Foreign intelligence. LONDON, July 23. The French have it obviously in their power to make peace, and to make al liances with anV. of the powers on the Continent that tiiey please, and having no longer any enemy to dread, or to care for, but the English, they may, and naturally vfrill; lay all their plans, and direst all their efforts against Eng. laud only. Can we hope to stop that torrent alone, which with all the mili tary powers of Europe fen our fide, we were unable to item. Let us look at th*rv ftrtngtH in the s Month of July, 1794, and in the corresponding month, iri ijg 3. At that time the Allies were feemiug ly in perfect union, in great force, and ihty had succeeded iri all their operati ons. The frontier towns of Flanders were falling in fueccflion—Toulon was in the hands of the English, and no less than four infurceftions were raging in the Ulterior of France, in Lyons, Matieills, La Vendee, and in Norman dy; The effects of our secret agencies in France, were plots, riots, and difaf fe&ion every where—Millions «f falfe Affignats were fuccefsfully introduced and fwugglcd into circulation ; artificial scarcity ot provisions was created for the purpose of exciting tumults, and not a neutral nation that was not intimida ten by the violent measures which we had taken to compel them to a surren der of their commerce, that France might rrot receive foreign supplies, while in the very bosom of the Convention the Allies had an able, active party, that dilcpncer&d their measures, - agitated the public mind, and paltied their ope rations. Such waS tlieir condition in July, 1793 ! View them in July 1794.— The frontier towns all in their hands,' toge ther with-their garrifonsand magazines. Flandeis and it's harvefl added to their own ; and fitch a harvest is will enable fhem to spare out of their abundant crops to the wants of othe# ti&ticrtif. Every vestige of infurreflioh at home gone, as well as all division of part ies" and of opinion; Their allied enemies' dilmayed, routed, flying irf alt dii'efti 6ns, and evt-rv oiie or therir eicept England, solicitous of peace, and even of friefidfhip. All the agent# of tumult the JSllruments of forgery—-the hired mqriopolifts—tfiq agitators —and spies of every fort extirpated, and such ter ror of all connection with the enemy spread over the country as to m.ike fur ther plots impracticable. The nefltra! nations, affined in their purpofeor main taining (licit rights by the fplenditl foic cefTesof the French, and with only one meray out of all by whom they areaf failed, now remaining in the field, while they themftlves are united to a man , ] animated by conquest, and inflamed by , trttlmfiaim ! Surely then we ought to pause, and f> efore new declarations are -iflued of pertinaciously continuing the war, we ought to enquire what we are likely to luffer by the niifcarriage, what to ob tain the success of the Crusade ? It is not an irrtpoflible .thing that the French may ovef-run Holland, and add she Dutch marine to'their own. Is there any possible advantage to be obtained by our success, comparable to this calamity, in cafe of failure ! Let this tingle qneftion be consider ed in all its'afpefts, and let it be de manded whether the intemperance of Our Cabinet, is to be preferred to the permanent interests of Englishmen.—; This cabinet cannot make pcace.— Their acrimony against the French, their invectives, their pride are infur rtountsbU obflacles ; and it now comes to be a queflion whether the haughty house of Pitt i> to be preferred to all England. As to the new men, they have brought some splendid names in deed into the cabinet, but their influ ence is tin frit in the system. They •may procure sinecures for their adhe rents, or ribbands for themselves—they may (hew their anxious zeal for the trap pings of the constitution, but Pitt h?s not parted with a single atom of solid power. It is to Mr. Fox alone—to that re al ftatefmnn, who with h'» usual con sistent and manly spirit* has kept clear of all the toils in which his alarmed friends have been caught—that we can look for a happy and honorable termi nation of the war. He who has with the truth of infpii ;irion, so truly pre di&ed the confequcnces of our fatal system, can alone re (to re to us the hlef- of tlwt fecunty we so stupidly a bandoned—and the day is not dii*ant when every eye will be fixed on him as the saviour of the land. ODE On the Revolution »f France—Written by Mrs. Marriott, ahd recited by Mr. at the Old American Theatre on Monday evening lajl. Blefs'd be the Cause that set a nation free, That dafh'd fell dcfpotifm to the ground, o ~ 7 That crufti'd the pow'r that only ferv'd to wound, And gave the sons of France sweet Li „ berty! Still, still with warmth pursue the glo rious plan, Be Free, he Free, for 'tis The Rights of Man. Dark low'rs the tempest o'er the plain, j The lightnings gleam, the thunders roll ; Now tremble Dcfpots, for your reign— Freedom pofiefTes every foul; And curs'd the narrow, mind that dares not scan, And ooldly vindicate the Rights of Man. Now from amid the direful storm, A smiling Goddess springs, She rocks the thrones of tyrant Kings, 'Tis Liberty, and how majeflic is her heavenly form i She comes, she comes, with healing hands, To free lov'd GalHa froth her bands. She comes to join the ever glorious plan, And crics Be Free, for 'tig The Rights of M .n. Where Tyrants rule, may all rebel, Winds waft the news from shore to shore, That iron Sceptres, gilded o'er, Are broke, and have discovered the de ception fell. O durst my Muse aspire, Yet stop O Muse, or thou wilt melt thy wings, In the bright blazing majeftyof Kings, j Which may consume thee—for 'tis aw ful fire: Then O may France for ever more be free— Glorious belov'd America like thee. Frotn a late London Paper. THEATRE, Drury-Lane. Fete of Triumph and Benevolence• With- a rrroft honorable zeal for the fame if the British Navy, the Managers of this Theatre prepared the moftfuperb and in terfiling fpeflacle that any Engliih Thea tre «ver exhibited/ The design was mag nl Scent, and worthy the exalted mind of the PropfietcO- of the house; for at the very close of the Season, and when there wis rto nresVis of converting it into any 6bje£l of benefit for the Theatre, such a fpiehilid and Expensive Entertainment has been got up, as beggars both precedent and defer iptk>ri'<—All the powers of Writ ing, Ivlulic, Painting Fire-works Ma chinery, and Dancing, have been combined to produce a fpedtacle becoming the Na tional Theatrej on ait occasion of Nation al Triumph; and to crown the whole, every (hilling of the receipts was given up (without abatement, either for particular charges of the night, or the current expen ! ces of the Theatre) towards the fund of the Widows and Orphans of tfie brave faijors who fell on the ill of Jline. The price of the tickets to the bftxes was half a-guinea; and to the upper rows, the House was crowded with fafh-ien and beau- The Fete was on seta in the of the Englilh Stage, and will be as an anecdote that would of itfelf celebrity to a name, whose generosity ii thus proved to be equal to his mental en dowments. After the Comedy of the Country Girl, in which for this occasion Mrs Jordan sprung from her retreat with an alacrity that does credit to her heart, and tho' op prefled by a cold that made her voice quite hoarse, enchanted the houfeby her adding; the new entertainment was given. Mr. Cobb, with great felicity, has conceited an interesting story, which introduces the Glorious- firft of June, with the h-appielt effei' reign sway, Thougb savage Fury nurs'd in gore, Boafl to despoil btr fiver fbore, Heav'n Jlill supports its bleji decree, That " Britons ever Jhall be free" 'Twas thus with Howe, ilhijtrious name ; Still adding to a life of fame, Through Gallia's prou .l Armada broke, And Albion's wrath in thunder [poke, While Vi!?ry fanllion'd the decree, That " Britons ever Jhall be free." Hail happy Britain, favour d ijle ! W/xre freedom, arts, and Commercefmile ! Long may thy George :n glory prove, The transports of a nation's love I Long reign to guard the blejl decree, , That " Britons everJhall be free." SONG—Mr. SEDGWICK. By the Earl of Mulgrave. Otlr fine was form'd, the French lay to, One Jigh I gave to Poll on Jhore, Too cold I tho jgbt cur lajl adieu— Our parting kijfiis fe>ra< tling babes more joy /ball bring, Proud when my boys Jhall JirJi at sea Follow Great Howe to Victory ! And serve our noble King. CHORUS. The danger paji we'll drink and joke Sing, "Rule, Britannia; Hearts of Oak!' And ioajl before each Martial tune — I " Howand the Glorious f:rfi of June!' % ADDRESS lel'wered by Governor Mifflin to the Officer* of the militia and Ciiizeus of Lmicdjler County, at Lancafler 00 the 26th of September. Frllovt Citizens, 1 THANK you sincerely for your compliance with the invitation to meet me at this time. Ori any other occasi on, indeed, it would" have been tbe grrateft gratification that I could en joy, thus prrfonally to cxprcls the grate ful sense, which 1 , of the re peated proofs of etteero and confidence, that I have received from my fellow citizens throughout the Hate: But the immediate object of my prefest visit is of so serious, and i'o painful a nature, that I must forbeai the indulgence of my piivate ieeliiigs, in order to diredl your whole attentiou to the fnpport of our governmentwhich is hoftilely refill ed by an armed combination in the weltern counties. ,Thc fubje&is so interesting/am} the, foutces of information are so numerous, that you are doubtless apprised of the difgraeeful events which have recently occurred in that quarter. It would be fuperffucife? therefore, to add any thing to the exiftirig information, but a solemn afifurance, ifiat on the part of the gene ral government, as well as on the part : of the state, eVery reasonable effort has been, made to bring the deluded insur gents to a sense of their duty which, they owe to their country, without making the last awful appeal to arms. All conciliatory meafmes, have, howi ver, in elfcft, proved abortive for al though a coniiderable numbsr of the citizens were originally well disposed, though many were intimidated, and though a portion of them has acqulef ced in the terms of pardon, a lawless multitude continues ilill in arms, ravag ing the country, rrjeftinjr ..every amica ble proportion, and bidding open defi ance to all the powers of government. The commiffioiiers have returned from their pacific million, with unfavourable? imprefiions of the refdt ; and in. the i lalt resort, the President has deternained ' to employ the militia of this, and if ! necessary of every state in the union, to enforce obedience to the laws. The insurgents, vainly prefumiiig up on their own prowess, or upon the inso lent hope that a competent force would rrt>t be sent against them, have hitherto indulged the spirit of outrage, without remotfe or reflramt. Their emifTaries likewise, have endeavoured to relax, or defeat, every public exertion, by recit ing tales of injuries and oppressions, which have never been fuffered; or propagating fabricated statements of taxes, which have never been imposed. Since indeed,they have received account# of the general resentment and military preparation, that their conduct has pro duced, another mode seems to be adop ted ; the language of submission and peace is held out, to delude us, proba bly, till the feafnrv of exsttion has passed away, and a new opportunity shall be given to fortify the ftaiidard of anarchy. But, my fellow-citizens, yon have not been intimidated by their violence, nor will yon he betrayed by their arts: The Preijdeut's declaration, that he is faiisfied with the nature and extent of the fubmifiion to government, is the only thing that can now dispense with our exertions; which are diiedled against the fedjtious, the turbulent and the trea cherous insurgent, not against the meri torious or peaceful citizen.—Men of the latter defeviption, will be fafe vhere ever they reside, or whatever course shall be pursued ; but their fafety is not in compatible, with tbofe vigoraus mea furcs which the reputation and exig ence of our government require. To convey this sentiment forcibly to your minds ; and to entreat every possible aid on your part, to avert the impend ing evil, aTe the essential obje&s of this viflt. lam confident, indeed, that you will concur with me in thinking, that every good citizen is botind at this crisis, to lend an a£Hve afiillance to the mea sures of government ; but that the Mi litia Officers, in particular, cannot, upon any pretext, dispense with the obliga tion. I have heard, Gentlemen, that with refpeft to the policy of those nfts of Congress, ? gain ft which the rag# of the iufurgenta is ostensibly dire&ed, as well as with fefpeft to many other objects of legiQation, a divevfity of opinion ex- ifts among our fellow citizens: But 1 think no diversity ot opinior ty, With refpedt to the necessity of obey ing them, while they continue, as much as any other ad, as much as any treaty, or even as much as the constitution lt felf, the lawiof the land. They can be amended, if they arc impcrfeft j or they may be repealed, if they are pt r--f nicious : but, consistent with the oath, or affirmation, of every public officer, and the duty of every private citizen, they cannot be disobeyed, or obOrudtcr 1 , or lefilted. Reflect, for a moment on the fatal consequences of a contrary doctrine, up on our public and private prosperity. Suppose the inhabitants of the populous I cities throughout the continent, wete to refufe to pay the impost. Suppcie the colle&ion of the tax upon carriages, or the tax upon fnuff and refined sugar were to be forcibly refilled. Sucl* a refufal and refiltaiice, it is true would be unconltitutional and unreasonable: but have not the parties intercfted m tliofe cales a 9 great a right to judge for themfelvesj as any other description of citizens ? And if a minority of buy kind can jultify an attempt to govern the ma jority, why not a minority of Merchant* or Manufacturers as well as a minprity of any other class of citizens. The fame applied, as they may fairly be, to every inllance of taxation, will shew obviously that our government never could be supported, if c%ery clafi of citizens who were interciK J in oppof ing any particular duty, mij;lß ijft success to then oppolitic.n by tak • r> , ,-1 n l! V* •' ■ arms against the (late. There could be no revenue raised to prcu-ift us from foreign violence, or to ft cure to us she fruits of our industry : Difeui d and war would soon divide and ravage the con tinent ; and the republican fabric, which lias been so honorably eilablilhed, after a seven years contell, muii inevitably moulder into anarchy, or harden into despotism. But if a law may be forcibly opposed, btraufe it is supposed to be a bad law, it isa v«iy serious enquiry, how far t-he example will betray the faiety of indivi duals, and the security of property. What protects a man's life, or warrants the t;uict pofTefiion of his estate? Is it not law ? Then, fuppofc one man were # wilfully to kill anotlier, would it be fefs a murder, bec' use the person (lain was of bad reputation * or of a vk'ious'cojH'fe feflify? Again: Suppofeonem&r> were, forcibly to seize upon the property ini' another man's poflcflion, wouk! it be a fuflicient excuse, that the poflefTor's ti tle is doubtful ? In both thefc cases, the law would be violated ; and any up right jury would certainly pum'fh the violaters; for this plain reason, that j until the law itfelf pronounces upon the crimes of the one man, and upon the title of the other, it protects them both from outrage. —Thus, in the tale of the ails or Congrefs,to which I have alluded, let them be thought ever so bad, until the courts of justice pronounces them unconstitutional, or till the Le giflatnre repeals them, they are under the protcflion of the constitution, which we are bound by the most solemn ties t<» support. Any mm, therefore, who vi olates them, violates that coltitution, upon which likewise, the fafety of yonr livei, and the security of your farms de pend. But to every candid mind, it must be evident, that the present question is not confined to the policy of any acts of Congress, but involves the very ex istence of our government. If we mean, in any cafe, to enjoy the security of the laws, we mint in every cafe aflert and maintain their authority ; for, (as I have observed on another occasion) if you perffirit them to be refilled, or over thrown, with impurity, on any pretext, you in effect, set an example to violate them on every pretext. Regarding the fubjeft in thi*3 inter esting point of view, Gentlemen, that lawless perseverance of the inftirgents cannot fail to excite the most painful fenfatiuns; for, the ilrong fifnfe of du ty, which we owe to our country, to posterity, and to ourselves, will not per mit us, under fitch circutaftances, to indulge those feelings of afFtr&ion and attachment, which hare hitherto gui ded our conduct towards otir deluded fellow citizens. The choice of peace and friendship, ov of war and enimitv, has been left to themfelve?. Having determined upon the Utter, what can the government do, but prepare for its own prefervatiol) ? What nobler motives can a&uate virtuous minds than toaf (ift in refilling the violence of iawlefsr men, and preserving their country from devaflation and di (honor ? With refpeft to the motive* of the infnrgents, we niuft fearc.U further than the indispo sition to pay a particular tax, for an ex planation of their conduct. The de vaftatlon committed en private property