frauairo k 1 p!a i h xv a 'em',.; At- ■ TwTmr» °W S M 1 rMAWf ths urrltn, S*ite4 to Subjwrlber/j put f tt»e GJtjr, at Six I>oLfcAßB, widiWhi s ifooft ItotLittf foft iiotfr Koifras : %mn Dom*» ■■■«.• JS*:.*iU ..|i* J »9ufc;to: Bnlaloilbm, hr: *3Bs®^**^*?*"*“*s Fifa Odple», f *'**«'■- " 8 00 Ten Copies, “ « ;v* ! . r 32 00 » 4 -iWi)ne aa(ireM);... 20 00 ~ lire rWuestei ’ aci' ta Agent* % - »--*.? r >\y i? ■■■■it-t . ijs> ‘"..--‘r >:*' Mtr-K>■'<• COJSAPB6t ASO'DEST; WBKJttiI'JiEIVSPAPB!? lX‘ GREAT INDUCEMENT* tO CtUBSi • j' [ fdi#*»U*T*«a#lji fronted bl^oVJStlliy delpbia everyS'.tanJay. - 1 ‘ upoH National auaupiiolda of tile fiiaWf It'rfisUts fanatic! sin in ®veiy ahipejaWlU'derot^fdcoaa&rtWlH’tSocVrincSjMtKQ true ftfutolatibtf 6f jfatilbrf&i&p&itf Mil* icHHiV 'order.'! * flufeVa? Vtj9\tfih«rii lire requestofl'fo 'act" as'' Agents for Th* wakwr¥iu&. "‘ ,: V '': johnw. *ornsy, ‘;" f r /7/ of.' THii-'ffwuxT-i Pass?, No. 417 GhWfaiidstoeot, Philadelphia. 7 u 7>. i;- \ \ SATOEDAT, SEPTEMBER 2 12, 1 1857. ." SPjECIfOrHON, COBB, OF i . . 'AT 1 i&ETEMEER 19r iSS6. iut ?/* -.di.-M' ' -■» --'r »-V •-■•■ - , Ladies and Gentlemen qacsfiqnr tipon which! propose tooddrew yon'iUif' evchinghrenot only.of an important oharnotori as BtfrUkl'toybu by out.fj*ien>l who baadptroduoed'rae tcryoUt but they sensitive nature.* public mind throughput, thp . apd /breadth /pf;the bepnohdis,nQW deeply excited-‘YVihnt I, hu,ve,t6>ayBba'U.|)q r saia j ln.tne i BpirH,of fronkpesg nndcanifor, ' I have nb'opimons upon. these ones tionswhich Ideslte to { xnaintain before 5 the people bf rayowft SMfo thht I will not maintain before tlie peoploTThb faV6r < in&' thlsfcvbtdng with their-presence. I'appear 1 before ycrajil irast, with no unkind or ungoneroua spirit ih my'bosoms /May X bo permitted lo indulge the hope th[jvtypui£are r j^eparod >to Deceive mo m the eanio spirit of Kindness?- [Applause.* ,y/ * ,* ,< Theye are questions upon which,yon, and I,djlFer I snail bbfchfctoraptVcodoeat tbVfaot that this ference of opinion exists. There, ore other ooeslions rtrust wo stand'agreed. .Atnil everiti, my fc 11 ow-o iti zenS,' it is important tHat Wo' should ‘ knowiWhetbGr w.o >do.-agree. orndtapon these 'i’.'.t’j li-*- ! ’-»• }) -> • T stand before an audience whose facos are unfa-', iq{|iar*tome,.pud yet X, cannot stratfgor 1W a’ Btrangeland.'l’ ‘ Tp-a&jCwbßn. foe the, fifsttTni'eltrod bpon J flfo'sptU>f’yl>ur l secrated by the blood bf ypM'.ltevoldiidnftry, fothbrb to'tbo great ehnSebf‘Anibrioafi' : fre’'edoni, r thiragh T was borhhipontho 801 l native land. • (Applause.) 1 America, and X-aramn American'citizen'.’ {Loud cbeprs.hoX.woijld.Wtfko tbe.same spirit topresldo bejro to-njgnt, and, torevpr. more thr,yughoutyt}u3: land} that hearts of oqr forofftihera, - when,‘side apd shoulder' to shoulder, the SCdfhornahd ttiO Northern man, the' tfibinbtariilftedcitircn'jtHePrdtestnnf andtheCa-, tholiu, stood upon your own soil, around acommon win a common freedom for a common people. (Applause.) Can wo mdot- Iu this spirit!’ or shall thosoibitter waters which: are now flowing through our lund‘jCou,tiDpo;;h)! ppur .their, bitterness, upon tho people and upon their future peace, and happiness and prosperity;? ap* swer ,to-that question'is worthalltho argument tbafcc/m bo presented to you. by mygolf/pr by any oflb elstfupon' tbeae 1 - tj^estions. 1 GH’e" md bbt th e h6arts of the American brotherly lovchnd'affeotion—let me bnf plant the 1 Constitution * andi the. Union in tho -hearts of our ala asdlioy onca lived thore; and Lwonldnot t that all these dark clouds that are uow/ hangiug over oar country would pass away and bo . that, peace, and.prosperity, pud happiness, .and ,kind aud frotornai..fqofiug would cqme 'and dwelL'in tho land everywhere.;, (Ap pladflo.) ’ V I invoke th'dt Spirit. ‘lf I violate it in what, I hnyo to say to-night, condemn mbif I if Ample updn it ; pronounce your judgment against me. ‘ . *7. . . •: < • jUI have which w« diffor.. .You lire in n - non-slavobolding orfroo‘State; IlivoJu,a.alftvcholdmgStatci The SB of Ponnsylrania nnd the people of Georgia upon thejnibject'ofslavoryf’ lknowit/and now 1 it; It isTMelcssto dirgujsc the fact, for if wra agreed,, you would have the sAme.ipstitu tiouathfttiffthavo'or 'we would' Have yours. It ww your right to .barp.iosti tutions oonfonuabie ■ to your toolings; H wusour rjcht to have thorn eon formahje to our. feelingB. ; Wo differ. You hare jio rightto tax'my cobactOnco with.your peculiar notions on that subject; I have uO. right to .tax yodr conscience with-my'peculiar hOtions 'oh the subject. - Tpe position * which I occhpy—the position occupied‘by those with whom !am -politically ass«iaUs—by'iho Democratic party of ithis conn' tryj jKorth.tvud;B.o,uthr-jnshoß nonsuch demand at the-hands of the people, either of the North or '6t qss sacrifice ‘Of 'their opinions §nd'ueritinSigis 1 bn’ ; this 'question. Tho charge that is ( inade soctloa of the.country, that tho, J Dotaoc raticr party is; a ! pro-slavery' party, ahd- the charge tHat is inado in my section, that the Democratic party is an nati-filftveYy-party, • *n*e BqualljVuntrue. Wo are neither a pro-slavery aor i&ifnhii-slftvcry. party, but we aro'h Cdhstitn* ttiobal party. • (Applause.)- That is" the principle iipda' which I stand; and on which f invito you to .«o-operhfe' with me: • How strange if falls upon'the ear ofa Southern Democrat, when lie hears from the public hustings’ -the' chargemade gainst James Buchanan that bo is a sectional can diJote-i-4 pre-slavery candidata-rtwhen that Sinith ernmtan Jias just returned from bis own South, and theV& freitrd the charge made/tlmt this simo James Buchanan is aa.nixdTtionist^ soilcr. I leave tho one opponent of Mr.'Buchanan to an swer the others 'Bbtll'dO Uiin injustice f &ml, as is not uufrdquentiy tho case, the truth! lies between thetwoohargee.; IJeirt oeitiicr & pro*aluveryjnOr aoantUlaverycamlidato,bui he istho.camUdato of thegreafcohatttqtihnai principle,'whtch.l shall diseusabefqro y&u to-faldht, irivofving s ho/qudation' ©f 'the right or of the institution ofslavcty,- fcdt-stirading aiane' : nwm;ih9 doctrines and' teach ingsof, the Constitution. (Applause*) : Jdy -fallow-countrymen, I propose to, submit id you" an*"afiuin'eh to poh. fb eso questions.'. I etfml Submit tho Views whfoh l ontertuln', and tbb ralbtda¥'Wliy I entertain theso views.’-J shall pro- 1 Behfalaojthe.ohjcotions made by thmoppoaition-r-: bJktyOfoment party.,. If I an? unqnndjdjn my staftmept as to the -position of either tho,one or the mWrespeotfully Invite anyono withmWe hearfng 6f my voico to correct mc. and Iwiltiecoivethe corrfeetibn in aUhihdneas. Those interruptions.nro nop, objectionable to mo. /They epablo us to arrive.at tho truth, and tru(li should ho tho object in all political discussions; ' s)Hesd troubles Which riow ozeitd the publio inind dv'h'at’oriAO 'cut of thota’ questions which have boiVtoforo’ldividficL.tUo political, parties .of,, this counts- sawtpfoM,tUo: questicma t hftvo‘,boehr* how shall tlieGovernment bo odminirtorcd l what chair be^PUr‘financial rtstotrfl, wo do wfthonK pubHc lands? ' What-shall we do with streams >and inr.icommbhia'? la 'rnyhoneat iidament.the question nowjs, gbajl.wo haya aGp- Vfirnrneht.atait ?. 'That resultis. involved,in this issue My reasons for anterfaining' this.opinion I wilt give4aix befota I'dofictode‘these remarks-/ - '; 1 This question of slavery is tho one exciting’,this deep iiSfoAsM* Jtoe iomut&atr/JiaA created these . feelings this copmry. ‘lthaa gone to thal .oxtont, until Motfsa* cirollns, and CArolina’ aWaigtu jtteicboMtta.’and ooflh charnel with a watit'of fidelity In tUu atrnggm af tbs,Befoliitl6n, ‘ lifun'o i».°, »jmp».thyj n'itb either. obnrge, , (Ap plauis.) ,1, hupod that Uie ; diiy W'liul'l noysr somb ’ vban ; tho .desOohhisAU if Itiiif6luWnniry iothtlratß /iny jitlrt or our broad land would tfiflcli' rritlf aaorilejtonsl l * l^^lo ““redapob whoko aleop tho mkhty doai who non tor na.tho! freedopi we, thin night enjoy. CAPpIaS BO -) .Pat it is bo. Tho eridimooof thlx bad .lowing ! s "round and about nfe' -Yotrheftf ft'-’iri’jonr deily'-lnidre'intse with jourielthb* btou reAd It- in ti.ajmUili pro®; it is‘ eiihnc!utod' tr(UJhthU' hustings,'oju| : pot unfro (rttoflyUofallsAtftiA'tbß.MOMd deakb tst-tltis fueling no on idet 'thiS spirit' bo iencouraged j I # t the.o uiccer wutets rvidon dnd-'spreiw until they. ooVer-tho wlioto land j’let oveiy'Northern men when 1 hi putty* ires Upon * Southern man foci that, therd 1b nn cnfiny; and let uror>'_ Ilian from the Soiith foot that tbe NoVlliert'ttiantthl* enemyb nSld. I nsk yOit, my how dong wUI this glo. rious fabric, created by the blood and- wlsdom of bo, left fo their, degenora to, offspring : JJd>w lone esn .your .Consiltotion and your Union, sassiv.e Ino doyjwhen thero.shnll bo run through,, autyonr lond.a linohragoographical iinp—loate not obino—wbidl divide.. tmcmicH, where there jfarnmrly'UweU- brcthren of.a coitunpn bouschoid? I^sfcyo«,jJben r .to look;t»ttj sep toiti ponder ■weft the results of,these mighty Jfflmes.nbieb now. sliridSithe oonnlryi.. and, ivhutovor, error; jouor J.- njuy cwmmt; howoyor far yon.ot I may.go astray, you to-night, loti not the hearts of tuo jH opio he thus i ppisgued and, estrangtnl ; 0110 front nnetber.., X-woald appeal -to ibeso .mothers, toco M'lfrlharthdlhSrtt'of-ittd'Milbggenoratlbw; thrte who are to'dSmS'.pp’fcid occupy 1 the;B«at* which WC -to-.dsy -flll/ um hot linbttod 'with thia spirit, of-iintttoeityi’of hudyink ‘liostillty to; theirbrith rtd of other SeAtihus of fte oeanfryl ■< Con wo nbt|! ttyfrittidsr-.niCirt; os -’our -WthSta 'met' before ‘os,i around a common altar, worship a common God, aidsaato-.lilsJ'btesßlngarupoh wstfmfem: oonntry.l ■ - (Appi»use.>,! Id.hinkiwfc oea; J. fMsliihaV wo oan d-kpow Uttt«e-jggfit.br“i4'i>wMegd-;!ny feeble iflda«wardnjfro4uctng.,tbatafM}l!>g,»a4 -restprwg »i«ftjidritf.tt,tbe..’dl»frwteil'f?P.ai:,.torM,by i ,tbP«.f; - bitteratrifes, that I am hero to-ulghtupon thp soil ■ - .... -:’ ■ * > ■■' x : .. ‘‘ ’ ... ...... . . ... _^... ... , . ‘-..A km, V K>? •> , , »V. f' • ...•>■ '' W; i*' question withns nm6h of this spirit na wo can bring to boar*npoji U. '>.liOfc us disoussdtin bander, in .frankness t and if wo, err, put. us right t if we statex as,a fact that whioh is not true,oorredt us.,Mf we present an argument that is n6t welhioken, expose' its Fallacy.. ' -ii.i; ,5 K.*i t, s iv,s< ,■»# Moti’mu' /. These difficulties have,: to at very .great Extent —almost to:antentire - . . > I do : Dot propose to detain yon to-night with an examination of at! that mas* of ovidenoe. going to elucidate the question, Who is responsible for these diffieulties?lf'X. wero bore as- therapologist—as. the defender ofany>portioular .olass..or any par*. • tioular party* tavKaim, that I duty migh^vety., ta : 4ne* l;tihstj. lfosi’pntefaad. s *‘rc{jl>lor puipese-v-nidr.- »--*:■ ] ThafterdJfifiifltiei^orikinaMd|tßOtDa > the passage ofjthe Kansas'bUU ; /That hUhwtolated or repealed ilie Missouri Compromise, and the Oharge is mods tbatbcnOe have flown all par troubles. Is that so ask* you; mV/ friend who so charges, how,is it that when, i&dßSfl, you ropcaled the Mis souri ComprOmisOinregard to a portion of the Very, poYOfred* -by-tho samel restriction, no war and no bloodshed oame ? Tell me why is it that, by_ tke.passage of. the Kanaas-Kebraskft bill, no : war/ nh. bloodshed was created in. Nebraska? No* .braska and Kansas wore .provided, for im tho same bill, passed in the same hour by tho same vote— tho provision for both was signed' nnd beonmo tho law land,at .the same rpomnokof timoi . No-; braska is as peaceable and os quiet as Pennsyl vania, whilst thesO Booties are-transpiring in Kan sas. -If it/was. the, inero passage of the bill that producecltkesa difficulties, thoy. would exist in Ne* braSka.aa woll-osiaKansas. The mere passage of - (he bill has not produced them/ What,, then, ims? " Why, .nfc)tho‘.vory time that this bill was passed, a portion*)? those who were opposed to it in Congress Organised thcmselves.for thofpurpose of defeating the..operation of tho bill. -jfKohd.tho testimony taken by the Kansas Investigating Committee, and; yon wilEfind that Mr:iMaee r i)f Indiana,there tes tified .that he subscribed his money immediately after.ihe, passage ofi this bill; others subscribed' do what?-; What did they want to do?, ; To aid the lfttr instd oxocution? That is not usual.- HWhom-members •of Congress and of tbo Legislature have < passed, laws; they - generally on* trust their efcooution; to 4he ordinary machinery of government. .-Kut.thtoo gentlemen saw proper to Organise ehdltaise money, not-to carry ,out tho law,i but to defeat it.. < They appealed .to their, brethren of Masaaohnsotis, and of tno NorUi, to do thing;.and your Kraigract Aid Bociety Sprung into existence/ Efforts wero to bej&mdo by thetoAxtreardinaary outside means to make Kansas afree,State.- No efforts V*ere!made in reference to Nebraska.. That was allowed to go along qaleUy.uh- ■ dor the operation of the law.; The people of Missouri. found .that these bffortoworb heingmade. They de sired that Kansas.should ho a slave State, as didibe people of Georgia and Carolina:. ,They resortod;to nieana of a likocharaotorfor the.purptooof making jit.a State haring.'their institutions. -Efforts com menced at the North induood efforts at tho South, hnd ;lt, proceeded on' until wont there with bitter feelings Oml personal hostility; thoy quar- VolUd—they fought..; AU thesp unhappy results— the murder, the:robboiy, and these other.riolatiuns of IftWTfhovaflown , ; ■ ’ . .. ,ono;great; difficulty id .regard to. these Kansas trouble—l have that toon, in the Violence of their fooling*,.' in ( tho; extont of their prejudices, (Oarriod away :by .their i passions, have giveu thomftclvcaup body and soul :to the defenoe of,.their, own'friends,.from their section of the oountry. v l. wpre determined,;as soon a? tho Kansas bill was Sasaed, thatrala'very should go there; that we aro etoymlned to bare slavery in all tho territories, that ibis is hnt the starting-point ;. that we aro de termined to.beypurmasters,and rule over you by ; forcing slavory into every portion of,this country- ! Now) let, qa reflect; for,one. moment. 1)6 not bo corned away by these* passionate appeals. When the Compromise' measures 0f.,1951). were passed, ahd tho Missouri restriction was removed : from n* portion of the .territory nowin New Mexico, whoro jthnd been .prohibited,by that restriction—when Utah was openedup under the provisions of ;a bill just the. same, as the Kansas bill, and when New Mexico was opened up. to ihe people of tho South— If.our/pcopje wore determined,!to foroo slavery tuoro and the principles of theso bills onabled us to do it. why did,not. the §outh then attempt to force slavery .into [Utah 'and Now Mexico ? The roasori vvits titot alljtji&t the South has asked for is the establisbp}'6ht-<>f a prinoiplof-tho right of tho pebble to dotormina this question for jneinselves; ana when that principle, was'decided.ty'tho Utah pnd NO9 Mexico bills, the South i nod gained her bwn triumpb ;--it Was not a triumpH of- slavery, btft it was tbo triumph of tho principle of tbo Con otitutlon. She resorted to no, updue. means ; sbo tofldo‘nb utmsual efforts to force slaybry upon the people of New Mexico and Utah, though thoso bills contained principle, as ihoKansns-Ne break a bill. When the Kansas bill was passed. Were them apy •efforts'nmong ouppeoploj until jtheso effort! had Been begun* at thtf North 'i ’and I toll you, that, but for the resort to theso extraordi nary efforts, would- hpvci been sottied just hs our other territories' are sottled. People would jhavo gone there just ss they go to our other terri tories* peaceably pnd quifitly; and just &s the emi gration was, so would have been the decision of tbo people upon,(his question.■ The South looked with no unusual anxiety to that decision. AU, she baked for was lho recognition of,her Constitutional Wght in Kansas and,Nobraska,.as it bad ,been re cognized in Now Mexico and Utah; and in all human probability,' if slavery shall fever bo estab-. lisbod in Kansas, and Wo be placed'under obliga tions to any body for It, our’ obligation, will bo to the Abolitionists, who have created all these troubles; —not,that they intended it, but such libs been the effcot and operatioq ; of this thing. . 1 .1 .have pjuab’d over this branch of the argument for the simple purpose of maintaining, position- Jthat then is no party, North or South, that is eu- so force the institution of slavery tipou any peoplo bf tiny Territory or of any State, and that,these efforts whloh- you rogurd as such now made lb reference to Kansas, are but the retaliatory measures which, have been resorted to, in which bur people in the South believe they were' justi fied, when extraordinary efforts of a different cha racter and for a,different purpose had boon made by our brethren'of the North. But perhnpslt'is useless to review this suhjeot; it mayor it may not result in any good. Thoro aro procticol questions-connected with it of far more importance. The pnst is gone. I am willing to stand here and justify those who are connected with mo, North and South, in the history of tho past. Butpow a crisis is . upon our country; and th^,question is: Who,to .responsible for the exist- to-day of .this state of things in Kansas? Can : it be remedied,‘ and Bow ? M , , . 1 '■ TkiNfvit.war could have been prevented by ad- | boring to the' two’groai principles npon which opr government tests—tho two groat principles inoor* j pointed into Our Constitution; the equality of tbo j States, and the right of the peoplo to self-govern- ' meut.i Thore I stand.. Are you-agreed with mo upon l those two questions ? X ask nothing more. Ii require. qt.thp handspf no man an admission of any j other principle but the equality of the States and tho right of the people to solf-govcrnment, in order, to'jtistify.tbe position of those whoaqt with mo, the , course Which they have heretofore pursued, and protKSfe horohfter to pursU'e. your Constitution oould hot have beoh formed, if you bad not reoognirbd tho equality of tho States; I will hot dUeuss it j ‘I will go into no argument to provo it I* I will you a single thought that puts,the argument at rest—a thought which per* baps may assail your, pride, may wound your sel fishness; but it is a thought which you road in the letter of the QoristitutUn. 1 You are -to-night citi zen! of -the proud commonwealth of. Pennsylvania. You look around you and soo her teeming popula tion, her immense commorco, her vast resources. (3he stands-among tho first’State! of the Union, proud, and justly proud of her. position. ' She looks upon umoy ef her sister States because they pave jiqss commerco, less population, less prosperi ty,less success, .When you thus Ippk, it is,in the lightof ycur BojficU' feelings, of your proud estate, as Penttsylfnbfanff But’ lot too ask you to come and look upfto yourselves in the light of tho Con* stitntion, end see Pennsylvania, proud Ponnsylva* J'*®>J a6 fly prood Pennsylvania, with her equally proud sister-Now York, and her other-proud sister Virgtnia-pBoe them; when viowed in tho light of tho Constitution, came down and sit around tho bquncu-bpordtof your common country, tbo equals, but .not it?? suporiors of your little sister Delaware. (Applause.} Go stand at tho 'door of tho Senate ChMnbori’andinyour pride, and in tho pride of the Virginian and. the Now Yorkfer, stand there, yoti'three' States, and speak of your boastod groat ncss, and population, and power; bat Htilo Dela ware stands by your* Bide, and w ith the Constitu tion in faorhand she says; “ I am your equal, and my voice is beard here equally, with yours.”. .jy© Beo, there exemplified the equality of tho States— ono of the foqpdation-stones upon wbtqh rests tho fabrio. of oitr government. < ,So tenaotoas were tho framers'of the Ctmstitntion of this greqt prinolpto that thoy provided that no' State Should'bo de prived, without her equal represen tation in tho' Senate. The doofrinU Of the equality of the States is indood a great and glorious prin ciple.,- Liltrid Baorilegiousnand touch it. * l - “• ; 'Do-you rcoOgnizo that great principle, tbo right p£;ielr-governmont? Are;: you oapablo of self ; gOYcrnmentJ--. Yonr -father# thought you were. They ; tbonght, that, their posterity for ail time .would; bo capable of self-government, v ??T>sßey provided for your enjoyment of that great bhd privilege, Ypur totters said t^at the people of any,State in. this Union were, cnpablo of judging for th'omteWwhat 1 should bo tho un*, tare-and oharucte? •of'- their' Institutions. They thought that the pboplri'rif Pennsylvania'under-, stood better what would be for their interest, for their 1 happiness; foVthoir prosperity; ttuiu the people of Georgia, Virginia, or Now York undor ‘Stooddor.you.-i,- They thought It was host that the poopld-'of each State should decide these questions of interests for themsolves. They dotorminod, not that any -particular class of tho citizens of Penn sylvania'should, decide these, Questions, but that every man who iivod upon tho soil and, who was doreral with the habiliments of citizenship, was ns oanhble 1 of self-government ns.his neighbor. ] Our fathers' inadO no| ttistindtiori between tho proiidoat and thVbumbleat—between the man who gains his support by~Mb daily labor,'and the man who lives upon'the wealth frugal When the great principle of, tho capacity and tho right of tUo people to'self-government was to'bo provided for, there was no distinction. Youhave’ maintained that principle; you havo stood by it; aud' to-day you would stand at your door-sill and yt&r upon any tann who fehould dare to* violate to onb J halr’s breadth, this groat and inestimable legacy bequeathed tp you by your fathers. ,It |s yourrlght arid your privilege; maintain it—guard : fc—protect jt.. TweivVirioriths ago thope lived by vour slito a neighbor. 'He Wns'ftß honest, as' intelligent, as en pable of sdlf-goyernmcnt ns ydu nro. Ilo'walked with you‘to tho polls, deposited his vote with yours, and you drived not say to him, “ I am bettor than thouyeti ilared not say to him, “ I know what is interest better than you know yourself.” I had fi neighbor'who twelve months ago walked with Trip to the polls, end we deposited out ballots . togbtheL, ;Uaro I havo saiiPto that neighbor “ Go ihom’al 5 takb carO .of your interest': T will, )rdMde’fdr>OiiV’haupinesa, your Prosperity; I iave studied it,'and I xnow it bettor than yoa do?” Well,- your'neighbour has gone from among yob—my neighbor has gone from among us; auil they hav£ met, upon Iho'SoH of Kansas, tho same' freehien' that they were when they lived upon the soil of Pennsylvania and'of Georgia; arid I say they aro as capable o£’selffgovormnout in Kansas as they were in • Pennsylvania and in Georgia. (Applahse.) Give to them that' principle ; extend to them that right; let it be honestly' nnd bona fid? oxorciscd, and I tell you that all will bo peace and quiet'; in injr honest judgment not anothor cloud.will rise upon your horizon from these diffi culties connected with Kansas. Let üb‘sob,'by a practical application ; of these pricoiplcs, whether or not it Could be done—who t her or not it has been proposed to bo done, and done in good fuitM and if so, who'proposed it and who de feated it; foryour representatives in Congress ought to .have quieted these difficulties they ought to havo applied a remedy to these troubles. If it was in l ■(heir power, they owod it to you—to tho wholo country—to tho pcoplo of Kansas. ' Now. tny countrymen, if tho application of two such plain and cardinal prinoiplos as the equality of; tho States anjl the right or tho pcoplo to self government cun tettlo these difficulties, ought thoy not to be settled? Shrill this bitter strife continue—; shall our country bo torn and distracted—shall our Union bo imperilled—shall our glorious Constitu tion be threatened nnd ondangored', when all these evils can be cured by tho application of twq such plain, practical, just nnd Constitutional principles as those which I bate laid down? . During tho last session of Cougra&s we hoard of these troubles and (Hilteultlcs in Kunsns. Tho nows Was brought there to us; It was investigated by us as far as we were oupablo of 1 doing it. What was proposed to be done to remedy' these difficulties? The Democratic! party and tho national Whigs who uro acting in concert with tho Democratic party in the support 6f Mr. Bnehanan; had a majority in the Sonato; thb opposition had a majority in the House. lYhat did tho Senate do? Thoy passed ri bill for * tho pacification of theso difficulties. To kriow Whether that bill was right—whether it mot the troubles, our.first inquiry isj what wero tho dif ficulties air thoy oristed at 'that time,'and oh wo saw them in Congress? I shall treat them just as they wore charged to exist by tho Fremont party; becauto it is useless to discuss whotbertheir chargo bo true or not; it involves no principle; it involves a question of fact, about which men may very pro perly differ—about whioh mon can (lifter who act ogetherupon prineinlo. I'propose to confino my argument to prinolpfo?, and not to' discuss facts furthor than iaoeoesstwy fortlio elucidation of prin ciple? and tho ascertainment of truth. Tho Fre mont men will’ not object 'when my argument is based upon tho idoa that tbeir chat-gesture true. J Intend to apply my argument upon tho admission of that state of foots; so you cannot complain of my courso in that respect. \\ ' ‘ The charge was'{hot a territorial legislature had boon ©looted in Kansas over the he ads of a majority of’ the people by the armed interference of Mis sourians; that people from Missouri, outsiders, came in thoto, took possession of the ballot-boxes, drove off the pcoplo, and would not allow tho bona fide sot : tiers to vote J and that amajority of tho legislature wore ©looted by virtue, of theso illegal and Im proper means. Upon tho question of fact, whether this Is so or not, I .differ, and differ widely from those gentlemenwho make tho charge; but I am riot going to consume’ your time in tpo argument of that question, for it is unnecessary. “I admit, in the argument, that tho charge is true. What was your other charge? You'say that that .leg islature passed odious aud. offensive laws, viola tive of tho Constitutional rights of tho. citizen, violative of freedom of speech, violative of tho free dom of the press; and that noratin ought to be hold subject to tucso laws, thus passed agniust. the will of tho majority of tho people. Now, wero not those tho difficulties ? Wore not theso tho troublos ? Have I presented them fairly, fully, and frankly ? If not, correct mo: It'is admitted; then, that theso wore tho troubles —these odious and offensive laws—this putting upon the people of Kansas a government by tho armed interference of outsiders. Well, tho effect of tho bilt which was passed In the,Senate, by tho mem bers of the Democratic party and the National Whigs acting-together, was to repeal these odious and offensive laws. Was not that a full remedy for that evil ? If the laws were repented, what com plaint could there bo in future against those laws ? What more ciin you do with bad laws than to repeal them ? Tho other objection-—tho other ovil to bo cured, was that the legislature hud beon elected by out siders, and that tho voice of a mujority of the people of Kansas hud not beon heard. If thut was true, it was a valid objection; for no minority has a right to rule tho majority, and no outsiders bavo a right to rule tho people of tho territory, any, more than they have a right to-rulo and control tho people of a State. This bill provided that tho peoplo of Kansas—tho bona fide honest Bottlers— the men who had gono there and becomo citizens of that territory,—not tho Missourians who had gone over into that territory—not the outsiders from Mawachmotts, or Missouri,—but that tho men from all tho State* who had gone there and become bona fide citizens of tho territory, should at a given day go to the polls and eloot delegates to a Convention; that that Convention should adopt a Constitution; that that Constitution should bo presented to Con gress, and Kansas should bo admitted into tho Union as a State with this Constitution thus mado by a voico of a majority of tho bona fide citizens or the territory of Kansas. .That was tho bill. Was that bill right or was It,wrong?' Did that bill meet tho difficulty ? Did it meet tho evil complained of by our opponents ? I < think it did. But thoy had objections to it Thoy said, 11 We object to this bill, becauso under it the people of Kansas cannot elect thoir representa tives, bopause tho Misßourmns, those ‘ border-ruf fians,’ will come iu and prevent the people from electing thoir representatives, just as they prevented them before” If this was true, it was a good oh- Joctioli. Men wlio believed that this outrago had been committed upon tho pooplo of Kansas wero right in objecting, if it won trno that tho peoplo were going to bo prevented from deciding this question, and wero to be driven from tho polls It tho/’oforo becaine'nccessary to meet the difficulty. Tho bill declared that the citizen should bo pro tected ; that he should enjoy his right; thatovoiy citizen of Kansas, whether fiorn the North or from tho South, as he stood upon tho soil of Kansas, tho Constitution of his country in bis hand, the flng of tho Union over his head, should have tho whole army of tho United'States at his back to protect him in the onjoymeut of liis right of suffrage. The bill declared, “no armed Missourians—no inter ference from the North against tho Southorn man —no interference from tho South against tho Northern wan—shall violate tho great principle upon which this bill rests; but tho settler shall bo protected, and if it requiro tho whole army to stand thoro for the promotion of one single citizen, though he b 6 the humblest man in the land, bis Government owes it to him, and the army shall bo there.” (Applause.) Kithcr your whole Government was powerless, and your army incapable of protecting the citizens of thut terri tory, or your objection was met. But another objeotion was made. Tho advocates of tho froe-Stato party who complained against tho logislnturo that was eleotod—tho Fremont men— said, This territorial Legislature hits tho machi nery of tho Government, And the peoplo cannot have & fair election uuder that territorial Govern- Tho bill provided that that dlflioulty should bo remedied, and that there should be ap pointed five commissioners who should superintend that election, and see that it was fairly and honestly conducted, so that these men, who, it was charged, having tho machinery of tho Government in their hands, would defraud and cheat tho citizens, should not have it in their power to do so, the election being placed under tho control and direction of these five com missioners to bo selected and appointed by the President of the Übitod States. “But,” said the Fremont men, “if these commissioners should be fairly appointed, then there would bo no dlflioulty, and tho last objcclion would ho removed; hut wo oannot'trust tho President to appoint those com missioners.J' Wero thoy frank, honest and sincere when they made that objection 7 How was If they could not trust the President to appoint five com missioners to superintend tho elections in Kansas 7 At the time that ibis objeotion wus mado to tho bill, knowing tho extent of mon’s prejudices, know leg how tho paisioL of man carries away and con trols bis judgment, I was oharitablo and generous enough to believe that thoro was somo sincerity in this objection—that these men wore so deoply pre judiced against tho President that they woro not trilling to. trust. I should hnvo remained under that delusion down to tho present day, but for tho fapt that before tho adjournment of Congress, tho very men and the very party who wero not willing to trust the President with the appointment of fivo commissioners, voted to aunul tho existing govern ment in Kansas—to put it in the powor of tTio Pre sident of the United Staton to toko armed occupa tion of that territory, to requiro tho arms which hud been distributed among the militia to bo returned into tho koopirig of tnid vory President They votod the whole military power into tho hands of tho President, and authorized him to take posses sion of tho public highways to prevent men from going into' the territory of Kansas, Under certain circumstances, and nil power upon your public highways leading towards Kansas, and all powor in tho Territory of Kansas, should bo in the binds of this vory Prcsidontwhom they would uot trust with tho appoiiitinentof fivo commissioners! (Daughter and .applause.) When that vote was given loould, not any longer believe in the sincerity of that objec tion- When was this monstrous vote given ? Not 1 the ordinary course of legislative business, but , “*e ptevißlon was placed upon tho Army Appropri ' .V the very men who oonld not trust ; FrsBij!ens to appoint five ooaptiMjonera said) PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1857. “ Your appropriations for,the, suppprtjbf theafmy ‘ shall bo, wittald,,und your army ’riiMt bo "dh* ‘ bandod, untoss. you • will agree 1 ' power jp, the. in reforcuoe to 'theiTd/- 1 ritory of Kansas*”/ Tho, protenep/'-wnß' were not SviUing for ibis army to bott'sod'to virTy out' those,odious law*. ,1 assert it tp-night/jbqU ’ therenover wiis tho arm of a, goldioi’ ’of tbtowttri try raised upon the Boil of Kriq&ftßdr hisowtiifre.'to enforce any one of these,bilious and'bffehsjvfl Jqto. *, I have given tho opposition tho in ibe argument, of tho, admission that 'there wqro o3!ou» laws passed by (ho legislature 'of Kahshsuiild I shali.notstoptodiseussthowi.,' .Nor'is thfit, thorq should ,fjav,6 been o bj ec 11 o pa b! o lays paasod by tbdt'togislatufo. ' There’W',ibYrii ’Upoq' the,,Btatuto bbolf of my own Stutol to opposed, and I apprehend the same TAmftrk.ctmld. bo made .with truth by every citizen of yoririfitato, in roferouoe to your, .laws. If it was otudsrUk* and either your' State or my owti.bndtibtalnra 'f' perfect eqdo of laws, our duty would be' abloaf qho,. and that would bq ? to have ho moro legiilaroroa; , \Vhonever#wa have roached thb weshould rcliovooiirselvcsof tho expend dnuture 1 legislatures., Thq province of a' repeal bqdjaws, amend apdjperr foot incomplete ones' Ajrhifst thV it mjisfc bo ohoyed and onforced, tho remedy being in tho hands of tho poople', sndaklug through' tho ballot-box. ■ ' ' , * « -Jloro, then, I hnvo presented to you the for theso existing difficulties In Kansas.' ! AVrttsfo, other objections to tho 'bill? I confess I 1 hM'tibt hoard of any t othors—l knew of nono had seou no others urgoft with any or warmth, with any steal, \tftih any cbnfittoncJqhtii yesterday, when- a,' worthy citizen! of yodr bounty » J while I was addressing thb people at dnothef point, mentioned'to me two other' objections to .thVtyu; As others may entertain.thqso objections, T propoW to'give you, the answer to, them,.aBl gayojit;y tbo House, rejected by the Qlhoi*. and they pass from House to Houso, and eOmhtittoesof conference are appointed, until finally'tbo tW6 dlousos ugreo. Wliy, In the cose of this army bill, two bills wore lost in ton days, and It was «f>ly ? by a third effbrt and s third bill that tb*-army JiUl could bo passed; Uud yot wben far, tho paoiflbalion of Kansas camo from the Seb&to tff tho House of Representatives, they would not even not upon it Thoy passed tboir bill and sent it to the Senate; tbo Benoto .inodo amendments'and sont it back to tho House, and there the bill slopt; and whon Congress ndjournod, ’ both bills were stooping there upon tho SpoaKer’s table. .Was that right ! Wo are told that civil war is’raging in Kansas; thut toother Is imbruing bis band in the blood of brother; that wo arc threatonod with war throughout this land; and yet IhU is tho uvsn ncr in which a bill proposing to dispose oP thtse difficulties is moti what would have been tho re sult, if that bill had passed ?’ Would not ana-, jorily of tho bona fuh citizens of Kansas bovo .settled ihtoquostion for themselves? ’ , Now. tho only question is, are you witling tiat tho bona Jide citlztoiß of Kansas shall settle ihe question ? The complaint was that a majority lad not boeu heard ; tho bill provided that tho majeri* ty should bo hoard. The complaint was that citi zens had boeu driven off by improper interferomo; tho bill provided that tlmro should be nonehire aftor. . Tho bill provided, by all tho moans wtich tho power of our .Uovemnont'waß capable of bringing to boar, that a fair, bonafidt , honest ex pression of opinion should be given by tho pewhei this question shall eomo before that body, if a maority of tho people thero deeido in favorof slavery icing, n part of their institutions, I shall vote, fortheir Admission with their pro-slavery constitution; if, on the other hand, a majority of tho pooplethoro decide that thoy do net want slavery and preeut a frce-Stutc Constitution, I will veto forthch 1 Emis sion into the Union as u free Btoto in obcdiaicoto tho voice and will of tho pooplo. -(Appluus.) I stand by my principles; I intend to carry them out; I onro not not how they oporato Pmriptos aro dearer to mo than tho results of any elction, any contest in Knnaasv I would Wot plant savory upon tho soil of any portion of Qod’s ,earth (gainst tho will of tho pooplo. Tho Govornmontif tho United States should not foreo the instituionof slavery upon tho people either of the Torrittfios or of the States against tho will of the people, hough iny voice could bring about that result. Jstand upon tho prinoiplotho iieopleof my Statotochto it for themselves, you for yourseivos, tho peplo of Kansas for thomselvcs. (Applause.) Thatlstho Coubtitution’and I standby the Constitution - [A gentleman hero interrupted Mr. Gobi, with his consent, to inquiro whether ho meant tlat the peoplo of the Territory, before forming tber con stitution, should havo tho power to exeludo savory, or that thoy should have tho power to pnssipon it whon they form their constitution. He also losirod tho spoaker to explain not only hisown vievon tho subject, but also the view which is advoetod by thoso who stand with him In the Bouthcrn3tatcs, and support Mr. Buchunan.] Mr. Cobb,iosuming, said: Fcllow-oitizon, there nover has been, In all (ho history of this lavory matter, a wore puroly theorotioal issue, tUn tho ono involved in tho question propounded tune by nty friend; and I wilt show it to you. I wll state to you tho positions of the advocates if this doctrine of non-intervention, on which thro nre different opinions held; but I will show j«u that It 13 tho purest abstraction, In a practice point of view, that ever was proposed for jolitieal discussion. Thero are those who hold *jat tho Constitution carries all the institutions of this country into all the territories of tho Union; that slavery, being ono of tho Inatituiloii? recog nized by the Constitution, goes with tho Cmstltu- ■ tion Into the territories of the United Btatis; and 1 that niton tho territorial government Isorpinized, the noqpto havo no right to prohibit slqver; thero, until thoy eouie to form a Stato uoustititior. That; is what my friend mills Soutliorndootrim.” There is anothor class who hold that tho peopli of tho ter ritories, in their territorial Btato, and milst acting i as a territorial legislature, hnvo a rigjt to decide 1 upon the question wholhor slavery shaltoxlst thero during their territorial stato; aud thi has boon dubbed “squattersovoreignty.” Now,pui)Qrceivo that thero is but ono point of differeno botwoen the advocates of tho two doctrines. J'hcli holds that tho peoplo hnvo the right to deoil«tho ques tion in tha territory; one holds that ittoa bo done through the territorial legislature, aid whilst it has a territorial existence, tho other .olds that it can bo dono only when they como to |»rm a Btato constitution. But thoso who hold th 4 tho torri toriul legislature cannot pans a law prohibiting Blavory, admit that unless tho torriirinl legis lature pass laws for Us protection, lavory will not go tnoro. Thoroforo, practically of tho people represented In the tcrrUoriq legislature dcoiucs the question. Wliothor thoy ecido it by' prohibiting according to the ono dolriuo, or by rofuKing to pass laws to protect it, as cptomlod for by tho other party, is immaterial. Bo majority of the people by tho notion of the ternotlal legis lature will decide the, question; aid all must abido tho decision when ibudo. ' ((iroi applause.) , My friend, you,, otoeriro that—no patter what tho issue which is prossuted—l stand ipon a prin ciple. There I planted myself in the commence ment of this argument—thu right of tlo people to self-government. I intend to malntaij it, to stand by it, to carry it out, to enfotoo it. ;f it operate to thff HNluafon ti tbs people Qf my s«tion of the . Country from these. territories, bo it fo; it is llio Constitution of the nuul!\ey Imvo uo right 'tocopjplain. If it operate Jn'thCir behalf and for k thoir protection,"!'fcliir upon yvu* to f»ay, ia it not right that theV should havo tlid benefit tot* it ? Nojy, my friends, let mo prapo3o for your conside ration what is to bo tho effect of ignoring or re jecting those principles—-whatis to be the effect of the fluccosj of your party. ' ■ ; I am not here to pass a eulogy upon James Bu chanan. He is your iol|ow-citizon. and you know him. Mon are carried far away by their prejudices and their ppasien?, when they denounce «U integ-, rity us a inun, or his qualifications ns a .statesman. I know it'la not necessary that I should stand upon tho soli of Pennsylvania,' and defend her “favorite son” from charges such ns iho3» Fleet him; lot r him early out by his administration theso princi ples which I havo discussed, and I ask you by tho Ufcht of calm reason to say, do you not believe that justice will be done to all portions of your country; that peace will be restored and .prosperity become ouy future lot i On tho other band, put the repub licans in powcr-r-placo tho government of this conn* £ry*in the hands of the Fiemont party—what is purpose? Do you intend to carry out the priuoiples which' ydu advobat'o before the country?’ Do you intoiid to fulfil the pledgo which yodr publio men liavo made—which tho leading men of your party havo proclaimed—which the public press of your party Bas announced' What is It? You announco It as your dootrito*- that no more slave States shall be .admitted .into the Jfniou. Thoip stands your Cqnstitu.tioq, formed by your fathers, which wys, MpoVShites may be admitted into tho (Jnl6n, and you can only inquire Whother their jjOrornmont is Republican in its form. But you propose to pato a new feature; you propose to a nypr pondltmh." 'Hoito' is tho bond..rorjnocf'by'Ydtir father hndmino. lam willing to (Ivo by jt; I ask you if ypu are witling fo live by it. If so, why do you put nnbw condition infhA bond. Thc bond, thoOonsti tution, says, “ new States may be ndmittod into tho- Union, The friends of the Constitution/ the friends of the equality of tho States, the friends of the rights of the States say, » l ‘new Statos may bo admitted into the Union,’, nuil, wo will only inquire,,. *ls yqur form of government ” You go beyond ,tho Constitution: you go beyorid. tjio boWd. Youstrlko down’that guarantee to your' brethren of the South, and say to them, “Wo will put on a mew condition*.'ho Slate'shall be admitted into lhis Unioh that has your institutions.” Ah Auditor. That is not in -tho. Philadelphia Platform. * « . )Mr, Cobb. 1,-know that it is notepad I have hot said that it was. I ask my friend if he is in favor of thoadnmslop of slavo States into tho Union. Auditor? The gentleman is discussing, ns I un derstand, (he Piiilndelphia Platform. Mr. Cobb. I iihvo not alluded to it. • Auditor. I am not about to introduce myself into thneontryvorsy. J merely wished, Jo enunciate afflict for this liasombty,—that thu Fremont party, as I understood it, has enunciated no such duotriuo aa is laid 4°wn. liuonuttodo it In a courteous lUannor. Mr. Cobb. You did it in a proper and courteous spirit, no ono Ims a right to object to it. i I havo not said the Philadelphia Platform once. I know that thu Philadelphia Platform commits tho marty only to tho admission of Kansas as a free Stato. It docs not say that Kansas shall be a free Stato, because it is tho wilt of the people that may ibe there when she is admitted; but it says it shall bo a free State? because th&Lparty arq ({ctorminod to admit it only as a freo’State. [Applmwo.] I know thoy did not put various things in tho Pliila dolphin Platform; and n 3 my friend draws' mo to that platform, I will discuss it. Thu Philadelphia Platform did hot'dodlare this doctrine thdVno slavo State should be admitted into tho Union. Tell mu a single raau of yoar party who advocates tho right of a slave Stato to be admitted into the Union; lull me a press of your party advocates it; toll mo a public man that advocates it; toil mo a State con vention that bps passed a resolution iu favor of jt. On tlio contrary, nave not your publio men, your public presses, your county conventions, your Slate conventions boldly announced—has it not been heralded forth to the land, pnvdrriracd from one State to all tho rest whore your Fremont p irty ex ietß—“ thoro shall be no mou> slave States?” Can my friend euunciute that ho in in favor of tho ad mission of a slave Stato into the Union ? . Now, why did they not put it in their platform? Was there nobody there to suggest it ? (Laughter.) Did thoy forgot it ? (Laughter and applause.) Or have they abandoned the doctrine ? No\v, Ido in ull sincerity say, I wish I could boliovo that they had abandoned the doctrine Will iny friend' autborUo wp L to say to the country -tlpitjlm Fre undiit party do not hold that doctrine ?* Wilt ho rise up boro nml sty that tho Fremont party have repudiated that doctriuo ? 1 ..Auditor, In tho samo oourtfous spirit in which 1 made tho remark before, I havo only to say, in nuswor to what seems to bo n personal appeal, that in this controversy I fupjiosed tho gentleman pro ,posed to discu33 tho principles of thu Philadelphia platform and of Mr. Fremont. Now, I imvo scon no declaration on the part of Col. Fruuiuut autho rizing the gentleman to state that ho would not pnnotion tho admission of any sla\o State into tho (Union. Col. Fremont baa not authorized any such X, may my then* with groat couriusy, that, in my opinion, tho gcntUunau has no right to assume that position; and if bo will permit me to go ono step further, 1 will say, in ad dition, that tho position taken by thtr Fremont party, (so to designate it,) in regard to tho admis sion of new States is in referenuo to territory north qftho Missouri Compromise line—(load applause) — in roxVrenuo to that territory alono ; and tho prin ciple upon which they not, (and tho gentleman, as I understand him, speaks and acts altogether from principle)—tho principle upon which thu Fremont party not, ib thu prmoiplu which was enunciated by the Stato of Virginia in 1781), when sho ceded tho Northwest Territory to the Uuitcd States, ami put into that region tho declaration that no slavo should be admitted into that territory threvor ; (loud applause;) amliftho Frciuont party stand upon any doctrine that is inconsistent with the doetrino of popular sovereignty, it inbeeau J kayo,©admitted,Mio, actuate of hlsljfe; I havo looked at UUrecord; but I cannot find ontwhatho thinks aboat it/'llflast ink' those who iutend to uso him—worse men ’than him*. self—with no better hearts but wiser heads—l moan mei\ ,who»>however honest .they > cmy be in the ( opiuiona which theyholdj ftte waning upon the Constitution of iny,'country and Uio rights .of tho pcopldof myVcolfim'UndeVthat Constitution.' I‘have tmowft you the oporation of their principles in the oate ef the, admission'of new States. Now take tho provision for the delivering.up of fugitive Blavps. iDoyou intend to oarry that-out?. Will your party carry it out ?, - la there a withm hearing of my voice—is thero ,a Fremont man' iu'fill this broad land who does not believe that ir Fremont and his party got into povfcr the Fugitive Slavo law will be strickeu down. There is your Constitution, in aechrdanco with whose re. qnlrcmonU.the Ifiw was nimje. The law covor de livered up any but fugitive' staves \ frogmen have never boon delivered 1 uriddr Hj.it odnnot' be done; And yet you wljfndt stand by tlid law. : 'My friends, taxo rtny' provision of your Consti tution,which id intended ,|o guaranty, and protect the rights of your brethren of *hd South ; are you willing to Bland byjt? ' No.v; Hit not'true tnkt yon feci yourselves, and arp teaching qtiildteu;.' is tt uot becoming a phrVof tho ’moral iflStrWtioff that you aro day by dty and hour by Mir poising into the minds ohd hoirtg of tho p£6pio ,df land, that slavery is a groat outrage wntyli ought not to bo tolerated, and that thopo of the South, whom you ought to hold as brethren,’are butdittlo (if any) better than barbarians and heathens, dn‘-j worthy of social and Christian intercourse?' fa it not bu, my t friorids? How, then, do Von intend to pro3urvo the guarantees of the Coneurutidh? *! Supple you wore assembled to-night to forth * constitution. Plant .yourselVea. tq-nlght' Wndf6 .your fathers stood; go to old Independence Squanjj’, stand upon the soil on whioh Htoqd the gyoat And; good men of tho Revolution; go sit .where WAsh-' iugton sat; go ooouny tho Seat of ytiiir Pennsylva nia representative fn tnat Convontidd/, jYefojoii’; called upon te make a constitution would y6p iufotst 1 tho ConatitnliOn ns it stands?., Would yod say by* tho Coustitution that fugiliv'o ajaves do literod up? If you would, then livA*. up to only initsleHorbutin its. , Do not plapo (the words (here when the spirit I* notpormitwd Td ,go with tho wordß., Ifyou wouldplaad/that prb^ : vision lu tho Coustitution', I ask'you why will sou ,iiot carrY It out when It jiaa bCun plactsd, there by iyour futfiers ? Kxamjiie your heart plofcalV’t&iiigbt, ;atid you wiH'fihd that If you Should nhw forma jConstitution, you'would j/orput ihU tharprqvi-' isioa; yon would not bind yourself to deliver up IhV 'fugitive alavo. Then you fife nof in favor ortho Constitution, for it h tho Constitution .that f pro • Jsont to you. 1 Jf you wero making a 'constitution yon would say; “No States except free States.” That 13 not the Coustitution; that is ndt the h(jhd‘; that ia not What wo hare agreed to. Now, my friend, what is to bo the result should 'your parly obtain tho power of tho Government ? A 1 ' .majority of your pooplo at tho North have exclud ed thoir Southern brethren—havo conducted this! election upon a priueipto on which know they cannot co-opornto with you. You carry tjiis cleo* lion with iv knife in your hand ready to 1 stab the jvituls of your Constitution —that Constitution [whioh protects and defends the pooplo of the Sooth r uud their rights. A friend lias sent to thd desk'a ; - i ! * ! f - .. t4 . ~r • SBSATOB DOUGLAS By AN OPPOSITION The following eXetCliof Hon-Sispina A. Pounpis, by the editor of a Republican paper,, tho Newbmyport ,(Maes.): Herald,ds graphic' and :BHiuaiog« According to . Our policy of giving every shade of opinion a fitir bearing, wo let'this, writer; speak for himself. It ap pears .that’ he ‘Was a passenger, Wifh Judge RolioiAa on a frip in tho cars irom St. Louis ko Chicago, at the close of the celebration of the opening of the Ohio ad(l Mississippi rail road in Juno last. ~i , ‘“.1.,,.. > That little hmn, with a big,'round hoed, u brow almost as broad as Webster’s, and a -1 quick, active' eye, that rolls under the hoary projecting brow, watching every othor mau, and not allowing a mo tion, to escape him,—with arum too short for his body, which is full and round as though it never lacked the juices that supply life; and with small duck lega, which, had. they gromi a* thick - as • his back-bouo,’ (and they .would probably, if. Provi dence had not foremen that, ho would want than* Icgsin'hls bittle of'iire,)' would haVo made liim.tif ,reip«|abUStature';— tbatliHlp man i# no, less IJban tbegroot politiciau pf the Irfist, .lias auracted more attention in the last four-ycire thhn tipp, pod .doqu'ww, direction ,td; public ey Qn wiwidaßts.with amilUomand a half “Votert at his ualkyfimf too aVtnyj Davy.’and' treasury of KdnhAtoeriftMidibl& command: 1 It is M ,e ‘‘Little Giant,” Stephen. Ad Doogldsp with whom we parted company at ..Vincennes, and who ha# Slowly come along, fofelihg tho public puWlo learn the.political health of Ufa to Bpringfleld, the capital oftho State-;; ; i Tho means of lu .Senator Douglas are kery'XppttbAt.i First 1 hi Really‘and intelleo frßfPAfcWSn. people who view him PU'J - * Jow.poUtiqiaOv should diaabnsp \ their tnitlds hi relation to bno’Who 'is *to exercise a wide influence In the affairs tof the Aonafrj', probably—for, he is jot youpg—to be the head pf the Republic. He is massive in Ida conceptions, bfoad J aud comprehensive 1 tn‘ ms , 'viiws7 And in a good measure Is. endowed.-with all those powers of xhlnd that make a statesman,. ~ , t , ho is greater still'in energy oF Character. fThorb- art tbort whtf think that 1 a* defeat of him' wflttiillbebUdflathjinpolltks; bat the mam wh° sprung: frpm > cabinet-maker’a shop, in jWnndht, and withbut fnthor or friend worked bis [way. to aa honorable pUee. upon the bAnch of jVdgW, fhp lUtaiswftkdsM than, fifty, pouts in money,and not one cent in credit, and has ’dbqqfred great weatthtend the highest st-itloh and intfuAuco, is not hasily to bo whipped oat/ F frot if he i, groat ip uun4.,am| greater in yuergy, he. to greatest in. tho-o winning manner, .from ttbioh, .the 'worlu' oelle bid 'a deinagbgoo. ‘ 'Scarcely woiq&a, oBel)ii|f in Ihb cars.escapeil Jiii.at itenlinn, or was iiasseci by unapukeu i l'j,. ! At one moment ho talks With 1 the old, poll-, tic'ui'n, who ha* been'sdured by a thousand defoatir and dj&appoiptmenU,, in tho. tq , thAt,WeU'- Iforraed and genial Ken tuckian, who kgs iust sought lafree Stite; noVTie -fits down'with the TifUo approaching har andaaksibfhei wtlJtol %tu dUs; and Uq pats the little ,boy ,om the Aodi. jin tbo preacnco of mother apd proud fa :t|ier,: (what father is hot firohd to seb hlvboynb ■ticed 7 > say* a. word iof his mild ayes or glossy Again the lady is approached with » fait I word and 1 a’ Liana smllb, ana goes homo pleased . to tell her ifiosband or -father' how ho r looks .and what half doren a xi about man; ho can congratulate the newly appointed Buohanan office-holder, who has supplanted , his friend, tell tho displaced friend of the ‘‘good time coming,” when bis wing rhall bo up; and at every station, more regularly than - tho conductor, Mr. Douglas is upon the platform, with a goodbye to the leaving, and n welcome to thodoparting traveler— a shake of the hand with ono man that stands at the dofrot, and a touch of tho hat to another. Jfo knows evorybody; can tell the question that affects each locality; call the name of orcry farm owner on tho way { . tell all travel lers something' of tho homes they left that they never knew thomsclvcs, and'suggest what tboy aro adapted for in this Hfo, 1 and what placd they deserve in heaven.- Now, such a man os that, iu contact with everybody, knowing everybody,- and capable of plousing everybody, and at tho bottom wrapped up with tbo one idea of prefer ment, power, and dominion among men. is not easily to bu put down; uud his opponents might as woll bclievo at onco,that whoa tboy fight him they fight a strong man—a little giant indeed He would bo poputarln Boston or anywhere else, nud half tho u lhrec thousind eleVgytmm” ho de nounced would have their hearts stolen if ho could rpoak to them a half hour. TIIE ISOTHERMAL DOCTRINE The New Orleans Courier of a late date, re produces the following declarations of South ern men, while the Kansas Nebraska hill ‘ was under discuasiou iu the National House of Re presentatives: Mr. Harry, of Mississippi said: “ Tho practical Advantages to the Sonth under these bills may ho .nothing. If there were laws protecting slavery in this Nebraska Territory (aa tho whole including Kansas was then called) as perfectly ns in Mississippi, it may be that ii slave would never And his way there. But tiie occasion arises very opportunely to test, after all the agita tions and compromises of the past, what readiness there is to do justice, and how many Northern men dare stand by tho Constitution.” Mr. Royce, of South Carolina, said: “Thisbill repeals the Missouri restriction, but revives no local law protecting slnvery. The effect is dimply to remit the South to their rights iu the Territory undor tho Constitution. Ait that the bill does is to make the Constitution operative iu tho Territory. And this sligbto.4 conceivable act of simple justice bus agitated, public sentimeut at tho North to its deepest deplhs.” ' Mr. Brooks, of Sonth Carolina—,, “Wo are not asked to legislate slavery into Ne braska and Kansas, but to carry out a good old republican principle, that the people shall decide for themselves the character of their municipal govornmeut, and be left in a free condition to elect lor themselves, when they multiply iuto States, slavery or no slavery. “If tho natural laws of climate and of soil ex clude us from a territory of which wo arc the joint owners, we should not uud wo will not complain. But, sir, wheu a coalition of tenants in common at tempt a monopoly, and by laws at once unconstitu tional and unjust, endeavor to restrict us, and by a surveyor’s lino, to a part of thego United States, while thoy arc permitted to walk the whole do main, we cannot and wu will not submit to so odious a distinction.” Mr. Stanton, of said: *’ I havo little hesitation iu declaring my solemn conviction that tho fears of Northern gentlemen are wholly uufounded. Slavery will not be estab lished in Kansas and Nebraska; not because of any legislative prohibition,' but on account of that condition of things which all your legislation can uot possibly contiol. “Itis a patpablo impossibility—a physical and moral impossibility, in the very nature of things— that three and a quarter millions of slaves can spread themselves out over the wholo country, iu the face of tweuty millions of whites. “ I um satisfied slavery will not go into these Territories; and hence 1 repeat, the measure is of no practical importance to us, except fur the prin ciple of non-intervention.” Mr. Greenwood; of Arkansas, said : ‘•ThorO firo provisions in the bill under con sideration which do not command the approbation of my judgment. Some of its provisions aro nqt Soutftcrn euoitgh for me. But while lam not in favor of all of its provisions while the great prin ciple of non-intervention is retained it will're ceive my hearty support. If I did not support it I should feel that I had outraged the people I, hare tho honor to represent ou this floor. It is this principle alone which we wish to sco carried out and noted upon in future; and for this reason Igivo it os my humble opinion that if this principle U established and faithfully carried out, it will have i tho effect of forever scouting from the wnlls of this eapitol the discussion of tho question of ri.nery. The3o reason. 9, if none others, would induce me to support the bill, nod not upon the separate ground that thero was a mere pomibility of slavery being cr*ried Into tho Territory of Kansas.” Mr. Faulkner, of Virginia, another able ad vocate of the bill, said: " l)o tho s,iil mul climate of Kansas and Nebras ka afford any iuduuetnont to tho employment of slave labor, there ? Ido not profess to havo any precise or accurate infbnuatiou on the subject, nor has its aptitude or inaptitude for shivery entered into my consideration of the questiou. Still my impressions aro very docided that Kansas affords hut little inducement for the employment of this kind of labor, and Nebraska nono at all. “ Tho history ,of this country for the last century shows that tho progress of this institution is steadi ly towards the South.” Did space permit, wo might add more and longer extracts of the same tone and tenor, but what are lioro given will suffice for tho object in view. ! Tho Provisional Committee of the Massa chusetts Straight-Out Republicans met at yesterday, and issued a call for a Convention, to bo held In that city on the 30tk of September, to nominate a candidate fur Governor, in opposition to £fr, Banks, whom thoy refuse to support, •r>s s v ** notice to coa&mpoNDSi'is. -T" “T*l bvr it; miid thV tolloirluf rulrt: , v f' J *,• • .I,' £rerj MDummictlon must b« tcompuileß b, tbs asme of writer. ,Incisor to iasure.correctuew in the typography, bat one elds of a sheet aheald written opqa. W® shall hs greatly obliged to gentlemen In Vmjia and other State* for eoatribntions giriog |he car teat nawi of the day )n their partjculxr localities, the Resources of the coon try, the Increase' of pcpaUtyg, any viUhy inteowUng to the gjoeral reader. GENERALNEWS. • Tlic transportation eastwardly over the Bal timore And Ohio railroad, into the’ city of Balti }oS»r*. during the niofith of Ahgnst, of the principal articles,'was as follows: Bark, i.U toes; fire brick, 0 toiik; flour, 55,2(50 barrels; grain, l .931 ton-*; gran- ’ ito, STI tons? Iron, 533 tons; iron are and manga nese, 1,313 tout;.lard find .butter, I- stono, 100 tons; laid o7h 3j tons; lauiber, 900 tons; limo lft tons; live 1 tetock. vis.: *iVB3tf ; sheep, lio horses amf mules, iH< horned, cattle;: looai and shorts, ISO fonsj pork' and bacon, toes; tobacco, 334 hhds.; whisker, 7,C11 barrels; * miscellaneous, 7i2 tons; hay,. 9 tons; hemp, 39 tons, fioyj from Washington braneh, 3,300 barrels. The ratifications of tho treaty of amity aud, commerce between Great Britain and HouJura.-,' ooQtaimng the article gnarantying the Honduras * railway, were exchanged iu London on the 24th of August. SenorHcryao,, the. Hpuduras plenipofec- had rc-opcned negotiartoDs on the Bay Island Ana Mosquito shore contentions,.and His siid there is every prospect that the modifications desired by, Honduras wjll bo at ouee conceded, in which these Will immediately eo into effect ‘ Lieat ColonelStsunion, R. E. f abd suff,appointed Bntish Qovernnjent'engineers io report oa the* Honduras railway,.are to’leare forlheirdeniua tiftii, via New Tork, ob the Ifith Inst: ‘ Samuel Bowles having sold his interest in the Boston TwtlUr, has - now resigned his posi- - tion-as editor- The explanation of this'change ■ lies m ihe different principles of newspaper eeon*-' fay the -respective parties. Mr. Bbwlee,' finding from thU.jcaase, and his own health, that, the expeetarioiis under whiehhe was induced to , take the ediiorthip df IPAt Tra-ttiler were not like- J Jy.Ao ]>e realised, hos^nailed on withdrawing, in justipe to himself/and ia order, that hia&asocinU* f might, without emDamssment, 1 conduct the paper after a policy, In which they havegrcat oonfldoiice, ’ but whick he pannot approve.- , .Henry of Geneva, JT. Y., the, lagt 'orviy ug brother .of thqiate Ednund Dwight, of this .Pity, and Jonathan 'and James Dwight, of 3pdagfW