Philadelphia,- Jugtiji 13.
Philadelphia, 13th Augull, 1795.
Mn. Fenso,
MUCH has been said as to the part Mr. Tho
mas "PiNCKH-EYi the Minister from the United
States resident with the court of London* hftd in
the negotiations which ended in the Treaty of A
mity, Comnrterce and Navigation with that court,
lately ratified hy a conflittitional majority of the
Son ate oi the United States; and the author of a
paragraph i:i the Aurora of Tuelday undertakes to
("iy tfiat tlie reports of Mr. Pinckney'shaving- ap
proved oftheTreaty Were calumnious to Mr. PinL'k.
5U")' and fiiHe,
rhe tiiclofetl exfwhich are fcnt lo you for
p'.iViK'ai ion, will it'cvv' to inform tHe piihliv.* oii tins
point, and will'(hew the-author of the paragraph
in the Aurora that he is miltaken.
I do not fuppoie that any person of common
sense or t'ue I'malleft informalion, will consider a
gr„jj ui ba<! because t ade or approved by
t!» : s or that mtnifter. The Inllrument (hould cer
tainly be weighed and judged of by its own intrin
sic merits or dfefefts. Nor do 1 believe that any
Senator who voted for the Treaty did so in blind
compliance with, the opinion of any other man,
■however resectable the author of that opinion
blight be.
The integrity anct true patriotism of Mr- Pinsk
ney are above all suspicion. His great abilities, his
thorough acquaintance with and his anxieus atten
tion tothe interests of Amenca will never be doubt
ed by those who know him. What then will the
oppoferS of the treaty fay when they read the fen
tim'ents of a miriifter whom they profefs to admire,
who was on the spot; futty-acquainted,with the real
fltnation of affairs, and the difficulties Mr". Jay had
to encounter in the negotiation, and whose letter
to the Secretary of State shews in the most plain
and unequivocal terms the dreadful alternative A
y. Aft, tin United States irtuCc to have encountered.
CAROLINIENSIS.
Lxtrufi of a Letter from Mr. fat to the Sf.cre-
rsixr 0/ Stats, dated Letulon, igtb Ntvembtr,
1 7 94'
" I OUGHT not to omit mentioning the ac
knowledgements due from me to Mr. PincKney,
with whom 1 have every reason to be fatisfied, and
from whole advice and opinions I have derived light
and advantage in the course of the negotiation. His
approbation of the treaty jives me pleasure, not
merely becanfe his opinion corresponds with my own
but also frem the festiments I entertain of his judg
ment and camdor.
" My own opinion of the Treaty is apparent
from my having signed it j—.l have no reason to be-
Leve or conjc&ure, that ouu more favorable to uiis
attainable."
Extract of a Letter from Thomas fi'ubiey, M'nuftcr
Pkntpo.'tniiarrf fa the Secretary 'of State, dated Lon
d.if, tbib November, 1794.-
" Mr. Jay communicated freely with me -on
this fubjfea during the course of the negotiation,
and 1 have witnefied the great difficulties which have
occurred in adjuring, ftveral of the articles. Al
though fjme points (flight have been arranged more
beneficially for us if the Treaty had been dilated
entirely by the United States, yet when it is consi
dered as a corrpofiriori of differences, where mutu
al complaints had rendered mutual concelfions rie
cefary to eftabli/h a goad underjfanding, I think it
may fairly be said that as little has been conceded
by Mr. Jay, and as much obtained for the United
States, as, all cireumftances conlidered, could be
expe&ed : the business, upon the whole, has been
concluded nxpie beneficially.for us than I had any
hope we couid obtain by negotiation fix months a
go, and, in my opinion; places us in a more ad
vahtageoHs situation than we should have been by
becoming parties to the war."
Fr if holder No. i To-morrow.
Fir the 'GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
THOSE who will attentively read a number of
yagers published in the Daily Advettifer, under
the tide of ".Features of Jay's Treaty," will dis
cover in them the feehle arts of quibble and preva
i irtUioßj- exerted to confufc and pervert a fubjedt of
importance, of which .the writer himfelf appears to
hatfe a Superficial knowledge ; and the weak
attempt ljugbt p.afs unnoticed, if, in his Bth and
last number, he hat! ho{ boldly afTerted Some things
untrue, that may injure our national character a
broad. It) this number he has been falfe and daiin<r
enough to repre'fent " The great Rod of American
people," ( 1 use his own words) as " rifmg in mass
to condemn" the treaty. If there ever was a wtl
fu'l mifreprefentatibn ; if there ever was a defama
tion "of the American chafa&er, this is one, To
unjnft and Wanton, that I arr. confident he is a fo
reigner, and insensible of the virtuous feelings of an
American, for the reputation o£ this country
What ! are the sober citizens of the United States
become at once so fickle, as to violate that Conlti
tution, which they glory in, and are happy under ;
and so ungrateful as suddenly, without cause, to
admit a foul suspicion of the virtue and gpodfenfe
of men who had served thetn faithfully for many
years; men who had put their lives and properties
at Make, through the ordeal of an unequal war, to
defend the liberties of the country ; and men who
have been elected by the free Suffrages of their fel
-ow-citizens to the mod eminent Rations of the com
monwealth No ! I cannot believe either. These
men have flill otir fulled confidence: and ive are
hot, ignorant—you know, Mr. Anonymous—for,
if] am-not much mi'taken, you a£ted a diftin-tiifh
ed part at the Philadelphia Town-Meeting : you
know, that this kifid of afTemblies are tleithev the
great body of the nor in any sense of words,
their representatives. Although Ido not fufpeft
that you have candorenough to confefs it, you ne
vertheless knpw, that a few bold and intemperate
fnen, who undertake to speak, decide and resolve,
for all that were present in the State-House Yard,
iuppofed to be about 1500, were very ignorant of
the Sentiments even of that body. I low arroga 1
and disingenuous is it then in you, to attempt to
palm an"the world tht tafh resolves of a few men,
taken amidst eonfufion and tumult, for an adt of
the Tree citizens of Pendfylvania ; when, far onght
that appears to \he contrary, ninety-nine out.of a
hundred condemn ths whole proceeding. And
there is every reason to suppose that the sense of
the inhabitants of all the ether ftatts, which have
had any of these tumultuous gatherings, have been
colledfed and communicated to the public in the
fame uncandid manner. A few mer. in some capi
tal towns,- unqualified and unalked, meet and form
resolves ; and then attempt to pass them off, a? the
sense of the American nation ; and on a bufinei's
which demands an universal, ferrous and mature
reflexion. 1 have read of the usurpation of ty
rants, and they had the ; r pleas of prcfcription and
pajver ; but this is the usurpation of demagogues,
who, in a representative republic, like that of the
United States, have ho plea at all : nor can they
have any object, except it be to deflroy the consti
tution by the inflrumentalitv of mobs.
In the name of liberty, publilh ; but publish the
truth :—and if you have logic enough to persuade
the people to pull down the augult fabric, which
hsth cod them so much blood and treafurc to raise
and cement, I will fay you aft a fair part at least.
But the writer in queltion hath not atled in tiii«
candid fart, as,l have cleaily proved above ; and he
feems apprehensive himfelf that his fallacy will be
detected and the scheme fail, without some collate
ral aid. In order, therefore, to fill up the piece,
and give it a fuller effect, he has depidtcd in the
back ground a group of figures, calculated to ter
rify those whom he may fail to deceive. The
" hostile dilpofition," and imbecility, of Great-
Britain, and " ail the energy of the tiitimphant
arms of France," are marlhalled in seven formida
ble corrollaries, in the rear of his lad number, as a
body of reserve. And it is to these " proportions
felf-evident," as he calls them, and to the follow
ing remarks on them, that I now reqinrft the read
ers attention. Their matter and stile are such as
deserve serious notice, and their import to the Unit
ed States a plain and candid examination. This
is not a time to tnm, or mince matters. Referring
the reader to the " Advei tifcr" of Aut'uft the 7th,
for the piece 'itfelf, I now 'offer to his perusal a few
observations, that occurred to me on reading it.
id. There is not a single proof, that has come
to my knowledge, that the difpoiition of Great-
Britain was inimical to the United States of Ame
rica, before the commencement of thcwar now ex
isting in Europe. Consult the Englifli newfpa
pers ; in this instance they may be confidertd as the
organs of the public mind. Do you discover any
injurious or abusive language iff them against the
American people or government ? Examine the
parliamentary acts ; the conduct of their merchants
and manufacturers ; the indulgence of the East-In
dia company towards Americans trading -,t Madrafs
and Calcutta ; the enjoyment of the fame privilege
as the most favored nation, in all their European
and Weft-India ports : do they not all speak the
language of reconciliation and friendfhi;. ? But if
on the other hand jou turn to the American papers
since that period, have they not all (a very few at
least excepted) been disgraced by the most virulent
inre&ivei against Great-Britain ; the grossest mif
rep'refentations of her conduct ; the most palpable
falfification of fa&s; the most extravagant applause
of her enemies, as well as ridiculous attempts to
palliate all the horrors of their condu£L Let us
remember our civic feafts and ranting toaftj, which
a few violent men have pasTed ori the world fpr the
sober sense of America. liefleft on the many no
torious infraftioni of the laws ofnestrality in equip
ping and manning French privateers, as well as the
juggling underhand manner of felling their prizes in
many of our ports. It is this condu£l that has
produced an hiftile resentment in the breasts of
Englifli fubjefts; and it naturally would in the
breafls of any nation, that were not callous to a
sense of their own honour To this cause we may
attribute the order of the 6th of November, the
speech of Lord Dorchester, the infulu of their
cruisers, and almost every injury we have sustained ;
more rationally than to " a dijbof.tion in Great-Bri
tain naturally h jlile to the United States."
2d. And to " sooth and convert" this natural
resentment " irfto amity and peace," requires, as
all tjtherdiforders do, nothing more than a contra
ry 1 egimen. Cea(e to afpei fe the moral character of
Americaj by ceasing to publish illiberal philippics
againS a' nation with which we are at peace, r.nd
with whom it is our intered to cultivate peace ; for,
with leave of our allies, there is 110 nation in Eu
rope can do us so much evil, ot so much go<*l.
Forbear, in your civic feads, from toasting unli
mited success to her enemies, & uttering perdition
to her. In a word ftrengtheti your wife and vir
tuous executive in supporting a just and unequivo
cal neutrality ; and you will then not coiifider the
projected treaty, as you please to stile It, " too high
a price to pay" for a continuation of the blefEngs
which flow trom peace.
3d. If-to reject the treaty contra&cd with Great-
Britain, the very word article of which is prefera
ble to what we enjoy, by compadt, with any other
nation; and that for the very frivolous reasons,
which have hitherto been advanced, " is not a just
catife of a war such conduct on our part will na
turally increase the rancour on both fides, and may
finally produce a war ; unless the cabinct of St.
James's is mere attached to peace than the war
hawks of Ameiica are 1 for these have given art
uniform opposition to eveiy lenient measure, that
has related to the concerns of that nation. Indeed
the opposition has been pursued with such Heady
prepodeffion, that there is great reason to suppose
that the designs of our allies have been more coh
fulted than the intereds of this country.
4. " But the ratification of the freaty will affur
edty_ give umbrage to another nation." Here a fe-
cret v efcapes, which, from the stile of ajfurance rmit
use of, it appears likely that this writer has received
recent orders to communicate to the public. But
how far a confidential organ of a foreign nation can
be admitted as a difintereded counfeilor, by the peo
ple of the United States, I leave with them to
judge : more especially, as he has undertaken to
advise in a hulincfs, in which, as he pleads, the in
terest of that mtion is so much concerned. Ai a
ovji-figii and independent state we hare a right,
ndeeu we are bound, to So.ifult #ur own profpsrity
11 the fir It place ; not only with refpett to this trea
y, but every other fubjgft that may offer. Fmnce
not consider herfelf obliged, neither was (he,
o ask the advice of America refpefting the alliance
he hat lately contrasted with the despot of Pruflia :
lor do I believe that we have any right to enquire,
low far their treaty relates io the difmeaibermeHt of
Holland, or the partition of Poland. It is not our
concern. It is enough that we know that we have
ulfilled our treaiiss with her ; that we have done
■very thing, exccpt making a common eaufeiu the
.var, to aiTiil hrr ; and more even than her hue ron
luft towards us gave her a claim to. Every at
tempt, tlieiefore, on the part of France, or her a
rents, to interne in ot.r national concerns with
jrher powers, will be considered by every patriotic
American, as iritj-ufive; and as fucli be fpunied
ivith a virtuous resentment.
sth. " II a war it> inevitable with Great-Bri
:ain or France."
.vith either. It is the principal concern of the
io I t'nin'c there is much danger of a war, unlef:
ive continue to display such bitter enmity to
wards one nation, and gross partiality for.ano
:her, as some people have donj ; and to crowt
he whole, are resolved to add insult to the relt o
i ! ir nufdeeds, bj violating a convention so just
:qual and honorable as that under eoufideration.—
' But it would be more politic for the state, con
inues this writer, more congenial with the fenti
ne.nts of the people to engage the farmer than thi
atter power;" that is, the Englifhthan the Frencl
tation. Altho I fmcerely believe that a rupturi
vith either may be aveided, unless the fault be outs
>ut in cafe such a difaltrous event (hould tak<
ilace it is not amiss to consider what might be the
:onfequences. In the firfl place, how would a wai
vith Great-Britain affedt our reputation abroad,
*11 Europe knows that there have been complainti
m both fides, and that this treaty was calculates
o compose the differences, as well as to lay the
oundation of a sincere friendfhip, As the terms art
nade public, and will be genirally kiiown, the)
vill naturally lead other nations to comparc the ar
icles with these of their own treaties with Great
Jritain ; and when they discover a manifeft partial
ty in favor of America, they will conclude thai
he fault is on our fide ; and that, however well the
;overnment is affected to the preservation of peace
t had not power to support the eonftitution, or tc
irevent turbulent men from rtifhing into a war. Sc
hat, however glorious some enthufiafU may sup
lose it is, to war on the fide of liberty, the fobei
tart of mankind abroad, a 6 well as at home, wil
ondemn it, as an aft of republican folly and ra(h
lefs. Therefore in point of true fame we (hall b<
t>fers. And how would this war affedt us ir
ither refpefts ? Are we less exposed to the boflih
rms of Great Britain, than of France ? By lanr
vc are more, exposed ; our thinly fettled frontier:
re begirt with numerous and warlike savage tribes
nimical to 11s, and strongly allied with the British
vho in cafe of a war, would cettainly make a com
non eaufe againll us ; and that war would be pro
ecuted with uncommon rancour, as tln-y woulc
onfider it as waged in-their own ilefence against ai
mplaeable enemy. By sea the dangers will beai
10 comparison ; beccufe we are so much more vul
lerable in this quarter, and our antagonist so puif
ant. Our trade, the source of all our revenues
vcjuld be ruined ; our reffels would mortly b: ta
nirnt by an exasperated and revengeful natioi
nemy. In this fuffering condition what aids couh
ve reasonably expect from France. However wel
nclined to assist ns, it is not in her power to do i
11 that line that would be moll beneficial to us
-ihe cannot grant us loans of money, which I ait
perfuadad would be wanting. She could not pro
eft oar cosit, nor convoy our trade, for (he ha
lot a marine flrong enough to protest her owi
rade. She cannot defend her own coall in th<
British or Mcditei ranean fcas, from the triumphan
fleets of her enemy, whose cruisers h»ld all h»i fe;
ports in a (late of siege. During the continuano
as this war from whence can we procure the ware
and merchandize necessary for the common con
sumption of the country i Neither French nor Hoi
landers car. supply us ; and we (hall be oblige*
to go to some neutral market, and there purchaf
with ea(h British manufactures at double t/ie rate
we now pay for them on liberal credit. Reverf
the cafe, and suppose that our allies, not eonten
with a fair neutrality on the part of America, fhoul<
become our enemies, what evils have we to sea
from them, equil to tliofe I have defenbed.
6th. But'" in cafe of a war with Great-Britain,
we hare ajfuranee, that France will aid us with all
the energy of her triumphant armi." What affair
ance have we of this, that is fnfely to be truftcd ?
1 hope it will be thsught neceflary, to require some
greater afl'urance, than the bare words of this writer,
whatever may be his authority for faying so, some
flronger testimony is neceflary to destroy the stub
born evidence of facts. The truth is, France can
not spare any soldiers from her European wars.
Ther arc all wanted at horae ; to repel foreign in
vaders, and to oppose internal rebellions : if this
were not the cafe!, and (lie could also equip a fleet
strong engage to meet her enemies on the ocean,
would (he fuffer all her colonies to become a prey to
them ? No man in his senses can suppose fnch an
absurdity. But to indulge a delusive reverie for a
moment ; suppose by some kind of magic, her «o»-
tinental enemies should be willing to receive a peacc
from her on her own terms; her thousand factions
llioiild be united by a spirit of harmony and can
cord ; and by some uncommon favor of wiad and
weather, (he should be able to flip across the atlan
tic with a fleet and army for our afliftance. This
perhaps might enable us after some years to conquer
Canada, but vihat (hall we gain by it ? I mean
what will the maritime States, who must bear the
burthen of this war, gain by it ? But when rhis bu
finefs is accoraplilhed, how are we to compensate
our allies, for I suppose wr are not so unreaionable
as to expect they would do all this for nothing.
That would be unjust. No ! they would in such
a cafe have a right to require indemnification, a
well as a mortgage t# secure payment. And i;
would not be «ontrary to good faith, agreeable with
the common usage of nations, if they demanded a
portion of the coußtry,- as a fccurity until the new
as well at ancient debt were paid.
7'h. In such a triumphant, but perilous circum
stance as this, we could not rely on the afFe&ions ps
Great Biitain, or of France—but finely on our own
abilities not only t® discharge our debts ; but like
wise when that was accomplifhsd, which w-ould re
quire many years, if our allies did not chufe peace
ably to surrender the security, to expel them.
From ths AKGUS,
CINNA. — >To. 11.
FAITHFUL to hi* promjfe and meditating an at
tack ypon Mr. Jefferfon, whose arguments hjvc hither
to been unai-fwered j Camillus iu his 4th essay pro
ceeds to inflance certain infrailions of the treaty of
peace on our part ; an accurate enumeration of these
breaches would reqtiire, fays he, a tedious research:
and who, fir, has imposed upon yen this odious talk f
Does the duty of a patriot or a citizen demand it of
you ? Would not your talents and integrity be better
employed in vindicating the injured honor and r g'iitJ
of y»ur county ? Docs it become you t® rack invention
to cover her with obloquy, and to hold her up as a
faithlefs and treacherous nation ? Does it comport with
the eharaifler of a citizen of the United Stales, after
their minister had silenced the ohjedtions of the British
Ambaflador,tojuftify aperfidious prince for his breaches
of faith and violences towards America ? Wifl it answer
any valuable purpose to ftigmatisre the legtllature cf
your own state, for a«fl» which preceded the treaty, and
which were fuggefled hy the spur of the oCcaf:o;i, and
by a re~:ird to felf-defence I Will the recollection pro
duced i«f a review of the conduit of the different parties
during tne war, be profitable or conciliating ? VTiil not
every American recur to the history of thole tirrves tc*
discover, not only the reaions which difkated, but a
jaftification of the acts of whicTi you cdoipliiu > If he
pursues the inquiry -:th pure motive*, he will be
astonished, not that the state of Ncw-Yorlc did so much,
but that her moderation was a great as it was. He w.li
recoiled! with emotions of pain and indignation, th_t
the state was not only invaded; and its capital, and fouie
of its most fertile diltriits in poffeflion of a foreign ene
my ; hut that (he had also to encounter a mgre I'angui
nary foe, in those, from yhofe birth, lituation aud con
nexion, (he was entitled to expedt lupport and succour,
in her arduous conflict for independence. These men
not only turned their arms against their country, but,
outstripping Britilh cruelty, they introduced a -*arfar;,
which would have dil'graced the favag.s q'f our wilder
ness. The peaceful farmer—tKe aged inhabitants of
either sex, whole years and infirmities Were refpc<fted
by the troop* of Great-Britain, and her mtrciltfs auxi
liaries of Germany, found no quarter from this im
placable and inteltme foe. Their depredation* were
eircumfcribed by no principle or rule of waV—thirlting
for revenge, rapine, plunder and fecret'death weretljcir
pursuit. Theirfuccefs was proportinate to their malice.
America being unable to extend her proteiiion >o an
immense frontier, her citizens Were driven from their
farms—their pioperty made a prey of, and they deem
ed themselves happr they could efcapc from af
faifination into exile and penury— our feat and Ccafts
swarmed with privateers, fitted out by these internal
enemies, and even the Indians of America were piloted
by them, to the peaceful dwellings of her citizens, and
j temale and infant scalps were often difplaycd as tke
joint triumph of those monfiers of the human race 1
Who then can be astonished that fheft provocations,
which were repeated every day, 'friouid excite the
most lively fenfat:ons of indignation and relcntment >.
Who then can wonder that our legifiature Hiould pass
an aft which was not only extorted by a I'enfe of injiiry,
and the exigencies of the times, but was peculiarly cal'
culated to protefi our citiseaj from future plunder, and
held out a gleam of hope to those who had already'been
dripped of their all, by this ruthless and uiifeelilig una 1
Forgive me, fir, if I describe your present friends in
glowing colours. Humanity wished to forget forever,
deeds of cruelty and horror, at the b.ire mention of
which the most obdurate and rugged heart revolts.
America was content to drop the curtain on a
the catastrophe of which had confounded the adversa
ries of her freedom and sovereignty. This state in par
ticular, although her trade and frontiers had fu Acrid
most, early manifefted a cmcilitting and for'-lvirt"
spirit. Persons who had betrayed the most rancorous
temper, «nd had been baniihed far their enmity and
poverty of spirit, were permitted to return to the
bosom of their offended country. ftj en w j! o ]j atl
denced not only in principle, but in ailion, the most
rooted hostility to our freedom and government, were
permitted to remain, and become a part of the great
body politic. Instances without Mlmbcrof forbearance,
lenity, and evert of tenderness., fprjjivenef. and finrere
reconciliation might be prpciucffd— even rewards and
public hoaors and offices luve been befiowed upo,, ti.ele
men. F.r from condemning a to which how
ever, there were many objections, /glory in the liber
ality and munificence of my country. Nor wis it iny
wilh to vefcue from oblivion, a memorial of the con
duel of those who have been obje&s of their .country's
generosity and forgivensfs. Camillus has courted, nay
provoked the discussion. When it becomes nceeffarv
to exculpate our country from the reproach of cruelty
and breach of faith-, we must be permitted to turn 'o
the times which produced the a<Ti, which it i?prettnded,
fixes this (tig ma upon her. If Camillus had tak.»t this
trouble, he would havefeen f® much room for recrimi
nation, that in ten ernefi to the feelings, of ihei'e uii
happy men, he would have foreborne i'oine of hi& severe
anmiadverions o* the condutf of this state.
Waring stated some of the provocations and induce
ments, we come new to the taw itfelf, in vlijch Ca
millus discerns One of the earliest brtacl.es of t>.e reaty
of peace on our part ; Camillus was not more ufil.apnv
in reminding us ef the cor.dust of the tori.-s, than i -
is unfortunate in this fir ft proof which he instances of
our breach of faith. The law to which he refer? i«
welt known by the appellation ofjhe trespass a a Th ; s
law paired the x 7 th of March, i 78 3 . 'A mind not warr
ed by prejudice, nor dTpofed to deceive iti" If i 8 at
some difficulty, to imagine how in adl, pafled fix mmtl s
before the definitive treaty was figged, and more than
a year according to Camillas, before it became bind,.,*
on the king, can be tortured into an infraf-ior of t).a"-
very treaty. At the time of passing this Jaw the>gi
flature had a periedl right fo-to do; nay, it was 4-_
of their duty—the war yet raged with miaUled rie.-r ,
as the royal cauie became mo.e and more t'efperuie,
its fnends became proportiohabiy alert in their efforts
to revenge a fuccefi to which they could not reconcile
themselves. I heir lad Ciuelties exceeded Vpy of a i't»
mcr date. Every tueafure, therefore, whirl tend--J o
curb the licentiovilncfs of ou, domefti,; foes, t,, mitL -r e
or check the horrors of a civil war, and to protect •' o'e
of aur citizens whole remote residence prevented their
receiving a»y adequate fecuritv from the America'! ai
my, was not only prudent, but neceff*ry,j u flia ;i Meand-
humane. It was alio believed, that Yew, if a of
the depredations and robberies which v ere comrm W
by the new l e v,« and refugees, were at the time func
tioned by any military order ; their own fury th , A
for plunder and revere led them on ;v« if a ,
order was admitted tojuftlfy their ann&rt, have;,*
would it haveb.cn to obtam n nt f Every n.au uUU.i
, n a horfe > * or other property, withe,,t „ v
authority, andcsKvertc! •' c i-,rwt-,U T' t J
f i i , , i • k c ' s t:v r-is r\v
(and there were thousands who purfucd ae «hc; |^K