ft-
'I
»
A N
ORATION,
Delivered in St. Atfichad'/ Church, before
the inhabitants of Charleflon, South-
Carolina-, On the fourth if 1794,
by David Ramsay, M. D. Pteft
ticnt of -the Senate of South-Caro/iru.
Friends, countrymen, and
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
ON this 3ay, eighteen years, a na
tion'was born at once, a new order of
things arofei and An Hli'ftridus cera in
the hiitory of human affairs commenced.
The ties which before had joined us to
Great Britain were fevered, and we af
furred a place among the nations of the
earth.
Having delivered tiie firft oration that
was fpokeri in the United States, to cele
brate this great events I ft el myfelf
donhly honored in being again called
Upon, after a lapse of sixteen years, to
perforin the fame dilty. Were my abi
lities equal to the important fubjeft,
your entertainment would be great ;
but 1 mud cad myfelf on your candor 4
and foli'cit indulgence* for falling far
(hort of that display of eloquence, which
this eventful day is calculated to inspire.
It is worthy of remark, that the
discovery of America was nearly co-in
cident with the invention of the art of
printing and of the ma rj net's compass.
From theft three foiirces the condition
of mankind has been greatlv improved.
By means of the art of printing, the
darkntHfs of ignorance, which for tyany
centuries had ovcrfhadotved mankind,
has giveh place to the light of know
ledge, and learned men of every clime
conditlite but one republic. In conse
quence of the mariner's compass, all the
nations of out globe fotm one extended
family, reciprocally adminiflering to the
wants of each other. May Ibe allow
ed to add, that the discovery of A me-.
Hca is the firft link of a chain of caiifes.
Which bids fair to enlarge the happiness
of mankind, by regenerating the prin
ciples of government in every quarter of
the world. Among the events fefulting
From this discovery, and which lead to
that greAt revolution, the declaration of
independence is coiifpicUoufly pre-emi
nent. 1 will not wound your ears, on
this feflive day, by a -repetition of the
tnany injuries received by this country
from Great Britain, which forced US to
Cut .he Gordian knot, which b fore had
joined us together. Suffice it to ob
serve, that for the twelve years preceed
tng the fourth of July, 1776, claim
rose on claim, injury followed injury,
and oppression trod on the heels of op
pression, till we had no alternative left
but that of abject (lavery, or compleat
independence. The spirit of freedom
decidcd iri favor of the latter. Heaven
fmilcd on our exertions. After an eight
years war in which our countrymen dis
played the patience, tiie perfeverarice,
and the magnanimity of republicans,
ftrugglirig for every thing that is dear
to ireemen, their mod sanguine wifiies
were realised. The government of Great
Britain, which began the war to enforce
their claim, to bind us in all cases ivhat
foever, after spending a hundr-d milli
oris of money, and Sacrificing a hundred
thousand ftibjefts, to no purpose, was
obliged to give up the contdl, to retire
from our (hores, and to rellnquifh, by a
solemn treaty, all claim to bind us in
any cafe whatfoiver. Such t triumph
of liberty could not fail of vibrating
round to worldj A great and mighty
nation, on the other - fide of the At
lantic, in imitation of our example, has
abolished a system of oppression, under
which their forefathers for many centu
ries had groaned. We trust and hope,
that they will discover as great abilities
in planning and executing a good new
government, as they have hitherto done
in destroying an ancient bad one. Should
this well founded expectation be realifed#
we may hope, that revolutions will fol
low revolutions, till despotism is banish
ed front) cntr globe, In this point of
view, the enlarged philanthropid mud
not only rejoice in the benefits acquired
by this country from its independence,
but dill more in those, which are likely
to flow from it to the opprefTed of every
country.
It may seem prefumpttious for us,
«vho are a nation but of yederday, to
arrogate to ourfelvea the merit of having
enlightened mankind in the art of go
vernment : but we became an indepen
dent people, under circumstances so fa
vorable to the rights of man, that great
indeed must have been our dupidity,
had we not done so* When we review
the origin of other nations, we find that
accidental circuntdances had a principal
(hare in forming their constitutions. At
one time a fiiccefsful invader, at another
a daring chieftain, fixed the condituent
parts of their government; but it never
was known, anterior to bur days, that
a great, wife, and enlightened people,
were peaceably convened by their repre
sentatives to deliberate on the principles
of a conAitutiou, by which they were
to be governed. From the firft fettlr
meiu of th.s country, every thing con
curred to inspire its inhabitants with the
love of liberty. Tiie facility of pi icui
ing landed gave every citizen
an opportunity of Becoming an inde
pendent freeholder. Remote fiom the
influence of Icings, bishops, and nobles,
tin; equality of rights was inculcated by
the experience of every day. Having
grown up to maturity under cireitn
itances so favorable to liberty, and thru
being at once fevered from all connexion
with the. old world, the people of this
country, in forming a conltitution for
their future government, had every in
citement to eitablilh such principles, as
promised to fectire the great ed possible
sum of political good, with the lead
possible portion of evil. When such a
people became perfectly their own mas
ters, and free to adopt any contitutioir
they pleased, great would have been
theii (hame, had they not imp'oved on
those forms of government wkich ori
ginated in times of darkness, ;nd were
instituted under the influence of privile
ged orders. On this anniversary of in
dependence, it cannot be improper to
(hew that this has actually been done,
and that in consequence thereof we en
joy advantages, rights and privileges su
perior to mod, if not to all of the hu
man race. Bear with me then, while I
attempt to demondrate this, by a detail
of particulars:
In entering on this fubjeft, where
(hall I begin ? Where (hall I end? Proofs
are neceflavy. I need only appeal to ex
perience. I have a witness in the bread
of every one who hears me, and who
knows the condition of the common peo
ple in other countries. In the United
States, the blessings of society are en- j
joyed with the lealt possible relinquilh
ment of personal liberty. We have hit
the happy medium between defpotifra
and anarchy. Every citizen is perfect
ly free of the will of every other citizen,
while all are equally fubjeft to the laws.
Among us no one can exercise any au
thority by Virtue of birth. All start e
qual in the race of life. No man is bom
a legislator. We are riot bound by any
laws but Miofe to which we have cor.-
fented. We are not called upon to pay
our money to support the idleness and
extravagance of court favorites. No
burdens are ittlpofed on us, but filch as
the public good requires. No enormous
fala ies are received by the few at thg
expense of the many. No taxes are le
vied, but such as are laid equally 011 the
legislator and private citizen. No man i
can be deprived of his life, liberty or
property, but by operation of laws,
freely, faitly and by common consent
previously eria<sted.
The liberty of the press is enjoyed,
in these dates, in a manner thai is un
known in other countries. Each citizen
thinks what he pleases, and (peaks and
writes what he thinks. Pardor me, il
luflrious Washington, that I have in
wardly rejoiced on feeing thy much ref
pedted name abuled in our newspapers.
Slanders against thy adamantine charac
ter, are as harmless as pointless iirrows
(hot from broken bows; but they
prove that our piinting prefies are free.
The doors of our legislative afiemblies
arc open, and the conduct of our (late
officers may be fafely questioned before
the bar of the public, by any private
So great is the refponlibility
of men in high ftatiohs among us, that
it is the fafhion to rule well. We read
of the rapacity, cruelly and oppression
of men in power; but our rulers seem,
for the molt part, to be exempt from
these vices. Such are the effe&sof go
vernments, formed on equal principles,
that men in authority cannot easily for
get, that they are the fervantso'f the
community, over which they preside.
Our rulers, taken from the peope, and
at dated periods returning to then, have
the ({rouged incitement to make thepnb
lic will their guide, and the public good
tbeir end.
Among the privileges enjoyed by
the citizens of these dates, we mar rec
kon an exemption from ecclefialtica'l eda
blifhments. These promote hypocrisy,
and uniformly have been engines of op
pression. They have transmitted errpr
from one generation to another, and re
drained that free spirit of enquiry, which
leads to improvement. In this country
lto priests can decimate the fruits of our
indudry, nor is any preference whate
ver, given to one lect above another*
Religious freedom; banished from al
most every other corner of the globe, has
fixed her ftaridard among us, and kindly
invites the diftrefTed from all quarters to
repair hither, in some places fire and
faggot await the man, who presumes to
exercift his rtafon in matter? of faith. In
others, a national creed is eltablilhed, and
exclusion from office is inili&ed on all;
however worthy, who dare to diflent. In
these happy states, it is a fundamental
conftifutional point, "that no religion,
test (hall ever be required as a qualification
to any office or public trust."
The experience of 18 years, has prov
ed that this universal equality is the moil,
effeitual method of preserving peaceamong
contending fetfts. It ha 9 also demonflrat
ed, that the church and state are diftinft
societies, and can very well subsist without
any alliance or dependance on each other.
Whiiethe government, without partiality
to any denomination, leaves all to fcand
on an equal footing,none can prove fuccefs
ful but by the learning* virtue, and piety
of its profeflors.
Our political situation, resulting
ifrom independence, tends to exalt and
improve the minds of ou: citizens
Great occasions always prod me great
men. While we were subjects, the
functions of government were perform
ed for us, but not by us. To adminif
tcr the public affairs of fifteen states,
and of four millions of people, the mi
litary,""civil, and political talents of ma
ny will be necessary. Every office, in
each of these multifarious departments,
is open to every citizen, who has the
abilities requisite for the discharge of
its duties. Such profpefts cannot fail
of exciting a laudable ambition in our
yosth to make themselves worthy of
puHic confidence.
It is one of the peculiar previleges Wc
■ enjoy, in consequence of independence,
that no individual, no party interest, no
foreign influence can plunge us into
war. Under our excellent constitution,
that scourge of nations will be avoided,
unless unprovoked and unredreffed inju
ries rouse the body of the people. Had
we not asserted our rank among nations,
we, as appendages to Great Britain,
would this day have been engaged in
j hostilities against France, though brave
,ly struggling for the rights of man :
jand all this at the call of a foreign maf
i ter, and without any voice or will of
. our own in the matter. Think of the
! cruel war now carrying on by kings and
nobles against the equal rights of man—
call to mind the slaughtered thousands,
whose blood is daily shedding on the
plains of Europe, and let your daily
tribute of thanks afceud to the common
parent of the universe, who has efta
l bliflied you in a separate government,
| exempt from participating in these hor
| rid scenes.
j To all the advantages of neutrality, we
as an independent people, are entitled by
the laws of nations, of nature, and of
.God. Butitmufthe acknowledged, that
■at present we are deprived of rriny of
them. The fame spirit, which influenced
Great Britain to attempt the subversion of
oyr independence, has led her to commit
unwarranted outrages on our commerce.
If the voice and interest of the people of
that country, was the rule of their govern
ment, as it is with us, these aggressions on
our rights would never have taken place ;
but uufortunately for them, and for us,
the interests of the great body of their fub
je&s have been facrificed to the fears and
jealousies of their privileged orders. In
the madnefsof their zeal to refirain France
from'doing, whit every independent na
tion has a right to do, they have needlessly
plunged their own country into a ruinous
War ) and in theprofecution of it, instead
of respecting our rights, as a heutral na
tion, they have treated US as if we were
their lubje&s,bound to forego every branch
of our accuitomed lawful commen t, that
might, in their apprehension, contravene
their designs. Many thanks to our worthy i
President, for his honest endeavors to pre
serve to (is the blessings of peace. May
they he fiVtfefsful; but if oti their failure,
thelalt extremity must be resorted to, we
may call heaven and earth to witness, that
ail rhe blood, and all the guilt of war will
lie at the door of Great Britain. Peace
was our intereft —peace was our wish ; and
for the preservation of it, the government
and people of thtfe states have done every
thing that was reasonable and proper for
them to do. May the sword of the Unit
ed States never be unflieathed for the pur
poses of ambition : but if it must be uplif
ted in lelf.deftncc, may it fail -With deci
sive efl'efi on the disturbers of mankind. I
beg pardon for this digrtffion, and with
pleasure turn away from contemplating the
follies of that government, a separation
from which -we this day celebrate, that I
may proceed, in pointing out the superior
advantages, which we, as an independent
people enjoy.
If we are so judge of the excellence
of a government from its fruits, in the
happiness of its fubjefts, we have abun
dant reason to be pleased with our own
—since the pace of 1783, our coun
try has been in a state of progressive im
provement—debts and other embarraff
(nents growing out of the late war, are,
in most cases, nearly annihilated. Our
nuinDers have been greatly augmented,
both from the introduction of foreigners
and the natural increase of our own c»- 1
ti'Zens. . Our exports and imports have <
overflowed all their ancient boundaries.
A revenue fuflicient to support national 1
credit, .and to fatisfy all other public ;
exigencies, has been easily raised, and I
that without burdening the people. \
Upon an average, five of 0111 citizens \
do not pay as much to the support of
government as one European fubjeft.
The whole sum expended in administer
ing the public affairs of the United
States, is not equal to the fourth part
of what is annually spent in supporting
one crowned head in Europe.
From the increase of our trade and
population, new ports aie daily opened,
and new towns and pities lift their heads
in all directions. The wilderness oil
our western frontier, is constantly lessen
ing by the extenliun of newfettlements.
Many who now heat me, have been
witness to the legiflaiure of a state com
fortably accommodated in a place, where
seven years ago the trees of the sorest
had never experienced the ax of the
husbandman. . v
It was hoped by our and
feared by our friends, that the people of i
independent America, would not readi
ly coalesce under a government, fuffici
ently energetic for the security of pro
perty and the preservation of internal
peace ; but they have both been disap
pointed. Iri these Hates, there is a vi- !
gorous execution of the laws, and an
upright administration of justice. Pro
perty and personal rights are well secur
ed. Criminals are easily brought to
fufftfr the pvinifhiticnt due to their de
merits : and no legal impediment exists
in the way of creditors recovering the
full amount of what is due to them.
These bit-flings are fecuved to lis with
out the intervention of a (landing army.
Our government relting on the affecti
ons of the people, needs no other sup
port than that of citizen folditrs. How
unlike this to foreign countries, where
enormous taxes are necessary to pay
Handing armies, and where itanding ar
mies are necessary to fectirc the payment
of enormou6 taxes.
Time wquld fail to enumerate all the
superior advantages our citizens enjoy
under that freb government to which
independence gave birth. I may fafely
affirm, in general, that as it proceeded
from the people, it has hern administer
ed for their benefit. The public good
has been the pole ftrfr by which its ope
rations have been diiefted.
That we may rightly prize.our poli
tical condition, let us call our eyes over
the inhabitants of the old world, and
contrail their frtuation with our own
A few among them are exalted to be 1
more than then, but the great bulk of \
the people, bowed down under the gal- s
ling yoke of opprtflion, are in a state of
dependence which fiebafes human na
ture. In the benighted regions of Asia,
and Africa, ignorance and defpotifnt
frown over the unhappy land. The
lower daffes are treated like beafls of
burden, and transferred without ceremo
ny from one malterto another. In fomc
parts of Europe, the condition of the
peafantiv is not quite so bad, but in
what country ate the rights and happi
ness of the common people so much ref
pefted as in these Rates > In this enu
meration I purposely omit France. Her
former government was one of the worst.
We trufl and hope, that when peace is
restored, her enlightened rulers will fur
tufh a new and ftiong proof of the con
nexion between liberty and happiness.
Among the established governments
of Europe that of Great Britain de
fervcdly itands high ; what is faulty in
that we have avoided, what is excellent
in it we have tranlplantcd in our own,
with additions and improvements. Is
trial by jury the pride of Britons ? It is
in like manner the biithright of our ci
tizens. Do Englishmen boast of the
privileges they enjoy by virtue of the ait
erf parliament, commonly called the Ha
beas corpus act ? We enjoy the fame,
and with more facility, for with us two
magistrates (one of whom is of the quo
rum) are empowered to give all the re
lief to a confined citizen which is con
template*) by that aft. Do Englishmen
gk*ry in the revolution of r 688, and of
the cotemporary acts of pailiament,
which declared the rights and liberties
as the fubjeft ? We have much more
-eafon to be proud of our conflitntion. ■
Whoever examines theft declaratory acts ;
if the Englifli parliament, will find, that j <
ill the provilions in favor of liberty 1 <
*hich they contain, fly up and kick the 11
>eam, when weighed against the follow- I 1
ng single lenience in our constitution : i <
4 All power is originally vetted in the ! I
>eople, and all free governments are j 1
ounded on their authority, and itrfti- I t
their peace, fafety and happi- ! (
It is true, that by the revolution of f
688, the people of England got a so- c
eign prince to rule over them, on bet- (
cr terms than their own domestic ty- r
ants had done, but neverthelel's, they v
jily exchanged one mal.' tor another c
oi in their aft of fettkment, to use
Kir own Words, " tln v rncit humbly a
rid faithfully submitted th'emfelyes, tfieir c
eir* and theii posterities." This .era t
as only the early dawn of that liberty c
DOW fhint:3 PP. J» ir. its noontide b
t blaze. It was refervej .for Amer! an
• put government on improper f OU ndation,
-dation, the sovereignty of the people
I Do Englilhmen value themfelvn on
: what is called Magna Charta ? ] n t u
; preamble to this celebrated inftr Lm - 4
it is stated, that « the king, 0 f h; '
I mere free will, gave and granted to ail
, freemen of his realm, the liberties''
» which are therein fpecified. What i
l thus said to be given and granted by
■ the free will of the iovereign, Wc the
, people of America hold in our own
i right. The sovereignty rests in our
■ selves, and in (lead of receiving the p r f
: vileges of free citizens as a boon Wn
: the hands of our rulers", we defined their
• powers by a constitution of our own
framing, which prescribed to them that
thus fit they might go, but no farther
' j All power, not thus expressly delegated"
lis retained. Here, let us pause, and
| leisurely survey the difference, the ir n .
j menfe difference, between a citizen and
; a fubjedl. A free citizen, of a -free
• state, is the higheit llyle of man. A.
i fubjeft is born in a state of dependence,
and bound to obey. A citizen has with'
jn himfelf a portion of sovereignty, and
is capable of forming or amending the
constitution, by which he is to be go
verned ; and of eledmg, or of being
elected, to the office ut as firll magi
flrate. In monaichies, tte fuLjects are
what they are by the grace of their so
vereign ; but in free representative.go
vernments, rulers are what they are by
the grace of the people.
In comparing the conftru&ion of the
legislative affembliesof these ftates,'with
the parliament of Great Britain, how
ltriking the contrail! Here the repre
sentatives are apportioned on such prin
ciples as collects and transmits the real
sentiments of the represented : Bat iti
Great Britain.the parliament is a mock
ery of representation. The elc&ors are
but a handful of the whole mais of fub
je£ls. Large towns have few or no re
prefenlativef, while decayed borough*
are -.uthorifed to fend infinitely more
than would be their quota on any rea
fonablc system. In these dates the le
gidative aflemblies are like miniature
pictures of the whole community, where
each part retains its comparative im
portance, though on a reduced scale. Ia
the parliament of Great Britain, the
j few give law to the many. It has been
; demouftrated by calculations on this
| fnbjja, that a majority of the Englii'h
house of coiiimons is chofenby lefstlia,n
Bgco persons, though the kingdom
contains more than eight millions of
fubje&s. Here the views and willies of
the legislature, are for tl>e moll pan the
views 3 rid wishes of the people; but in
England the reverse is often the cafe.
In the British parliament, the miniller
with a pensioned majority, may carry
what schemes he pleases; but in our
legislative affemblics, every overture must
j stand or fall according to its real or ap
i parent tendency, to help or hurt the
! people. Thus might Igo on till I out
raged your patience, in demonltrating
the ftiperiority of our government over
those which are reputed the bell in the
old world.
With such a constitution, and with
such exteniive territory, as we possess,
to what heighth of national grcatnefs
may we not aspire ? Some of our large
ttates have territory ftjperior to the is
lands of Great Britain, and the whole
together are little inferior to Europe
itfelf. The natural advantages of our
country are many and great. We are
not left to depend on others for our
support and strength. Our luxuriant
foil is capable of producing, not only
enough for the encreafing multitude
that inhabit* it, but a furplnfage for ex
portation, fufficient to supply the wants
of hundreds of tlicufands in foreign
countries. Our numbers, if they coiv
tinue to encreafe, as they hitherto have
done, will, in lefß than a century, amount
to forty millions. The light of fcierci
is kindling up in every corner of these
1 ftatcs. Manufactures, and all the ufefiJ
' arts are making rapid progiefs among
; us, while agriculture, the firll and bcH:
' employment of man, surpasses all its an
cient limits. With pleasure 1 could
dwell 011 the pleasing prufpecl of our ri
ling grcatnefs; but I halten to point
out what is the line of conduA proper
to be pursued by those who are so high
ly favored. We ought, in tliefirll place,
to be grateful to the All-wife diipofer
of events, who has given us so great a
portion of political happineis. To pos
sess such a country, with the
of liberty and peace, together with that
security of person and property, which
relults from a well ordered efficient go
vernment, is, or ought to be matter of
constant ttiankfulnefs.
Indtiflry, frugality and temperance,
are virtues which we should eminently
cultivate. These are the only founda
tion, on which a popular government
can reft with fafcty. Republicans (hou'd
be plain in their apparel—their enter-