854. Congress declared it to bo "the true
intent and meaning of this act not to legislate
slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude
it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof per
fectly free to form and regulate their dotnestio in
stitutions in their owu way." Under it Kansas,
" when admitted as a State," was to " be received
into the Union, with or without slavery, as their
Ceptitution may prescribe at the time of their ad
milFsion."
Did Congress mean by this language that the
delegates elected to frame a Constitution should
have authority finally to decide the question of
slavery ? ()Hui they wand, by leaving it to the
people, that the people of Kansas themselves
should decide this question by a direct vote? On
this subject I confess I had never entertained a
serious doubt, and, therefore, in my instructions to
tiovernor Walker, of the 28th March lac., I merely
said that when " n Constitution ehall'bo submitted
to the people of the Territory, they must be pro
tected in the exercise of their right of voting for
or against that instrument, and the fair expression
of the popular will must not be interrupted by
fraud or violence."
In expressing this opinion, it was far from my
' ntontion to interiors with the decision of the peo
pie of Kansas, either for or against slavery. From
this I have alwaysearefully abstained. Intrusted
with the duty of taking "care that the laws be
faithfully executed," my only desire was, that the
people of Kansas should furnish to Congress the
evidence required by the organic set, whether for
or against slavery; and, in this manlier, smooth
their passage into the Union. In emerging from
the condition of territorial dependence into that of
&sovereign State, it was their duty, in my opinion,
to make known their will by the votes of the ma
jority, on the direct question whether this import
ant domestic institution should or should not con
tinue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible
made in which their will could be authentically
ascertained.
TUo elootion of delegates to a Convention muss
necessarily take place in separate districts. Front
this cause it may readily happen, as baronets been
the ease, that a majority of the people of a State
or Territory are on ono aide of a luostion, whilst
a majority of the representatives from the several
districts into which it is divided may be upon the
other side. This arises from the fact that in some
distriela delegates may be elected by small major'•
ties, whilst in others those of different sentiments
may receive majorities sufficiently groat not only
to overcome the votes given for the former, but to
leave a large majority of the whole people in di
rect opposition to a majority of the delegates. Be
sides, our history proves that influences may be
brought to bear on the representative sufficiently
powerful to induce him to disregard the will of his
constituents. The truth is, that no other authen
tie and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the
will of a majority of the people of any State or
Territory on any important and exciting question
like that of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving
it to a direct vote. now wise, then, was it for
Congress to pass over all subordinate anti interme
diate agencies, and proceed directly to the source
of all legitimate power under stir institutions'
Mow vain would any other prineiple prove in
practice ! This may be illustrated by the case of
Kansas. Should she be admitted into the Union,
with a Constitution either maintaining or abolish•
ing slavery, against the sentiment of the people,
this could have no other effect than to continue and
to exasperate the existing agitation during the
brief period required to make the Constitution con
form to the irresistible will of the majority.
The friends and supporters of the Nebraska and
Kansas act, when struggling on a recent owns:ion
to sustain its wise provisions before the great tri
bunal of the American noople, never differed about
its true moaning on this subject. Everywhere
threughout the Mon they publicly pledged their
faith and their honor, that they would cheerfully ,
, submit thoquestion of slavery to the decision of
the 6oner, fide people of Kansas, without any re
striation or quantization whatever. All were cor
dially united upon the groat doctrine of popu
lar. sovereignty, which is the vital principle
of our free Institutions. Had it then been In
sinuated from any quarter that it would be a BUlE
clout compliamo with the requisitions of the or
ganic law for the members of a Convention, there
after to be elected, to withhold the question of
slavery from the people, and to substitute their
own will for that of a legally-ascertained majority
of all their constituents, this would have been in
stantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true
to the reaolution adopted on a celebrated occasion
recognising "the right of the people of all the
Territories---including Kansas and. Nebraska—
noting through the legally and fairly-expressed
will of a majority of actual residents and whenever
the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to i ,
form a Constitution, with or without slavery, and
be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect
equality with the other States."
The Convention to frame a Constitution for Nan
ens met on the first Monday of September last.
The 7 were called together by virtue of an act of
the Territorial Legislature, whose lawful existence
had boon recognised by Congress in different forms
and by different arm-atm:tuts. A large proportion
of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to
register their names and to vote at the election for
delegates; but an opportunity to do this having
been fairly afforded, their rethsal to avail them
selves of their right could In no manner affect the
legality of the Convention.
This Convention proceeded to frame a Consti
tution for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the 7th
day of November. But little difficulty 000urredin
the Convention, except on the subject of slavery.
The truth is that the general provisions of our re
cent State Constitutions are so similar—and, I may
Add; ett elpant-tlAt the =unto bctrtom Mita
le not essential. Under the earlier practice of the
Government, no Constitution framed by the Con
vention of a Territory preparatory to Its admission
into the Union as a State had been submitted to
the people. I trust, however, the ereimple Jet by
the last, Congress , requiring that the Constitution
of Minnesota " ehould be eubject to the approval
and ratification of the people of the proposed
State," may be followed on future occasions. I
took it for granted that the Convention of Kansas
would act in accordance with this example, remitt
ed, as it is, on correct principles; and hence my in
emotions to Governor Walker, In favor of submit
ting the Constitution to the people, were expressed
in general and unqualified terms.
In the Kansas-Nebraska act, however, this re
quirement, na applicable to the whole Constitution,
had not been inserted, and the Convention were
not bound by its terms to submit any other portion
of the instrument to an election, except that which
relates to (ho " domestio institution" of slavery.
This will ho rendered ulcer by a simple reference
to its language, It was " not to legislate slavery
into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
to form and regulate their domestic institutions in
their own way. ' According to the plain construc
tion of the sentence, the words " dowiestie institu
tions" have a direct as they have an appropiate
reference to slavery . Domestic institutions'' are
limited to the family. The relation between mas
ter and elare and Ft few others are "domestic in
stitutions," and aro entirely distinct frOm institu
tions of a political character. Besides, there was
no question then before Congress, nor indeed has
there since been any serleue question before the
people of Kansas or the country, except that which
relates to (ho "domestic institution" of slavery.
The Convention, after an angry and excited de
bate, finally determined, by a majority of only
two, to submit the question of slavery to thepeo
ple, though at the last forty-three of the fifty dele
gates
present affixed their signatures to the Con
stitution.
A largo majority of the Convention were in favor
of establishing slavery in Kansas. They accord
ingly Inserted an article in the Constitution for
this purpose similar in form to those which had
boon adopted by other Territorial Conventions. In
the schedule, however, providing for the transition
from a Territorial to a State Government, the ques
tion has been fairly and explicitly referred to the
people, whether they will have a Constitution
with or without slavery." It declares that, be
fore the Constitution adopted by the Convention
" shall be sent to Congress for admission into the
Union as a State," an election shall be hold to de
cide this question, at which all the white male in
habitants of the Territory above the ago of 21 are
entitled to vote. They ore to vote by ballot ;
and " the ballots cast at said election shall be en
dorsed Constitution with slavery,' and Consti
tution with no slavery.'" If there be a majority
in favor of the 1, Constitution with slavery," then
it is to be transmitted to Congreasby the President
of the Convention in its original form. If, on the
contrary, there shall boa majority in favor of the
" Constitution with no slavery," then the article
providing for slavery shall be stricken from the
Constitution, by the President of this Convention;"
and it is exprettely declared that " no slavery shall
exist in the Rata of Kansas, except that the right
of property in slaves now in the Territory shall in
no manner be interfered with;" and In that event
it is made his duty to have the Constitution thus
ratified transmitted to the Congress of the United
States for the admission of the State into the
Union.
At this election every citizen will have an op
portunity of expressing his opinion by his vote,
" whether Kansas shall be received into the Union
with or without slavery," and thus thin exciting
question may be peacefully settled in the very
mode required by the organic law. The election
will be bold under legitimate authority, and if any
portion of the inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a
fair opportunity to do so haying been presented,
this will be their own voluntary act, and they
alone will be responsible for the consequences.
Whether Kansan shall be a free or a slave State
must eventually, under some authority, be de
cided by an election; and the question can never
be more clearly or distinctly presented to the
people than it in at the present moment Should
this opportunity be rejected, she may be involved
for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil
war, before she eau again make up the issue now
no fortunately tendered, and again reach the point
she has already attained.
Kansas has for some years occupied too mush of
the public attention. It is high time this should
be directed to far more important objects. When
once admitted into the Union, whether with or
without slavery, the excitement beyond her own
Hittite will speedily pass away, and she will then
for the first time be left, as she ought to have been
long since, to manage her own affairs in her own
way. If her Constitution on the subject of ala.
very, or on any other subject, be displeasins,p,
va : er w e i s Ae ur p l e=!iu ..: l_3lawrierpertod.
ell be sptes
timed whether Zhe peace iirearof the wbo.
11c4InetY ") e t - 4i5 4 ..g...,t4,, , in i4, ,14 ,.L 1 ttat ti 10e u t x0 1un the
)ostsesr.taltipor
parties in Kaaatteritl^ Meal
=mull , *one teflon without-shyer,
adopted by the Totes of the majority, therightiof
property in slaves now in the Territory aro reserv
ed. The number of these is very small ; but if it
were greater the provision would be equally just
and reasonable. These slaves were brought into
the Territory under the Constitution of the United
States, and aro now the property of their masters.
This point has at length been thistly decided by
tbo highest judicial tribunal of the country—and
this upon the plain principle that when a Confed
eracy of 'sovereign States acquire a now Territory
at their joint expense, both equality and justice
demand that the eitigens of one and all of them
shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is
recognised as property by the common Constitu
tion. To have summarily confiscated the property
in slaves already in the Territory would have
been an ant of gross Nastier, and contrary to the
practice of the older States of the Union which
have abolished slavery.
A Territorial tiovernmont MIS established fur
Utahby act of Congress approved the 9th Septem
ber,lB3o,and the Constitution and laws of the United
States were therebyiestonded over it ko far as the
same, or any provisions thereof, may be applica
ble." This act provided for the appointment by
the President, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate, of a Governor,tythe was to be ex
officio buperintendent of Indian af f airs, a secretary,
three judges of the Buyout.) court, a marshal, and
a distriut attorney. Subsequent acts provided for
the appointment of the officers necessary to extend
our land and our Indian system over the Territory.
Brigham Young was appointed the first tiovernor
on the 20th September, 1850, and has held the
office ever since. IVhilstUovetnor Young has been
bothttioyernor and superintendent of Indian affairs
throughout this period, he has been at the same
time the head of the church called the Latter-Day
Saints, and profe:.ses to govern its members and
dispose of their property by direct inspiration and
authority from the Almighty. Ilis power has
been, therefore, abseluto over both Church and
State.
The people of Utah, altno•t exclusively, belong
to this church, anti believing with a fanatical
spirit that ho is Governor of the Territory by
divine appointment, they obey his commands as if
them were direct revelations from Heaven. If,
therefore, Ito chooses that his Government shall
come into collision with the Government of the
United States, the members of the Mormon church
will yield implicit obedience to his will Unfor
tunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that
sloth is his determination. Without entering upon
a minute history of occurrences, it Is sufficient to
say that all the officers of the United States, judi
cial and executive, with the single exception of
two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their
own personal safety to withdraw from the Terri
tory. and there no longer remains any Government
in Utah, but the despotism Of Brigham Young.
This being the condition of affairs in the Territo
ry, I could not mistake the path of duty. As Chief
Executive Magistrate, l was bound to restore the
supremecy of the Constitution and laws within its
limits In order to effect this purpo,e, I appointed
a new Governor and other federal officers for Utah.
and sent with them a military force for their pro
tection, and to aid as a posse romitatirl., in case of
need, in the execution of the laws.
With the religions opinions of the Mormons, as
lung as they remained mere opinions, however de
plorable in themselves, and resetting to the moral
and religious sentiments of ell Christendom, I had
no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in vio
lation of the Constitution and laws of the United
States, become the legitimate subjects for the juris
diction of the civil megistrate. My instructions to
Governor Cumming have therefore been framed in
strict accordance with those principles. At their
date, a hoped was indulged that no necessity , might
exist for employing the military in restoring and
maintaining the authority of the law; but this
hope has now vanished.
Gov. Young has, by proclamation, declared his
determination to maintain his power by force, and
has already committed acts of hostility against the
United States. Unless he should retrace hie step 4
the Territory of Utah will bo in a state of open re
bellion. lie has committed these acts of hostility,
notwithstanding Major Van Vliet, an officer of the
army, sent to Utah by tho Commanding General to
purehese provisions for the troops, had given him
the strongest assurances of the peaceful Intentions
of the Government, and that the troops would only
be employed as a poste comitatus when called on
by the oivil authority to aid in the execution of
the laws.
There is reason to believe that Gov. Young has
long contemplated this result. lie knows that the
continuance of his despotic power depends upon
the exclusion of all settlers from the Territory or-
cept those who will acknowledge his divino mis
Rion and Implicitly obey his will ; and that an en
lightened public opinion there would soon pros
trate institutions at war with the laws both o
God and maa. Ile has, therefore, for several
years, in order to maintain his independence,
been industriously employed in collecting and
fabricating arras and munitions of war, and
in disciplining the Mormons for military , service.
As superintendent of Indian affairs '
he has had
an opportunity of tampering with the Indian
tribes and exciting their hostile feelings against
the United States. This, according to our informa
tion, he has accomplished in regard to some of
these tribes, while others have remained true to
their allegiance, and have communicated his in
trigues to our Indian agents. lie has laid in a
store of provisions for three years, which, in case
of necessity, as he informed Major Van Vliet, he
will conceal "and then take to the mountains, and
bid defiance to all the powers of the Government."
A groat part of all this may be idle boasting;
but yet no wise Government will lightly estimate
the efforts which may be inspired by such phren
sled fanaticism as exists among the Mormons in
Utah. This is the first rebellion which has ex
isted in our Territories; and humanity itself re
quires that wo should put it down in such a man
nor that it shall be the last. To trills with
it would bo to encourage it, and to render it
formidable. We might to go there with such an
impoa;ng fordo as to convince these deluded people
that resistance would be vain, and thus spare
the effusion of blood. Wo can in this manner best
convince them that wo are their friends, not their
enemies. Inertiar to accomplish this °Meet it will
be necessary, according to the estimate of the War
Department, to raise four additional regiments;
pad this X ouncatly mu/mond to Ooriscoo. At
TWO CENTS
the present moment of depression in the revenues
of the country I am sorry to be obliged to recom
mend latch a measure; but I feel confident of the
rapport of Congress, cost what it may, in supprem
leg the insurrection and in restoring and main
taicing the sovereignty of the Constitution and
laws over the Territory of Utah.
I recommend to Congress the establishment of a
territorial government over Arizona, incorporating
with it mole portions of New Mexico u they may
deem expedient. Ineed Namely adduce arguments
in support of this recommendation. We are bound
to protect the lives and property of our eitisene
inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without effi
cient protection. Their present number is already
considerable; and is rapidly increasing, notwith
standing the disadvantages under which they labor.
Besides, the proposed Territory is believed to be
rich in mineral and agricultural resources, eepeci
ally in silver and copper. The mails of the United
States to California are now carried over it through-
out its whole extent, and this mote Is known to 1
be the nearest, and believed to be the best, to the
Pacific
Long experience has deeply convinced me that a
strict construction of the powers granted to Con
greed 13 the only true, as well as the only safe,
1 theory of the Constitution. Whilst this principle
shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear 1
that under the war-making power Congress may
appropriate money for the construction of a mill- '
tary road through the territories of the United
States, when this is absolutely necessary for the
defence of any of the States against foreign lora
else. The Constitution has conferred upon Con
gress power to " declare war," "to raise and sup
port armies," " to provide and maintain a navy,"
and to call forth a militia to " repel invasions."
These high sovereign powers necessarily involve im
portaut and responsible public duties, and among
them there is none so sacred and eo imperative
as that of preserving our soil from the invasion
of a foreigu enemy. The Constitution has, there
fore, left nothing on this point to construc
tion, but expressly requires that " the United
States shall protect each of them (the States]
against invasion." Now, if a military road over
our own territories be indispensably necessary to '
enable us to meet and repel the invader, it follows
as a necessary consequence, not only that we Pee
rless the power, but it is our imperative duty to
construct such a rout. It would be an absurdity
to invest a Government with the unlimited power
to make and conduct war, and at the same time
deny to it only the means of reaching and defeating
the enemy at the frontier. Without such a road
it is quite evident we cannot '• protect" California
and our Pacific possessions ‘• against invasion."
We cannot by any other means transport men and
munitions of war from the Atlantic States in suffi
cient time successfully to defend those remote and
distant portions of the Republic.
Experience has proved that the routes across the
isthmus of CentrafAmerica are at best but a very
uncertain and unreliable mode of communication.
But even if this were not the ease, they would at
once be closed against us in the event of war with
a naval power so mach stronger than oar own aa to
enable it to blockade the ports at either end of
these routes. After all, therefore, we can only
rely upon a military road through our own terri
tories; and ever suite the origin of the Govern
ment, Congress has been in the practice of appro•
printing money from the public treasury for the
construction of each roads.
The difficultly and the expense of constructing
a military railroad to connect our Atlantis and Pa
cific States, have been greatly exaggerated. The
distance on the Avieons route near the 321 parallel
of north latitude, between the western boundary
of Texas on the Rio Grande. and the eastern
boundary of California on the Colorado, from the
beat explorations now within our knowledge. does
not exceed four hundred and seventy miles, and
the face of the country Is, In the main, favorable.
For obvious reasons the Government ought not to
undertake the work Itself by means of its own
agents. This ought to be committed to other agen
cies, which Congress might assist either by grants
of land or money, or by both, upon each term and
conditions as they may deem most beneficial for
the country. Provision might thus be made not
only for the safe, rapid. and economical traesper
tation of troops and munitions of war, but also of
the public mails. The commercial interests of the
whole country, both East and West, would be
greatly promoted by tech a road ; Anil, above all,
t would be a powerful additional bond of union.
Anti although advantages of this kind, whether
postal, commercial, or political, cannot confer cot
stitational power, yet they may furnish auxiliary
arguments in favor of expediting a work which,
In my judgment, is fleetly embraced within the
war-making power.
For these reasons I commend to the friendly con
sideration of Congress the subject of the e Peni6p
railroad, without finally coregath...—
particular reette....iveesetiry of the Treasury will
Thin a detailed statement of the condition of the ,
public finances and iehMk r efigeretrge . -- •
the reatnter warren:rue
O t
the
e t la s eli nin ere t r
o ri r nt r e e n v t; mu l3 e y
ree this ei r y e e p d or fnai t it appears that
u treasury ne,
00th yt t wei"m4 h o e f
n cents,
R 4lll aiG 3 L"
513.67 e which moue
16 t d5al es :i n wni go sie u x s fi an tscalP d s i sullt'inii n4 on aF i nd ;
teen million nine hundred Undone
hundred and twenty-five dollars and forty-five
cents, ("tv,90t,a25 4k.) remaining in the treasury
at the euismeneement of the year, made an aggre
gate for the service of the year of eighty-eight
million five hundred and thirty-two thousand eight
hundred and, thirty-nine dollars and twelve cents,
($88,432,831.12.)
The public expenditures for the fiscal year audit%
30th June, 1857, amounted to seventy million eight
hundred and twenty two thousand seven hundred
and twenty-four dollars and eighty-five cents,
($70,822,724.85,) of which five million nine hun
dred and forty-three thousand eight hundred and
ninety-six dollars and ninety-one cents ($3,013,-
890.911 were applied to the redemption of the pub
lic debt, including interest and premium, leaving
in the treasury at the commencement of the present
fiscal year on the let July, 1657, seventeen million
eaten hundred and ten thousand one hundred and
fourteen delimit and twenty-seven cente, (sa,-
710,114.27.) _ _ _
The receipts into the Tressufy for the first quar
ter of the present fiscal year, commencing first
July, 1857, were twenty . million nine hundred and
twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen
dollars and eighty-ono cents, ($20,928,519.81.) and
the estimated receipts of the remaining three-quar
ters, to the iioth Jane. 1858, are thinly-six million
seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, 436,-
750,000,1 making, with the balance before stated, an
rateriv"L l fi' e million throe
and
eighty-ninet:ousadntneunt_and thirty-four
dollars and eight omits, ($75,389,431.08.) for the
service of the present fiscal year.
The actual expenditures duringlhe first quarter
of the present fiscal year, were twenty-three mil
lion seven hundred and fourteen thousand five
hundred and twenty-eight dollars and thirty-saven
cents, 42:3,714,528.31,1 of which three million
eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hun
dred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents.
(0,895.232 39d were applied to the redemption of
the public debt, including interest and premium.
The probable expenditures of the remaining three
quarters to 311th June, 185 S, are fifty-ono million
two hundred and forty-eight thousand fit e hundred
and thirty dollars and four cents ($51.248,530.04,)
including interest on the public, debt, making as
aggregate of raven-four million nine hundred and
sixty-three thousand fifty-eight dollars and forty
one cents ($74,963,058.41,) leaving an estimated
balance in the treasury at the close of the present
fiscal year of four hundred and twenty-six-thou
sand eight hundred and seventy-fire dollars and
sixty-seven cents, ($126,875.61.)
The amount of the public debt at the commence
ment of the present fiscal year was twenty-nine
million sixty thousand three hundred and eighty
six dollars and ninety cents, 429,060,386.901
The amount redeemed since the first of July was
three million eight hundred and ninety-fire thou
sand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thirty
nine cents ($3,695,232 39)—leaving a balance un
redeemed at this timo of twenty-fire million one
hundred and sixty-five thousand one hundred and
fifty-four dollars end fifty-one cents, 025,105,154
)
The amount of estimated expenditures for (ho
remaining three-tparters of the present fiscal year
will, in all probability, be increased from the
causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His
suggestion, therefore, that authority . should be
given to supply any temporary deficiency by the
Issue of a limited amount of treasury notes, is ap.
proved, and I accordingly recommend the passage
of such a lan.
. .
As stated in tlo report of the Searotary. theta.
riff of Marsh 3, 1i157, lots boon in operation for so
short a period of time, and under circumstances so
unfaeorable to n just development of its results as
a revenue measure, that I should regard it as in
expedient, at lest for the present, to undertake
its revision.
1 transmit herewith the reports made to me by
the Secretaries cf War and of the Navy, of the In
terior and of the Postmaster Cleneral. They all
contain valuable and important information and
suggestions, which I commend to the favorable
consideration of Congress.
I have already recommended the raising of four
additional regiments, and the report of the Secre
tary of War presents strong reasons proving this
increase of the army, under existing circumstances,
to be indispensable.
1 would call the special attention of Congress to
the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy
in favor of the construction of tea small war steam.
. .
ors of light draught. For some years the Govern
ment has boon oblitied on many occasions to hire
such stoamers from individuals to supply its press
ing wants. At the present moment we have no
armed vessel in the navy which eon penetrate the
rivers of China. We have but few which can
enter any of the harbors south of Norfolk, al
though many millions of foreign And domestic
commerce annually pass in and out of these her
bore. Some of our most valuable interests and
most vulnerable points aro thus left exposed.
This class of vessels of light draught, great speed,
and heavy guns, would be formidable in coast de
fence. The cost of their construction will not be
great, and they will require but a comparatively
small expenditure to keep them in commission. In
time of peace, they will prove as effective as mush
larger vessels, and often more useful. One of
them should be at every station where we maintain
a squadron, and three or fens should ho constantly
on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy,
utility, and efficiency combine to recommend them
as almost indispensable. Ten of these small
vessels would be of incalculable advantage to the
naval service, and the whole cost of their construe
tion would not exceed two million three hundred
thousand dollars, or $230,000 each.
Tho report of the Seoretary of the Interior is
worthy of grave consideration. It treats of the
numerous, important, and diversified branches of
domestic administration entrusted to him by law.
Among these the most prominent aro the public
lands and our relations with the Indians
Our system for the disposal of the public lands,
originating with the fathers of the Republic, him
been improved as experience pointed the way, and
gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of
our Western States and Territories. It has worked
well in practice. Already thirteen States and seven
Territories have been carved out of these lands,
and still more than a thousand millions of acres
remaiu wom• yirbac a boundless prospoot tkis
1 1 10TICII to oemisiestawnes.
datrangandaato for ig Tan lam" WI lime Mika
salad tha tanastag mast :
nray inietwineums nun le witompentist by On
swat of MO 1 / 2 1tdr. la inner to hire estasetneen eir
the knpognor, bat ens We d s Moe awake be
written
vO..
WA akell Is milli olligo4 to gostionso to tossoft.
{Tats sad otbre etstas far esatelbatiows std a. ear
rant TAWS Of th• Lay io tidy pialliadoe IsfaiNA4
Nocarow At a. iinume4l% emisky, Or tome d
ripilattee, sail say lotormilsso {tut tie lolliooodis
to the postal 'man -
presonts to oar country of fatore prosperity sad
power.
We have heretofore disposed of . 1 43,443,4114 sues
of the public leads.
Whilst the public leads, u a soars of Ismsario,
are of greet unputanee, their important* is far
greater u furnishing homes for a hardy sad inde
pendent rue of honest aad Industrious eitisesm
who desire to subdue and ellithate the soil; They
ought to be administered mainly with a view of ,
promoting this wise and benevolent policy. Ea
appropriating them for any other purpose , we
ought to nee even
: greater economy than p lc=
had been converted into money, and the
were already in the public treasury. To equandu
away the richest and noblest itheritanow which
any people have Over enjoyed, upon objects of
doubtful constitetionality or expediency, woeld be
to violate one of the most important mats ever
committed to any people. Whilst Ido mot deny to
Congress the power, when acting Soma Ads as a
proprietor, to give away portiere of them for the
purpose of increasing the Tao* of the remainder,
yet, considering the great temp!stion to alms
this power, we cannot be too cutlets la lit emer
oise.
detests. Were under existing tam are voted/A
against other purchasers at thelnidlo mhos, in
their right of pre-emption, to the extent of a
quarter section, or ISO acres of lead. The re
mainder may than be disposed of at potato es en
tered at private sale in unlimited quantities.
Speculation has of Late years prowaited to a great
extent in the pablie lands. The tosoequenos hers
been that large portion' of them have lesoweee via
property of intim - khakis and compeahm, and thus
the price is greatly enhanced to those who derami
to purchase for actual mammal. In order to
limit the area of specuLation as much as powills,
the extinction of the Indian title -and the exten
sion of the public muveye ought only keep pees
with the tide of emigration.-
If Congress should hereafter grant alternate M.
dons - to States or compaalm, se they hams dimes
heretofore, I recommend that the intensto
sections retained by the Government should, Is
subject to pre-emption by seam/ settlers.
It ought ever to be our cardinal policy Unman
the public lands as mach as msy be Sw actual
settlers, and this at moderate prises We *all
thus not only best promote the pusperily of the
new States and Territories, and the power It lits
Union, but she/Incurs homes for our pasta*, for
many generations.
The extension of ear limits has brined within
oar jurisdiction many additional and
tribe/ of Indiana, a lazgoseoportees d le= lir e
wild. =tractable, and =met tocoatrol- Preda
tory and warble in their disposition and habits, It
is impossible altogether to restrain that form sow
nutting aggreenons an sash other. as well as spew
oar frontier citizens and those emigostiag to err
distant States and Territories.' lime expensive
military expeditions are freeman-1y Oecanary to
overawe and chastise the more Lyles and hostile.
The present system of making them trainable
presents, to indaenee Um to remain at pose, beli
proved inedecuml. It is believed Us be Ors bellso
polley to colonise th em in seilahlt 'spittle% insies. ,
they can receive the rethesess of edweithm andbe
groduallythrhseed intOpttitithitts
far as the experiment has been tried It basesuthed
well in practice, and it will dashiki* pelt tieM _
less expensive than the presst system.
The whole umber of lather edible ear Ise&
toilet limits is believed to be, hoes the beet dole ,
in the Interior Itemeent, ablest =Me.
The tribes of Cherokees, Choctaws, Cblehawee,
and Creeks, settled in A. territory set &put for
them west of Arkansas, are repel); alraselig le
education and in all the sea of civilisation and
self-gerennseat ; and ono ismy Wage the agree
able anticipation that at no very dietant da they
will be ineorporatcd into the Unice as aft of „the
sovereign States.
It will be seen from the report of aue Pestreasber
General, that the Pad 01k. Departmemet stay seta
donee to depend on the Treamary, as It Ku been
compelled to do for several years fm as bi
portant portion cf the means of auk and a=-
te ading its operations. Their se == t and
expiation are shown by a d
the number of post oases, and the Ungar Pea
roads, vommengl4_
_with the year in,r that
Tear there were 7,009 poet game ; in 1817,11,177 ;
in 1847, 13,144 ; and in 163 . 1 they comber 15,551/.
In this year 17. a post oaks* hays bens eietaliasbed
end 794 discontinued, leering • net increase ef
1011. The postmasters et Xit offices are appointed
by the Precedent.
The length of poet roads In 1617 WAS 10.7305
miles; in 1037, 14U13 miles; is 164, 133,4111 -
miles; and in the year 1037 there _ hos, - 11 —
of post read ; includint..VStina. —
w high tie yes of the dopertment for the fiscal
pier ending on the 30th Jane, 1937, as adjusted
by the Auditor, mounted to_ $11,307,670. Te de
fray these expfditures, thew was to the meat et"
. ei le nV i growiaces • • •
mail matteridneedllB,4s3,93l; sa d the reauda
dvneramwasr.yeasoli ed tse b otso ythe useconneSies_ w
vy
the
act ive;
otap the
grest approved Asyut IS, ISM, end by the gre
plinths of 166603, made by the act of If
18571eaving d 2511,743 to be carried to the audiitsC
them • •., tin the sements et the summit year.
„ hid re
she report of the
department in re v • • . . • td the
overland mail rent* from • • ' wielnelppirvives to
San Francine, California. The mete was sleeted
with my full concurrence, as the one, in my jesig
meet, best calculated to attain the important ob
jects contemplated by Congress.
The late disastrous monetary revalsion may
have one good effect should it cause both the Go
vernment and the people to return to the practice
of a wise and judicious economy, both in public and
private expenditures
. Art overawing treasury has led ta beats of pro
digality and extravagance to our hie...titlelt. It
has i nd uced Congress to make tarp apmeprialims
to objects for which they never weld kayo pro
vided, had it been cemetery to raise the anima% of
revenue required to meet them by Increased taxa
tion or by loans We are now compelled to pease
In our career, and to samtinise our expenlitcres
with the adman s igilanee ; and in performing this
duty, I pledge my co-operation to the extent Only
constitutional competency.
It ought to be observed at the same time that tree
public economy does not consist in withholding the
means necessary to accomplish important na tion al
objects intrusted to us by the Constitution, and es
pecially such as may be necessary for the memo*
defence. In the present crisis et the country it is
our duty to confine ear appropriations Is objects
of this character, unless in cans where justice to
individuals may demand a different cease. In
all eases care ought to be taken that the money
granted by Comma Phan be faithfully and loom
'ideally applied. -
Under the Federal Constitution, "emery bill
which shall hare pasted the Have of itapreseata
tires and the Senate shall, helms it bosonsee a
law," be approved and signed by the President ;
and, if not approved. "be shall return It witk hie
objections to that home in which .sd~g¢i~aallad ty
In order to perform this high and rupon.dide
sufficient time must be al owed the President to
read and examine every bill presented to him for
approval. Unless this be afforded, the Constitatten
becomes a dead letter in thisiparticalar ; and ere*
worse, it beeomee a means of deception Our con
stituents, seeing the President's approval and sig
nature attached to etch act of Cowen, are in
duced to behave that he has actually performed
this duty, when, in troth, nothing is, in many came,
more unfounded.
From the practice of Congress, such an exami
nation of each bill as the Constitution requires has
been tenderest impossible. The meet important
business of each session is generally crowded Into
its last haute, and the alternative presented to the
President is, either to violate the constitatkutal
duty which he owes to the people, and approve
bills which, for want of time, it is 1111pOtatt he
should have examined, or, by his refusal to do this.
subject the country and individuals to great less
and inconvenience.
Besides. a practice has grown up of Late years to
legislate iv appropriation bills. at the last boars of
the session, on new and important subjects. This
practice either constrains the President to stiffer
measures to become laws which he does not ap
prove, or to incur the risk of stopping the wheel
of the Government by vetoing an appropriation
bill. Formerly, such bills were confined to specifie
appropriations for carrying into effect exiatinglaws
and the well-established policy of the country, and
little time was then required by the President for
their examination.
For my own part, I have deliberately deter
mined that I shall approve no bill which I have
not examined, and it will be a ease of extreme and
most, event nece,sity which shall ever induce
me to depart from this rale. therefore respect
fully, but earnestly, recommend that the two
houses will allow the President at least two data
previous to the adjournment of each session within
which no bill shall be presented to him for ap
proved. Under the existing joint rule one day is
allowed; bat this rule has been hitherto so con
stantly suspended in practice, that important hills
continue to be presented to him up till the very
last momenta of the session. In a large ma
jority of eases no great public inconvenience
can arise from the want of time to examine
their pros islona, because the Constitution has
declared that if a bill be presented to the Pre
sident within the last ten days of the session, he is
nut required to return it, either with an approval
or with a veto, " in which case It shall not be a
law." It may then lie over, and be taken up and
passed at the next session. Great inconvenience
would only be experienced in regard to appropria
tion bills ; bat fortunately , under the late excel
lent law allowing a salary, instead of a per diem,
to members of Congress, the expense and incon
venience of a called session will be greatly re
duced.
I cannot conclude without commending to your
favorable consideration the interests of the people
of this District. Without a reprenntatire on the
floor of Con;ress, they have for this very reason
peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this I
know, from my long acquaintance with them, they
are eminently entitled. _ . .
JAMBS BUCHANAN
WAHILIIGTON, Dee. 8, 1957.
On Monday evening hat, Col. .1. Rebury
Turner died In Baltimore in the 54th year of hie
age. Col. Turner was well and favorably known
in Baltimore for many years as one of the moat
prominent butchers of the city. Asa friend, he
pocoossed warm and generous impulses, while to
the poor he ever dealt with a bountiful band. Be
leaves a large family and many friends to mourn
their loss.
An accident, almost too horrible to relate,
occurred on Friday morning to a little son of An
drew, Critchlow, who resides near McKeesport, at
the works of Pollock, Dunsetb, & Co. The little
fellow while at play near a cokeing oven, fell
backwards into it and was, as to his body, entail
toted. The remains were redueed to a cinder
within a few moments.
The St. Nicholas Festival was celebrated
with becoming honors, on Monday night, at the St.
Nietkolas Hotel, New York. Among the skeeehes
of the evening wall one by Hem /WM J. II Ilkitte
09T931191 #.4060.