HtlY AMK (UCAN PtJBL KATIONS. FOR SALE, it Franklin's Head,*Chefnuc-ftrec/, three door's below SecoHd-ftreet, by j. ORMROD, I. Gerl.Waftiiugton's Official-Letters, i volsi i dolls. I. liurgh's dignity of human nature, I del. 75 cents j. Letters on the nature and origin of Evil, Ujr Suarae Jeiiyns, 62 i;i cents 4. 3eauties.of Sierne, 62 1-2 cents j. i\4clmoth on thelubli;ne of Scripture, jd cerits 6. Paitcii'i answer t» Paine's Age of Reason, 50 cts j. Young Men's Guide, 50 cents 8. Hayley's Trimnphs ot Temper, embcllifhed with elegant engravings, 1 dollar 9. Hleafiires of the Imigmation; 50 cents 10. Plealures of Memory, with plates, 1 doilar >ti Edwards on Redemption,- 1 dollars I*. Romance of the Fortft, 1 dollar 1 13. Mylteries nf Udolpho, 3 vols. 1 dolls. 50 cents 14- Travels of Cyru., §7 1-2 cents 15. Man of th? World, 87 1-2 cents 16- Watts on ihs Mind, i.dol. 15-100 cents 17. Life of Cel. Gardener, 67 1-2 cents' 18. Ooldfmith's Eifays 19- Hotxltr's Iliad, translated by Pope, 1 dollar 20. Bouk of Gammon Prayer, 67 i-a cents *1. Drown on the natural equality of Men, 62 1-1 cts' 22. Life of the btnevj.)len( Howard, 75 cents Lucian's Dialogues in Greek, one dollar Trials of the Human Heart, 1 vols, z dull.ll s *5 M'E wen on the Types, 67 1-2 cents *6. Lifeot\pod in the So'jlof Man, 5o cents : £j" j- ORMROn has iuft received an elegant collec tion of Book? from London. Nov. 2. James Fiilin, WHOLESALE 13 RETAIL HATTZR, No. 70, foiith Second ftreec, near the; City Tavern, HAS iuft received by the late arrivals from Londom aijKt B'riftol, a large and elegant aflortm«*t oi Ladies and Gentlemcns inftiionabie HAi S.—Alfo, i variety of Children's HATS of different colours, which will be lold on the lowed terms for cash. N. B. Ladiet Hats tfutTcl in the Re weft fafhion from London, OA. 12. § Mr. Walter Robertfon BEGS lcav. to acquaint the Gentlemen, fubferibws to the prf»« Portrait of George Wafhirigton, Prefidant of the Uuiled States of America, engraved by Mr. Field, frdm aii o'figin'.tl pi&ure tainted by W. RflbrrtiVm, that the Proof* arc ready for Sklivery to the several fubfenb ers at John James Barralot's, No. 19 north Ninth-flreet; «r at J. Ormrod's, bookfdler, No. 41, Chefnut-iireot, where the fubferibert are requested to fend th«ic address. o»* r ±_ ej Canal Lottery Tickets k FOR SAL At No. 153, Chefnut Street. • tl , /*A;w..Sept.. 17. . $ is A 1 icket Lolt. A Ticket in tfvc Waibingten Lottery, No. 2—number cd 7999— was loft ioir.e time ago. Whoever has a ' found the fame, is rcijiteftcd tr bring it to the Printsr tl hereof. It can be of no use to any .person but ene Pre- as the number has brch checked with rhe agent ( j Wiie Lottery in Philadelphia, Oil 2 j *eod/tt. FiyE Dollars Rewarjx tc LOST on Wednesday, Ocfolier 28th, a BOND ft; given by Thomas Ruftin to Thomas Allen, axt k; ifligned over to Eliubeth Arniftrong, fcrthc Sum of Two Hundred l*OHn;ls, at three yrars bearing Interact ; one y;ar of tfhich expired in tilt present Month, Oc- ' V ' tober. The above Reward w i'i be given to any per- P : son brmsrin? Ibtd Hond to Thomas Carpenter, No. 3, ' r Soutii Froai-wWCiiv it Can be ot no ltryice but jto. W the own«. * * jt . I w FROM THM A.IVUS iVf THE DEFENCE—No. XXI, SINCE the clofrng of rny number* I hive lls - accidentally turned to apaffage of Vatcl, which is pertinent to the immediate fubjeft of that paper, that ' cannot refrain from interrupting the progress of the discussion to fkvte it; it is in these wards, (b. 3, ch. 4, fedt. 63) " The sovereign, declaring rts war, can neither detain those fubjedts of the enemy wlio are within his dominions at the time of the de claration, nor their effedts. They ca jie into his country on the public faiths By permitting them to enter hit territories and continue there, he tacit ly promised them liberty, and feeuruy for their re turn." This pafTage contains explicitly, the prin ciple ivhiah is the general basis of my argument, namely,- that the permission to a foreigner to come with hwieiFedV* iuto, and acquire others within, our country, in time of peace, virtually pledgts the public faith for the security of his perfoti asd pro perty in the event of war. How xanthis be recon ciled with the natural* right (controuled only by > the cultomary law of nations) which this Writer ad mits, to confifcate the debts due by the fubjedts or a Itate to its enemies ? I aft: once more, can there be a natural right to do thai whick includes a violation of faith ?. :c- It is plain to a demonftratio*, that'the rule laid down in this passage, which is so jult and perspicu ous as to speak convtdtion to the heart and under itanding, unites the natural with the cultomary law ut nations, in a condemnation of the pretention to conhfiatc or fequeftei" the private property of our s enemy foUnd in o'ar country at the breaking out of 0 f a war. M Let us now proceed to examine the policy and expediency of fuck a pretention. In this iiiveftigation, I shall aflume, as a bafisof - argument, the following position : That it is advantageous to nations t» have com to mcrce -with each other. ( Commerce, it is manifelt, like any other objedt ut of enterprise or indurtry, will prolper in proportion b- a » it is iecure. Its i'ecurity, consequently, promo t! ting its prosperity, extends its advantages. Secu rity is indeed cffential to its having a due and regular ls ' course. * - The pretention of a right to confifcate or seques ter the effedts of foreign merchants, iu the cafe in queftiun, is, in its principle, fatal to that necessary £ fecarity. Its free ■rxercife would destroy external f * commerce; or, which is nearly the fame thing, re h duce it within the cotitradtcd' limits of a game of hazard, where the chance of large profits, accora - panied with the great rilks, would tempt alon* the u adventurous and the desperate. Those enterprises, " which, from circuitous or long voyages, slowness of sales, incident to the nature of certain commo 's dities, the neceflity of crcdit, or from other caafes, demand canfiderable time for their completion, mull be renounced. Credit, indeed, mult be banished Irom all the operations of foreign commerco j an engine, the importance of which to its vigorous and fucsefsful prosecution will be doubted by none ' '> who will be guided by experience or observation. It cannot need amplification to elucidate the truth ; pi the the general coarse would always Involve an aft of 0 ' treachery and cruelty, w • In the second place, the possibility of the occafi- Vl onal cxercile of such a right, if conceived to exist, would be at least a flow poifen, conducing to a lick- Ply 'ly habit of commerce : and, in a series of time, would be produftivc of much more evil than could be counter-balanced by any good which it might be ™ possible t» obtain in the contemplated emergency, c( by the ttfe of the ' tr Let experience decide—Examples of eonfifcation 0 and sequestration have been given—'When did the C! dread of them prevent a war ? when did it cripplc w an enemy, so as to disable him fiom exertion, or • force him into a fuhmiffion to the views of his ad versary ? When did it even sensibly conspire to cc either of these ends > If it hjs ever had any such gi effed the evidence of it has not come within my <*1 knowledge. It is true, that, between Great-Britain and re the United States, the expectation of such effe&s pc is better warranted than perhaps in any other cases pi that have existed, because we commonly owe a larger te debt to that country than is usual between nation*, to , and there is a relative state of things, which tends ci to a eontinuation of this tituation. w But how has the matter operated hitherto ? In fe the late war be'ween the two countries, certain m - states confiscated the debts due from their citizens to British creditors, and these creditors afttially 'be ' fuffered great losses. The Britilh-cabinet mtift have th known, that it was possible the fame thing might in, happen 111 another war, and on a more general scale; bii yet the appearances were extrtmelv Itrorig, at a' ve particular jundure, that it was, their plan, either 'h from ill will, from the belief that popular opinio* be would ultimately drag our government into the all war, from the Jtiion of these two, or fr»» ether S eaufaa, to force u» into hoftilitiei with them. ■ Hence it aupfcars, that the apprehension of acts of conrifcatiou, or fequeltration, was not ftiflicient to deter from hoitile vieWk, or t» ensure pacific difpo ve fitions. ; s It may be pretended, that the menace of this mreafure had a reftrainiug rnfluencs on the fubfe s' queut conduit of Great Britain. But if we as- j s cribe nothing to the mealures which our govern \ merjt a&ually pursued, under the pressure of the provocations received, we at least find, in the course "J of European events, a better folutiofi of a change of policy in the cabinet of Great Britain, than , m from the dread of a legislative piracy on the debts j t _ due to their merchants. t The truth nnfortunately is, that the paflions of n _ men ftifle convittiou, that nations the moil at ten lt tive to pecuniary considerations easily (urfender ne them to ambition, tojealoufy, to anger, or to re ur ven « e ' j ie For the fame reason, the actual experiment of 1 0 _ an exereife of the pretended right, by way of re prilal for'an injury complained of, would common ly be as inefficacious, as the menace of it, to arrest 1 general holtilities. Vride. is r»ufed; lefentment c^ s kindled ; and where there is even no previons dif- 1 til P 0^101110 thole holtilities, the probability is, that 4 they fellow. Nations, like individuals, ill brook 1 tht idea of recuding from their pretentions under < U the rod, or of admitting the justice of an a£t of re u_ taliation or reprisal, by submitting to it. Thus , _ r _ we learn from the king of Prnlfia himfelf, that the \ l(v sequestration ef the Silelia dibt, iuftead of procur- ( to '"8 re ft° rat ' on f° r which it was deligned, was , ur oa the point .of occasioning an open rupture be» j Q f tween him and Gredt Britain, when the fupcrven- , tion of a quarrel with France diverted the storm, by j I( j rendering him neceflary as an' ally. , Perhaps it may be imagined, that the practice of , 0 f eonfifcation or sequestration would be more effica- , cious to wound and disable Great Britain, in cafe , a- of war, than to prevent it. But this also is a vain . chimera! A nation, that can at pleasure raise by . loan, twenty millions sterling, would be in little , jn danger of being disconcerted or enfeibled in ker ] military enterpriaes, by the taking away <»r arrest- t u . '»g of three or four millions due to her merchants. c ar Did it produce distress and disorder among those [ whom it afleifted, and their connexions? If that , f. disorder was fufficient to threaten a general derange- t j n ment of mercantile credit, and with it of the pub- c .y lie finances, the pending war affords an example, c a j that the public purse or credit could be brought r t . fuccefsfully into aiitios for the support of the fuf- e ferers. Three or four millions of exchequer bills f a _ applied in loans, would be likely to fuffice'to pre- ] lc vent the partial evil from growing into a national c s , "lamity. f But we forget, that as as the interruption of ¥ the payment of the debts due to her merchants a s could be supposed to operate upon Great Britain, ( war itfelf would essentially answer the purposes of t j eonfifcation or sequestration—by interrupting trade tl n and intercom fe, it is in fadt, in a great degree, a v ]s virtual sequestration. Remittances to any extent le become impradticable. Theie are few ways in v which, on account of the state of war, it is lawful „ k to make them: and debtors are {ot the molt part a o enough disposed to embrace pretexts of procrafti- v ) nation. The inconvenience of defered payment would ri !_ ' therefore be felt by Great Britain, with little miti gation, from the bare exiltence of war ; without n tffe neceflity of oar government incuring the dif- ,] |t credit and responsibility of a special interference. n ( Indeed, as far as dread of eventual loss oan ope g I rate, it in a great measure to have its effects s exclusive of the idea of confifcation. Great Britain mult want reflexion not to be sensible, that in ma- j king war *pon us, she makes war upon ker own t | ' merchants; by the depredations upon our trade de- 0 J firoying thoft resources from which they are to be 0 paid. If (he be indifferent to this consideration, it e \ will be because she is governed ky some jnotive or passion powerful enough to dispose her to run the -j rifle of the entire loss—in the reliance of obtaining .j . indemnification, by the acquititions of war, or in T( * the terms of peace. r Will it be said thai the seizure of the debts would OJ put in the hands of our government a valuable re- j- source for carrying on th? war ? this upon trial G| . would prove as fallacious as all the reft. Various f (] r inducements would prevent debtors from paying in- ot 1 to the treasury. Some would decline it from con ( fcientious scruples, from a doubt of the redtitude [ 0 p of the thing—others with intenl to make a merit Ql with their creditors of the concealment, and to fa- ra vour their «wn future credit and advantage—others ; n from a detirc to retain the money in their own em- y ployment, and a great number from the apprehen- tu fion that the treaty of peace might revive their re sponsibility to the creditors, with the embarrass- pr , ment to themselves of getting back, as well as thty a could, the monies which they had paid into the treasury. Of this, our last treaty of peace, in the mi opinion of able judges, gave aa example. These t j c causes and others, which, do not as readily occur, ta w«uld oppose great obitaeles to the execution of „ 0 the measure. But severe laws irifli&ing heavy penalties might ha compel it—Experience does not warrant a fan- of guine reliance upon this expedient, inacafe in which wa great opportunity of concealment is united with am strong motives of inclination 01 intereft—lt would 'Hi require an inq'uifition, jnftly intolerable to a free fm people—penalties, which would confound the due ma proportion between crime and punilhment, to de- tio ted), or to deter from concealment and evation, and en< to rxecute the law—Probably no means less effica- ha' cious t.han a revolutionary tribunal and a guillotine ma would go near to answer the end.—There are but tre few, I trull, to whom these would be wejeome pie means. . gn< We may conclude, therefore, that the law would eve be evaded tu an extent, v/hich would dilappoint cat the expectations from it as a resource, S<(me mo< eve nies w) doubt, would be collected ; but the proba- unc bihty is, that the amount would be irifignlffcant e- enj ven in the scale of n thig:-.' campaign.—But, should ' the collection prove as cofi.pletc, as it ordinarily is, q llc between debtor and creditor, it would little, if at cat all, exceed-the expence of one campaign. 0 f" j Hence -ve pcteive, that iihg »he — cither as a mean of difebling , of the impartial part of mankind, fullying-the glo :ht ry, and biafling the reputation of the party which disregards them, this corfideration has in general llls force fufficießt to induce an e>bfervancjs of them. lc j But the confifcation or ftqmftiafrpJi $(private debts or private property in public funds, now generally regarded as an odious aTld a warrantable measure, ot would, as between us and Great Bruaip, contain ltS a poignant sting. Its eftVa to exafpeiate in 'art ln > extreme degree, beth the nation and government if that countiy, cannot be doubled. A difpolition ' L to retaliate, is a natural, noniequerice ; and it a would not be difficult for us to be made to fuffer " f beyond any poflible degree of advantage to be deri ved from the occafioii of the retaliation.- It were ul much wiier t'o leave the property of Britifo iubjefts I'! 1 811 untouched pledge forthe moderation of its gc* vernment, in the mode of prosecuting tl t war. Besides (as if requisite rtiight be proved from the records of hillory) in national controversies, ft is of u " real impoYtance to conciliate the good opinion of mankind ; and it is even ufeful to preserve or gain "" that of our enemy. The latter facilitates accom modation and peace ; the former attracts good of- sices, friendly interventions, sometimes dire£t fuprf ; . ts port from others—The exemplary conduct, general, of our country in our contest for iVdcpen- I dence, was probably not a little serviceable to us in this way ; it lecured, to the intrinsic goodness of. e " our cause, every collateral advantage, and gave it a popularity among nations unalloyed and dinitnpair -1( ed, which even liole into the cabinets of Princes. Jr A contrary policy tends to contrary consequences. lc 1 hough nations, in the main, are governed by what [S they suppose their interft, he must be imperfectly 18 rerfed in human nature, who thinks it indifferent whether the maxims of a Hate tend to excite kind or unkind dispositions in others, or who does not e j know that these dispositions may insensibly mould al or bias the views of felf-intereft.—This were to " suppose that rulers only reason; d« not feel; in 1_ other words, are not men. 1_ Moreover the measures of war ought ever to k look forward to peace. The confifcation of fe- II queftration of the private property of an enemy, rauft always be a point of fetious discussion when interelt or neceflity leads to negociations for peace. l " Unless when absolutely prostrate by the war, resti tution is likely to coaftitute an ultimatum of the ■" fuffering party. It mutt be agreed to, or the war protracted, and at last it is probable it must flill be Y agreed to. Should a refufal of restitution prolong e the war for only O Re year, the chance is, that more will be loft than was gained by the confifca tion. Should it be neceflary finally to make it, as ' ter prolonging the war, the disadvantage will pre ponderate in a ratio to the prolongation. Should it be, in the firft instance, aflented to, what will t have been gained ? The temporary use oFa fund of inconliderable moment in the general ifTue of the i war, at the expence of justice, character, credit, 1 and perhaps of having sharpened the evils of war. i -How infinitely preferable to have drawnsan equal : fund from our own resources, which with good ; management is always practicable f—Jf Jf reftitu • tion includes damages, on account of the interfer ! ence for the failures of individuals,.the loan would - have been the moil costly that could have bees made. It has been elsewhere obfetved, that our treaty of peace with Great Britain gircs an exam : pie of restitution. The late one between Franpe and Pmffia gives another. This must become 4 every day more and more a mutter of course, be- - cause the immunity of mercantile debts becomes every day more important to tiade, better tinderiiuod to and more clearly cor.fidered at enjoined by of the law of nations. Thus we that in refnence to the finiple queftioa of war and peace, the tneafure of cc: sf cation or i-queftration is marked with every feature ot impolicy. c bcivJje ic«n that tkc pritcnfion of r