MR. AMES'S SPEECH, ■
In the House of Representatives of thf United
States, Thtirfday, April 28. 1796.
I entertain the hope, perhaps a raft one, that
my rtrcngth will hold me out to, /peak a few mi
nutes.
In my judgment, a right decision will depend
more 011 the temper and manner in which we may
prevail upon ourfelvei to contemplate the fubjeft,
than upon the developement ps any profound poli
tical principle!, or any rsmark?bic (kill' in the ap
plication of them —If we could succeed to neu
tralize our inclinations, wc fhuuld find less difficul
fy than we hive to apprehend itj surmounting all our
obj fictions.
The fuggeftUo, a few days ago, that the house
man, efted fymptoias of heat and irritation, was
raide and retorted as if th? charge ougljt. tgj .preate
futprife, and would convey rcprciacb. Let us be
morejuft to oorfelvc*, and to the occasion. Let
us not affeift to deny the exiftenceand theintrufioß
of some portion of prejudice and feeling into the
debate, '-when from the very Itrudiure of our natnre
■we ought-to anticipate the circumftanee as a proba
bility, *nd when we are adnsonifted by the evidenee I
•«f cur ferifes that it ii a fadt:
How can we make profeffions for ourselves, and
offer exhortations to the house, that no influence
(honld be felt but that of doty, and no guide re
fpefted but that of the understanding, while the I
peal to rally every paflion of man ig continually I
tinging in our ears ! '- 'f I
Our understandings have been addrefled, it is
true, and with ability and effect ; but, 1 demand,
has any corner of the heart been left unexplored ?
It has been ransacked to find auxiliary arguments, I 1
and, when that.attempt failed, toawakenthe fenfi- ;
bilities that would require noue.—Every prejudice
and feeling has been fumntoned to lillen to 1
some .peculiar ftileof address ; and yet we seem to '
believ*, and to consider a doubt as an affront, that !
we are strangers to any influence but that of unbiaf- f
fed rcafon.
It would be ft range that a fubjeft which has rouf- 11
in turn all the paflions of t-he country (hould be!"
discussed without the., interference of any of our
own. We are men, and therefore not exempt J f
from thole paflions—as citizens and representatives, j,,
-we feel .he interelU that must excite them. The ha- u
zaid of great interests eannot fail to agitate strong p
paffioni -we are not disinterested—it is importable tl
we (hould be difpaflionate. The warmth of such
leeltngt may becloud thejudgme.it, and, for a tinse, b!
pervert the undemanding.—But the public fenf.bi- I!'
fctjr and our own, has Sharpened the spirit of enqui- j L
ry, and given .an animation to the debate. The «
public attention has been quickened to mark the ra
progress of the discussion, and its judgment, often I th
hasty and erroneous on Brft imp. effions, has become I P'
fohd and enlightened at last. Our result will, Ij w
bope, on that account, be the fafer and more ma- qt
ture, as well as more accordint with that of the
nation. The only constant agents in political as. fid
fair, are the paflion, of men. Shall we comphin it
of our nature—(hall we fay that man ought to have dr
been made otherwise. It is right already, because !?'
«e from whom we derive our nature, ordained It j F°
so—and because thus made and thus acting, the •'
«use of truA and the public good is the more Aire- fd
ly promoted. I
But an attempt has been ipade to produce an in- th
Buence of a nature ra«re ftubb«r«, and more unfriend- I
ly to troth. ft is very unfairly pretended that the P°
-conltitiitional right of this house is at stake, and to
be asserted and preserved only by a vote in the ne- !f r
gative. We hear it fa,d that this is a struggle for
bbeny, y resistance against the design to nul- wl
liiy this afletably, and to make it a cypher in the
government. That the Prudent.and Senate, the f °'
numerous meetings in our cities, and the influence
of the general aUrm of the country, are the agents Pr
and instruments of a fchemeof coercion and terror, ™ f '
to force the treaty down our throats, though we bri
loathe it and ,n fp„, 0 f the cleared conviaions of leg
duty and conscience. yc .
It is necessary to pause here and enquire, whe- c «"
ther fuggeliions of this kind be not unfair in'their oul
very texture and fabric, and pernicious in all their &
influences : They oppose an obstacle in the path of
enquiry, not f.mply difeouraging, bm absolutely in- h6,
formountable. They will not yield ,0 argument ; lut
for ~ they were not reasoned up, they cannot bc\>">t
reasoned down. They are higher than a Chinese he
IT, S&E' W^ir <1 l buik 0f that are
wdeftiuAible. While this remains, it is vain to W , h
argue ; it ~va,n to fay to this mountain, be thou £
ealt into the sea. For, I a flc of the t
!»J.k 11 , . e men of know- I nat
kdge of the world, whether they would not hold g"
him for a bWkhead that (hould hope to prevail in g"
an »rgu«ent whofefcope and object h i, to is r
l° r f ZJ IfC °/ ,he ex proselyte ?I f k
ask further, when foch attempts have been made f °-
have they not failed of success ? The indignani
heart repeb a conv.aion that is believed to debase
% T h J WF IOVC ° f a " '"divsdual i, not warmer in
Its lenle, aor more constant in its adion, than what ex P
» called in French, L'Efprit de Corps, or the felf luti
Wof an aflimbly ; that jealous affection which a wi |'
body of men .s always found to bear towards i- s in n
own prerogatives and power I »'II j "
th!. m // Tl * r ' ll not condemn refo
ff'* •, , * 'hou'd we urge an unmeaning moi
Sv -"'lit y '? gr J oUnd,efß feß '» that truth and bil "
duty will be abandoned, because men in a public as Th<
fembly are stilt mm, and feel that fpjtit of corns the
winch" one of the laws of .their natu.c ? StiJ less fl,Jr
fhotltd We despond or complain, if we reflect th
thrs very spirit is a guardian in(li„a that watches (I
over the life of this alTe»b»y. I, che ri.hes the 7t
of Wf Werrarion—ah3-- K a hotlt ;i# fj(
''.V*' ''? W " h al { ,hc ftre "gth we ad i u
f,l 1' e of the representatives
of the people, and mediately the liberty of the peo T'
pW, would not be guarded, a* they are, with a y\ tn
gilaiice that never flceos »i ~ 1 . " f enj
ttanry and fourage. * UnreUx,n « <•«>»-
thc"ot^Th^r nCe * m ° ft " nfair} T attributed ,0
We fcT, w T ,VC WCre not c^'m? rical, and ed a
aflcn the coiillitiitieiial po»,„ of JSjjg*
—- and whenever they fiiaii be in real danger, Ui«J»xfe»it.
0"c afion affords proof tliat thffif Wifl be no want ot"*ad
' ' vorates arid champions.
lited so prompt aretTiefe and -when oV&e
ro>fed, it difficJilt ta pacify, tlut-if-we ct;aM W»»e the
alarm was.gronndltfj, the prejudice agiinft the
that P' iatior.s yn. thf mindi and it may «ve»
mi- P sP r an ,® r " prudence anri duty to
sure which 1 was lately believed by ouffelves, afid may
hereafter be hv others, to encroach upon
' the powers of the bouse. f»rinciples'that beira temote
may affinity with usurpation on rhefepewers, will be , < iea
je£l, ed, not merely as errors, hut a? Wrongs. Otrffenlfci
joli ''lies will shrink from a post where it is poffihle tbey J
an. may be wourided, and be inflamed by the tiiglileft fuf-v]
irii- P''' o " °f an aflault. ... .. . 1
. While these prepolTtfiionj ' '
cu * useless ; it may be heard wtt
our tion, and lavilh its jown refo
wearies to no manner of pur
>use open, but the mind will rem
Wat pass to the understanding gu
rate U n ' e ' s 'herefose thisjwal»i.
be lhe rights of the house tirrlx
r . hearing.
I rannot press this topic too cannot addr*fi
ion myfetf witli too much emphasis to the magnanimity
the and candor of those who fit here, tt>j|yfpe<£l thejr.own
nre feelings, and, while they de, to examine the grounds
ba- their alarm. I repeat it, we must conquer ourper- 1
nee I that thistiody has an interefl id sue fide of the
j question more than the othef, before we attempt to I
surmount our objections. On most and so- ;
" j lemnoaes too, perhaps in the most solemn of all, we (
lc e I form our creed more from inclination than evidence
re- I Let me expofiulate with gentlemen to admit, if it !
:he I be only by way of fuppofitipn and for a moment, that
J]y lit is barely pomble they have yielded too fuddenfy to '
f I their alarms for the powers of this h#ufe—that the ad- !
j s I drefles which have been made with filch variety of firms f
I and with so great dexterity in some of rhem, to-all' f
, J 'bat is prejudice aad passion in the heart, are either the
■ ' I effeas or the instruments of artifice ir.d deception, and
t*, I then let them lee the fubjed once more in its finglenefe c
si- I and simplicity. 1
ice J I' w '" be impoflible, on taking a fair review of the '
to [ fut> je<?\, to the paflionate appeals thaf have been f
to I raade t0 us to ® ru gf?' e f» r ® ur liberties and rights, and n
I the solemn exhortations to rejed the proposition, find-"
lat to be cotjceale. in that on your table to farrender thetn
«- I forever. In spite of this mock felemnity,. I demand, ,
I if the houft will not concur in the measure to execute
if. j the treaty, What other course (hall we'take ? Howjaa- 0
be ] n >' ways of proceeding lie open before tu! »
]r I In the nature of things there are but three—wt are p
D , j either to make the treaty—to observe it—or.br«j)t it. t r
P It would be absurd to fay we will do neither. If I
'■ j may repeat a phrase already so much abused, wt are
»- under coercion to do one of them, aad wc have no f 1
g I power, by the eXercise of our discretion, to prevent
le I the confequenees of a choice. t'f
h B V refufing to ad, wechufe. The treaty wilf be;
t| I broken and must fall to the ground. Where is the fit- Vr
j nc,s 'ben of replying to those who urge upon the house f e
I tlie topics of duty and policy, that they attempt to
l ' /«;•« the treaty down, and to compel this assembly to .
e j renounce its discretion, and to degrade it felf to the
e I rank of a blind and passive inftrun.eht in the hands of a
n j the treaty-making power. In cafe we reje<£l the appro- I 1
c I priation, we do not fecure'any greater liberty of athon, an
I 1 we S a 'n no fafer Ihelter than before si ojn the oonfe- m
quences of the decision. Indeed they are not to be e- tu
' I vaded. It is neither just nor manly ta complain that tn
_ I the treaty-making power has produced this coercinn to
• j adt. It is not the art or the despotism of that power, * 1
1 jit is the nature of things that compels. Shall we,
e j dreading to become the blind instruments of power,
e j yield ourselves the blinder dupes of mere founds of inip W
t j posture ? Yet that word, that empty word, coercion\ no
has given scope to an eloquence, that, one would ima.- nr
■ i could " ot be tired, aad did not chufe to quiet-
I Let us examine still more in detail the alternatives 00
- that are before us, and we shall hardly fail to fee ia still
. I flronger lights the futility of our apprebeniions for the th
. I power and liberty of the house. , ej,.
> | If » aa some have suggested, the thing called aTrea
ty, is incomplete, if it has no binding force or obliga- A
I ' the js, will this house complete the
instrument, and by concurring, impart to it that force
• I which it wants. ens
:I ' The doflrine has been avowed, that the treaty, tk>' rc
formally ratified by the executive power of both na- tri
: U on ®' thlu gh publilhed as a Latv for our own by the" Tl
; Pr . ef,d cnt s proclamation, is still a mere propofit.on ftb- or
mitted to this assembly, no way difling.jif.uble in point n„.
Mof authority or obligation from a macion for leave to 'r
■ bring m.a bill, or any other original a£t of ordinary !
Megiflation. This dotflrine, so novel in our country, lfc *
yet so dear to many, precisely for the reason that in the ow
. contention for power, victory is always dear, is obvi- (hi
oufly repugnant to the very terms as well as the fair 'an<
interpretat'on of eur own refolutjons—( Mr. Blount's.)
' . l eC ! a - re \'/eaty-making power i, exclufire-
Iy vested in the President and Se.ate, and not in this b
house. Need I fay that we fly in the face of that refo- P ul
I lution when-we pretend that the arts of that power are
1 Z'- c We have 4<mcurp ed in them ?It would T"
be nonsense, or worse, to use the language of th'e most' tie,
I g aring contradnSion, and hra power Bri
which w. at the fame time disclaim as exclufivelylveft- t k,
ed m other departments. What can be more ftranee
than to tay, that the compa&s of the Pre C.lent and Se- P
nate with foreign nations are treaties, without onr w > a
gericy, and yet those compass want all power and ohji- t0 r
gation until they are fanftioned by our concurrence 'It as v
difcVZl /!!" in tkl 7 la u e, « if at 4 "' to into
discussion of this part of the fubjea. I wdl, at least fort
the present, take it for granted that this monftroiis
t'f u tlC n " d °/ rera4rk ' and if » does,
ii ou the reach of refutation.
Wh ° hWe the absurdity under ambi- trea
g usphrafes, have we no discretion ?—And ii we cn!
have, are we not to make use of it ia judging of tie righ
pediency or inexpeihency of the treaty ? Ourrtfo- Nev
witho f llms . t . hls and we cannot surrender ,t w ;,l
without equal inconfifteocy and brcach of duty. T
in m a t^ erC inr lnco * flftenc y in the cafe, it lies, not „
i
1 bargain*? E
ihe alient of the coiKradlinp nartif": ur„ n sv! >
.p
lay the gentlemen, a right to !
of treaties—that i ennft? v
difereticm. Be it fdT What £
adjudged by us to be inexpedic
and the pubbc faith is not hurt
"trava.ant a, it may seem, is „
of it, in plainer language, is th
Senate are to make national bart
'lo not bind thfshlufefa'"!, of Citable of th
do not bind the nation When a mil e r^*"® e( l u<:nre » trovt
ed a treaty i. •&« pose,
A P .*„Vr th" UP °"°" r opinion thatis S«o"d.
Ed bC know " and d «' a - Wife '
'fttsrai-it, iaijdpenfe, ,'tiU our
jfad- ' is afcfrta.ined. We condemn (he bargain,.and
it falls though, as we fay, our faith dots not.
re the e , a PP r . w ' e 3 bargain as expedient, and k. fcands
' _ M and binds the Hat inn. Yet, even in (liio lat- :
, <vea trrcafi?, its force is plainly not derived from the
ra ea,- ratification by th<f treaty-making pfiw.-r, but from
may our approbation. Who will tftfe thȣe inferences
upon aod. pretend that we have rip (hare, according Jo the
™°m ar B utneo, » ,n Ac treaty-making power ? These o
nfibi P ,nit,n, » rx;vgrthelcfs, have been advocated with in
tjjty fiaite Zealand perfevcreace. Is it poflible that any
t fuf-v mBB cap be Ijardy enough to avow them and their
' . . ridiculous confluences ?
T "* r."» V n r -—-if-the treaty is confider
i the alternative is fair
• ether, we will observe
::is in Sa£t is the leaked
i with good faith, our
■ :r is stipulated to be
, complied with. Our
1 reft agency, if it fliould be requfite, cannot be proper
ni'y ly refufed. And Ide not. fee why it is not as obli
lads 5 a,0, 7 a ru ' c of conduct for thalegiflative as for the
p er _ courts of law.
the I cannot lose this opportunity to remark, that
to the coercion, so much dreaded aqd declaimed again ft,
so- appears at length to be no more than the authority
** of principles, the despotism of duty. Gentlemen
. complain we are forced to a& in this way—we are
jj lt forced to swallow the treaty. It is very true, un
to less we claim the liberty of abuse, the ritjht to aft
ad- as weought not. There is but one right way open
■ms for us, the laws of morality and good fai.tli have,
a" fenced up'every other. What fort ®f liberty is that
which we presume to exercifeagainft the authority
iefs laws ? It is for tyrants to complain that
principles are restraints, and that they have no ii- |
the berty so long as their'defpotifm has limits. These 1
:en principles will be unfoldei by examining the re
nd maining question. i
tui SHALL W* BREAk THE TREATY ? s.\ I
The Treaty is bad, fatally bad, is the cry. It '
ite fcenfiees interest, (he honor, the independence 1
B . of the Unitited States, and the faith of our engage 1
! *ie<it» to'Wfiice. If we Hfteri to" the clamor of '
rt partjrintemperance, the evils are of a number not j
it. to be cannted, and of a feature not to be borne, even <
I in idea. Thclanguage of paflion and exaggeration 1
no I'lence that of fobef reason in other places, it 1
- t has tiot done it here. The question here is, whet
ther the treaty be really so very fatafas t# oblige c
be- the nation to break its faith. I admit that such a t
if- treaty ought not to he executed. I admit that t
ie felf prefervatioti is the firft law of society, as well as 0
to of individuals. It would perhaps be deemed an a- si
bufe of terms to call that a tieaty, which violates such »
p( a principle; I wave also, for the present, any en- ' -|
0 . quiry what departments (hall 'represent the nation, it
a," and annul the itipulations of a Treaty. I content "
e- myfelf with puifuing the enquiry, whether the na- a
e- ture of this cbmpaft be such as to juftify our rcfufal
" to carry it into effedl. A treaty is thepromifeof
' a nation. Now, prwnifes da not always bind him ©
, that makes ihem. o
r, But 1 lay down two rules which ought t® guide ©
i- as in this cafe. Thelreaty mu(t appear to be bad w
A riot tr-rely in the petty details, but in its character cl
J - print v." and mass. Anrfin rite Rest place, this t(
ought to Bf alperlainedby the JcVlSia ana" general "CI
, s Concurrence of the enlightened public. I cpnfefs d
if thert seems to me fomethihg very like ridicule ti
ie- thrown Over the debate by the difcuflian of the arti- g
r. ejes in detail. ' |«
i- Tlie undecided point is, (hall we break our faith ?oi
And while our country, aud enlightened Europe, Ci
® await the issue with more than curiosity, we are
employed to gather pieaemeal and article by article tl
from the inftmmenit, a juftification for the deed by m
.. trivial calculations of commercial profit and loss. is
f This is little worthy of the fubjeft, of this body, ll
- .of of the nation. If the treaty is bai?, it will ap- th
P cai ' t£ > be so in its mass. Evil to a fatal extreme, ft*
rif that be its tendency, requires no proof—it b- i igs w
f it- ' Extremes, speak for and make their w
2 own law. WW if the diredl voyage of American re
.fliips to Jamaica with hoifes or lumber might net an
r one or two per c«nt. more than the present, trade nc
) to Sui inam, would the proof of the tact avail any ca
j thing in so grave a question as the violation of the or
public engagements ? b,.
: is t0 - alledge that our faith plighted to
[ f ranee is violated by this new treaty. Our prior pr
I ekprefcly saved from the operation o( the tit
• British lieaty. And. what do fhofe mean who fay th
V ifwat-owr honor I was forfeited by treating at all, and Bi
; especially by such a treaty ? Juftricc, the laws and an
practice of nations, ajuft tegard for peace as a duty vo
. to mankind, and the known wishes of our citizens, re(
as well as that felf refpeft which required it of the urj
nation toad with dignity and moderation, allthefc a c
forbid an appeal to armi before we had tried the wi
effect of negocia ion. The honor of the United to
States was saved not forfeited by treating. The th<
treaty itfelfby its (lipulations for the poll., for in- enc
dcmuity, atid for a due observation of our neutral eft'
nghts, has jnftly raised the ch.rafter of the nation, tha
JVever didthe name of America appear in Europe Th
with more luftrc than upon the event of ratifying by
this inftrumcßt. The fad is of a nat ure to overcome By
all contradiction. ar^
But the'independence of tin country—we are colonills no
1 his is the cry of the very men who tell us yot
that trance will referit our exercise of the rights of hor
independent nation to adjust our wrongs with an
aggrelTor, without giving her the opportunity to mo
•lay those wrongs (hall subsist and (hall not be adjust- not
ed. 1 his 19 in aHm;,„i,l« specimen of the spirit of mat
*eaty with Great-Britain, it it ii
mfe»orable to this strange tha'
g Vhi,
reputation for sense, amon e . 1
-ty is bad, will put that repii. '' c ''
J as to pretend that it is so U:i . n
-f f . „ ■ 'y~. 7" •" ""frant and require a violation 2 alr
, ri / U ! C ' . proper ground of the con- 3 £
troverfy therefore, is really unoccupied by the op- dlfft
Pofcrs of the treaty ; as the very hinge of the de- ' ri "
«»te 18 on the point not of its being good or other- i,olc
• but . w f h , etl ' er 11 » i^ to 'crably and fatally per I
„ 3 ' „ j°[ c 'Rnorant declaimers have any infir
«■ a rted the Itltu idea, it is :aoextrßV!<gs: '*
our and too folidljr refuted, to be v repcated here. In.
and stead of any attempt to expose it still further, I wit]
not. fay, and I appeal with confidence to the candor of
inds <nany oppofers of the treaty to acknowledge, that
Ist- if it had been permitted to go into operation fileut
the 'p. like our other treaties, so little alteration of any
rom &rt would be made by it in the great mats of our
ices commercial and agricultural coucerns, that it would
the not be generally discovered by its effects to be i 0
o- f.vce, during the term for which it was contra&ed.
in- 1 place considerable reliance on the weight men of
any candor will give to this remark, 5 because I believe
ieir to be true, and little (hort of undeniable. When
(the panic dread of the treaty (hall cease.as it eer
ier- tainly mull, it will he feey through another medium,
air- Those who (hall make fearcb into the attieles fur
rve ihe cause of their alarms will be -so far from finding
ted filiations that will operate fatally, they will <Jif.
• , cover few of them »hat wiHhave any lafW:opei-».
3ur lion at all. Those winch relate to the difputeg
be between the two countries,. wiil spend force
hir upon the fubjedls in dispute, and them,
er- The commercial articles are more of a natureto con!
jli- hrm the existing Rate of things, thaw to change it.
;he Ihe treaty alarm was. purely an ad.lrefa to the ima
gination and prejudices of the citizens, and not on
iat that account the less formidable. Obje&ions that
ift, proceed upon error in fadt or calculation, may be
ity traced and exposed. But such as are drawn from
en the imagination, or addrcfled to it, elude definition
ire and return t® domineer over the mind, after having
n- been banished from it by truth.
id I will »oc so far abuse the momentary strength
en 'hat is lent to. me by the zeal of the occation, as to
ve enlarge upon the commercial operation of the
,at treaty. .
ty I proceed to the second proportion which I have
at stated as indifpenAbly requisite to a 'refufal -of the
li. performance of , a treaty. Will the date of public
•fe opiniop juftify the deed ?
e- No government, not even a despotism, will
its faith without some pi^text—and it mull he plau
sible—it must be such as will carry the public opin.
It i»n along with it. Reafor.s of poliey, if not of mp
rality, difluade evan Tutksy sr.d' Algirrs f r „ m
C breaches of treaty in mere waritoriNels of pcifldim" "
of in open cbri't'empt of the reproaches of their lub
jt jedts. Surely, a popular government will not y>ro
•n cecd more arbitrarily ae it is more free, < not with *
,n less Ihdme or feruple in proportion as it has better
it moials. It will not proceed again ft the faith of
5 treaties,at all, unlcfs the strong aiid decided sense
e ofthe'nation (hall pronounce, hot fimplv that the
a treaty is not advvntageous, but that ii ought 10 be
it broken and annulled. Such a plain m.yiifeftati 01 ,
is of the sense of the citizens is indiipeitlibly requisite,
i- firfl, because if the popular apprchenfions be not
h an infallible criterion of the disadvantages of the
i- instrument, their arqwiefcrfnce in the operation of
~ it is an irrefragable proof that the extreme ease does
t not exist which aione could jutl.fy our fetting'ii
aside. b
,1 In the next place, tljis approving opinion of the
f citizens is requisite as the belt preventive of the ill
n consequences of a measure al ways so delicate, and
often fi> hazardous. Individuals would, in that
e cafe at least, attempt to repel the oppiobnum that
i would be thrown upon Congrefsby'thofe who will
r charge it with perfidy. They would give weight
s to tllg 'elUmony-of facts, and the authority of pfii*
r clpletJ, on which the government would reft its wa
il dlcatioti. And if war (hould ensue upon the viola
■ Hon, our citizens would not be dividso from their
- government, nor tile ardour of the'ir courage chil.
'Ed by the confeiotiftiefs of ir.judice, and the sense
? of humiliation, that sense which makes those defpi
, cable who know they are difpifrd.
i I add a third reason, and with me it has a force
; tiiat no words of mihecan augment, thata govcrr
, ment wantonly refi.Gng to fulfill its engagements,
. is the corrupter of its citizens Will the laws con
, ti»ue t® prevail in the hearts of the people, wheu -
. the reiped that gives them efficacy is withdrawn
, ftom the legislators ? Hew lhall we punish vicc
i while we practice it ? Wc have not force, and vain
will he our reliance when we have.forfeited the
I resources of opinion. To weaken government,
and to corrupt morals are effe&s oYa breach of faith
not to be prevented—and from eflfc&g they become
caufts, producing with augmented activity,more dif
prder and more cori option—order tvill be difitpr*
bed and the life of the public liberty (hortened.
, And who, I would enquire, is hardy enough ta
pretend that the public voice demands the viola
tion treaty? The-evidence of the feirfe of
'he great mass of the nation is often equivocal.—*
But when was it ever manifefted with moie energy
and p ecifion than at the prelent moment ? The
voice i>fthe people is railed againlt the meafnre of
refufing the appropriations. If gentlemen (hould
ur ft e » nevertheless", that all this found of alarm is
a counterfeit expression of the sense of the public, I- "
will proceed to other proofc. Is the tiea'ty ruiiou*
to our commerce? What has blinded the eyes of
the merchants and traders? Surely they arc not
enemies to trade, nor ignorant of their own inter
ests. Their sense is not so liable to be miftaketi as
that of a nation, and they aie almoll uiia«imeUß.-r<
1 he articles stipulating the redress of eHit iojtiries
by captures on the fcaar-e said to. be deluhve.—
By whom is this fiid ? the very men whose
are flaked upon the competency of that redress fay
nofuch thing. Ti eywait with aniious fear left"
you (hould nnnul that compa£t on which all their
hopes are relied.
Thus we offer preof, little short of abfoltite d«-
monltration, that the voice of our ceuntry is raised
not to fanflion, but to deprecate, the nonper'or- '
mance of our engagements. It is not the nation,
[i t is one, ajid. but on£v bfanch «f the govern-next q>-.
thai proposes to reject them. With tliis alpeft of
things, to rejedt isan aA of desperation.
1 (hall fee aflted why a treaty so gqod ia lome ar
ticles, and ,so harmless jir others, has met with such
unrelenting opposition ? And how the clamours a
gainst ft fiom New Hatnpfhire to Georgia can be
accounted for ? The apprehenlibns so extensively
diffufed, on its firll publi atiou, will be youched as
proof that the treaty is bad, and that the people
hold it in abhorrence.
I am not embarrassed to find the answer to this
infimjatiun. Certainly a forefight of its uerniioUS
OjiCniUtri Ci, -i . ■