ft- 'I » A N ORATION, Delivered in St. Atfichad'/ Church, before the inhabitants of Charleflon, South- Carolina-, On the fourth if 1794, by David Ramsay, M. D. Pteft ticnt of -the Senate of South-Caro/iru. Friends, countrymen, and FELLOW-CITIZENS, ON this 3ay, eighteen years, a na tion'was born at once, a new order of things arofei and An Hli'ftridus cera in the hiitory of human affairs commenced. The ties which before had joined us to Great Britain were fevered, and we af furred a place among the nations of the earth. Having delivered tiie firft oration that was fpokeri in the United States, to cele brate this great events I ft el myfelf donhly honored in being again called Upon, after a lapse of sixteen years, to perforin the fame dilty. Were my abi lities equal to the important fubjeft, your entertainment would be great ; but 1 mud cad myfelf on your candor 4 and foli'cit indulgence* for falling far (hort of that display of eloquence, which this eventful day is calculated to inspire. It is worthy of remark, that the discovery of America was nearly co-in cident with the invention of the art of printing and of the ma rj net's compass. From theft three foiirces the condition of mankind has been greatlv improved. By means of the art of printing, the darkntHfs of ignorance, which for tyany centuries had ovcrfhadotved mankind, has giveh place to the light of know ledge, and learned men of every clime conditlite but one republic. In conse quence of the mariner's compass, all the nations of out globe fotm one extended family, reciprocally adminiflering to the wants of each other. May Ibe allow ed to add, that the discovery of A me-. Hca is the firft link of a chain of caiifes. Which bids fair to enlarge the happiness of mankind, by regenerating the prin ciples of government in every quarter of the world. Among the events fefulting From this discovery, and which lead to that greAt revolution, the declaration of independence is coiifpicUoufly pre-emi nent. 1 will not wound your ears, on this feflive day, by a -repetition of the tnany injuries received by this country from Great Britain, which forced US to Cut .he Gordian knot, which b fore had joined us together. Suffice it to ob serve, that for the twelve years preceed tng the fourth of July, 1776, claim rose on claim, injury followed injury, and oppression trod on the heels of op pression, till we had no alternative left but that of abject (lavery, or compleat independence. The spirit of freedom decidcd iri favor of the latter. Heaven fmilcd on our exertions. After an eight years war in which our countrymen dis played the patience, tiie perfeverarice, and the magnanimity of republicans, ftrugglirig for every thing that is dear to ireemen, their mod sanguine wifiies were realised. The government of Great Britain, which began the war to enforce their claim, to bind us in all cases ivhat foever, after spending a hundr-d milli oris of money, and Sacrificing a hundred thousand ftibjefts, to no purpose, was obliged to give up the contdl, to retire from our (hores, and to rellnquifh, by a solemn treaty, all claim to bind us in any cafe whatfoiver. Such t triumph of liberty could not fail of vibrating round to worldj A great and mighty nation, on the other - fide of the At lantic, in imitation of our example, has abolished a system of oppression, under which their forefathers for many centu ries had groaned. We trust and hope, that they will discover as great abilities in planning and executing a good new government, as they have hitherto done in destroying an ancient bad one. Should this well founded expectation be realifed# we may hope, that revolutions will fol low revolutions, till despotism is banish ed front) cntr globe, In this point of view, the enlarged philanthropid mud not only rejoice in the benefits acquired by this country from its independence, but dill more in those, which are likely to flow from it to the opprefTed of every country. It may seem prefumpttious for us, «vho are a nation but of yederday, to arrogate to ourfelvea the merit of having enlightened mankind in the art of go vernment : but we became an indepen dent people, under circumstances so fa vorable to the rights of man, that great indeed must have been our dupidity, had we not done so* When we review the origin of other nations, we find that accidental circuntdances had a principal (hare in forming their constitutions. At one time a fiiccefsful invader, at another a daring chieftain, fixed the condituent parts of their government; but it never was known, anterior to bur days, that a great, wife, and enlightened people, were peaceably convened by their repre sentatives to deliberate on the principles of a conAitutiou, by which they were to be governed. From the firft fettlr meiu of th.s country, every thing con curred to inspire its inhabitants with the love of liberty. Tiie facility of pi icui ing landed gave every citizen an opportunity of Becoming an inde pendent freeholder. Remote fiom the influence of Icings, bishops, and nobles, tin; equality of rights was inculcated by the experience of every day. Having grown up to maturity under cireitn itances so favorable to liberty, and thru being at once fevered from all connexion with the. old world, the people of this country, in forming a conltitution for their future government, had every in citement to eitablilh such principles, as promised to fectire the great ed possible sum of political good, with the lead possible portion of evil. When such a people became perfectly their own mas ters, and free to adopt any contitutioir they pleased, great would have been theii (hame, had they not imp'oved on those forms of government wkich ori ginated in times of darkness, ;nd were instituted under the influence of privile ged orders. On this anniversary of in dependence, it cannot be improper to (hew that this has actually been done, and that in consequence thereof we en joy advantages, rights and privileges su perior to mod, if not to all of the hu man race. Bear with me then, while I attempt to demondrate this, by a detail of particulars: In entering on this fubjeft, where (hall I begin ? Where (hall I end? Proofs are neceflavy. I need only appeal to ex perience. I have a witness in the bread of every one who hears me, and who knows the condition of the common peo ple in other countries. In the United States, the blessings of society are en- j joyed with the lealt possible relinquilh ment of personal liberty. We have hit the happy medium between defpotifra and anarchy. Every citizen is perfect ly free of the will of every other citizen, while all are equally fubjeft to the laws. Among us no one can exercise any au thority by Virtue of birth. All start e qual in the race of life. No man is bom a legislator. We are riot bound by any laws but Miofe to which we have cor.- fented. We are not called upon to pay our money to support the idleness and extravagance of court favorites. No burdens are ittlpofed on us, but filch as the public good requires. No enormous fala ies are received by the few at thg expense of the many. No taxes are le vied, but such as are laid equally 011 the legislator and private citizen. No man i can be deprived of his life, liberty or property, but by operation of laws, freely, faitly and by common consent previously eria<sted. The liberty of the press is enjoyed, in these dates, in a manner thai is un known in other countries. Each citizen thinks what he pleases, and (peaks and writes what he thinks. Pardor me, il luflrious Washington, that I have in wardly rejoiced on feeing thy much ref pedted name abuled in our newspapers. Slanders against thy adamantine charac ter, are as harmless as pointless iirrows (hot from broken bows; but they prove that our piinting prefies are free. The doors of our legislative afiemblies arc open, and the conduct of our (late officers may be fafely questioned before the bar of the public, by any private So great is the refponlibility of men in high ftatiohs among us, that it is the fafhion to rule well. We read of the rapacity, cruelly and oppression of men in power; but our rulers seem, for the molt part, to be exempt from these vices. Such are the effe&sof go vernments, formed on equal principles, that men in authority cannot easily for get, that they are the fervantso'f the community, over which they preside. Our rulers, taken from the peope, and at dated periods returning to then, have the ({rouged incitement to make thepnb lic will their guide, and the public good tbeir end. Among the privileges enjoyed by the citizens of these dates, we mar rec kon an exemption from ecclefialtica'l eda blifhments. These promote hypocrisy, and uniformly have been engines of op pression. They have transmitted errpr from one generation to another, and re drained that free spirit of enquiry, which leads to improvement. In this country lto priests can decimate the fruits of our indudry, nor is any preference whate ver, given to one lect above another* Religious freedom; banished from al most every other corner of the globe, has fixed her ftaridard among us, and kindly invites the diftrefTed from all quarters to repair hither, in some places fire and faggot await the man, who presumes to exercift his rtafon in matter? of faith. In others, a national creed is eltablilhed, and exclusion from office is inili&ed on all; however worthy, who dare to diflent. In these happy states, it is a fundamental conftifutional point, "that no religion, test (hall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust." The experience of 18 years, has prov ed that this universal equality is the moil, effeitual method of preserving peaceamong contending fetfts. It ha 9 also demonflrat ed, that the church and state are diftinft societies, and can very well subsist without any alliance or dependance on each other. Whiiethe government, without partiality to any denomination, leaves all to fcand on an equal footing,none can prove fuccefs ful but by the learning* virtue, and piety of its profeflors. Our political situation, resulting ifrom independence, tends to exalt and improve the minds of ou: citizens Great occasions always prod me great men. While we were subjects, the functions of government were perform ed for us, but not by us. To adminif tcr the public affairs of fifteen states, and of four millions of people, the mi litary,""civil, and political talents of ma ny will be necessary. Every office, in each of these multifarious departments, is open to every citizen, who has the abilities requisite for the discharge of its duties. Such profpefts cannot fail of exciting a laudable ambition in our yosth to make themselves worthy of puHic confidence. It is one of the peculiar previleges Wc ■ enjoy, in consequence of independence, that no individual, no party interest, no foreign influence can plunge us into war. Under our excellent constitution, that scourge of nations will be avoided, unless unprovoked and unredreffed inju ries rouse the body of the people. Had we not asserted our rank among nations, we, as appendages to Great Britain, would this day have been engaged in j hostilities against France, though brave ,ly struggling for the rights of man : jand all this at the call of a foreign maf i ter, and without any voice or will of . our own in the matter. Think of the ! cruel war now carrying on by kings and nobles against the equal rights of man— call to mind the slaughtered thousands, whose blood is daily shedding on the plains of Europe, and let your daily tribute of thanks afceud to the common parent of the universe, who has efta l bliflied you in a separate government, | exempt from participating in these hor | rid scenes. j To all the advantages of neutrality, we as an independent people, are entitled by the laws of nations, of nature, and of .God. Butitmufthe acknowledged, that ■at present we are deprived of rriny of them. The fame spirit, which influenced Great Britain to attempt the subversion of oyr independence, has led her to commit unwarranted outrages on our commerce. If the voice and interest of the people of that country, was the rule of their govern ment, as it is with us, these aggressions on our rights would never have taken place ; but uufortunately for them, and for us, the interests of the great body of their fub je&s have been facrificed to the fears and jealousies of their privileged orders. In the madnefsof their zeal to refirain France from'doing, whit every independent na tion has a right to do, they have needlessly plunged their own country into a ruinous War ) and in theprofecution of it, instead of respecting our rights, as a heutral na tion, they have treated US as if we were their lubje&s,bound to forego every branch of our accuitomed lawful commen t, that might, in their apprehension, contravene their designs. Many thanks to our worthy i President, for his honest endeavors to pre serve to (is the blessings of peace. May they he fiVtfefsful; but if oti their failure, thelalt extremity must be resorted to, we may call heaven and earth to witness, that ail rhe blood, and all the guilt of war will lie at the door of Great Britain. Peace was our intereft —peace was our wish ; and for the preservation of it, the government and people of thtfe states have done every thing that was reasonable and proper for them to do. May the sword of the Unit ed States never be unflieathed for the pur poses of ambition : but if it must be uplif ted in lelf.deftncc, may it fail -With deci sive efl'efi on the disturbers of mankind. I beg pardon for this digrtffion, and with pleasure turn away from contemplating the follies of that government, a separation from which -we this day celebrate, that I may proceed, in pointing out the superior advantages, which we, as an independent people enjoy. If we are so judge of the excellence of a government from its fruits, in the happiness of its fubjefts, we have abun dant reason to be pleased with our own —since the pace of 1783, our coun try has been in a state of progressive im provement—debts and other embarraff (nents growing out of the late war, are, in most cases, nearly annihilated. Our nuinDers have been greatly augmented, both from the introduction of foreigners and the natural increase of our own c»- 1 ti'Zens. . Our exports and imports have < overflowed all their ancient boundaries. A revenue fuflicient to support national 1 credit, .and to fatisfy all other public ; exigencies, has been easily raised, and I that without burdening the people. \ Upon an average, five of 0111 citizens \ do not pay as much to the support of government as one European fubjeft. The whole sum expended in administer ing the public affairs of the United States, is not equal to the fourth part of what is annually spent in supporting one crowned head in Europe. From the increase of our trade and population, new ports aie daily opened, and new towns and pities lift their heads in all directions. The wilderness oil our western frontier, is constantly lessen ing by the extenliun of newfettlements. Many who now heat me, have been witness to the legiflaiure of a state com fortably accommodated in a place, where seven years ago the trees of the sorest had never experienced the ax of the husbandman. . v It was hoped by our and feared by our friends, that the people of i independent America, would not readi ly coalesce under a government, fuffici ently energetic for the security of pro perty and the preservation of internal peace ; but they have both been disap pointed. Iri these Hates, there is a vi- ! gorous execution of the laws, and an upright administration of justice. Pro perty and personal rights are well secur ed. Criminals are easily brought to fufftfr the pvinifhiticnt due to their de merits : and no legal impediment exists in the way of creditors recovering the full amount of what is due to them. These bit-flings are fecuved to lis with out the intervention of a (landing army. Our government relting on the affecti ons of the people, needs no other sup port than that of citizen folditrs. How unlike this to foreign countries, where enormous taxes are necessary to pay Handing armies, and where itanding ar mies are necessary to fectirc the payment of enormou6 taxes. Time wquld fail to enumerate all the superior advantages our citizens enjoy under that freb government to which independence gave birth. I may fafely affirm, in general, that as it proceeded from the people, it has hern administer ed for their benefit. The public good has been the pole ftrfr by which its ope rations have been diiefted. That we may rightly prize.our poli tical condition, let us call our eyes over the inhabitants of the old world, and contrail their frtuation with our own A few among them are exalted to be 1 more than then, but the great bulk of \ the people, bowed down under the gal- s ling yoke of opprtflion, are in a state of dependence which fiebafes human na ture. In the benighted regions of Asia, and Africa, ignorance and defpotifnt frown over the unhappy land. The lower daffes are treated like beafls of burden, and transferred without ceremo ny from one malterto another. In fomc parts of Europe, the condition of the peafantiv is not quite so bad, but in what country ate the rights and happi ness of the common people so much ref pefted as in these Rates > In this enu meration I purposely omit France. Her former government was one of the worst. We trufl and hope, that when peace is restored, her enlightened rulers will fur tufh a new and ftiong proof of the con nexion between liberty and happiness. Among the established governments of Europe that of Great Britain de fervcdly itands high ; what is faulty in that we have avoided, what is excellent in it we have tranlplantcd in our own, with additions and improvements. Is trial by jury the pride of Britons ? It is in like manner the biithright of our ci tizens. Do Englishmen boast of the privileges they enjoy by virtue of the ait erf parliament, commonly called the Ha beas corpus act ? We enjoy the fame, and with more facility, for with us two magistrates (one of whom is of the quo rum) are empowered to give all the re lief to a confined citizen which is con template*) by that aft. Do Englishmen gk*ry in the revolution of r 688, and of the cotemporary acts of pailiament, which declared the rights and liberties as the fubjeft ? We have much more -eafon to be proud of our conflitntion. ■ Whoever examines theft declaratory acts ; if the Englifli parliament, will find, that j < ill the provilions in favor of liberty 1 < *hich they contain, fly up and kick the 11 >eam, when weighed against the follow- I 1 ng single lenience in our constitution : i < 4 All power is originally vetted in the ! I >eople, and all free governments are j 1 ounded on their authority, and itrfti- I t their peace, fafety and happi- ! ( It is true, that by the revolution of f 688, the people of England got a so- c eign prince to rule over them, on bet- ( cr terms than their own domestic ty- r ants had done, but neverthelel's, they v jily exchanged one mal.' tor another c oi in their aft of fettkment, to use Kir own Words, " tln v rncit humbly a rid faithfully submitted th'emfelyes, tfieir c eir* and theii posterities." This .era t as only the early dawn of that liberty c DOW fhint:3 PP. J» ir. its noontide b t blaze. It was refervej .for Amer! an • put government on improper f OU ndation, -dation, the sovereignty of the people I Do Englilhmen value themfelvn on : what is called Magna Charta ? ] n t u ; preamble to this celebrated inftr Lm - 4 it is stated, that « the king, 0 f h; ' I mere free will, gave and granted to ail , freemen of his realm, the liberties'' » which are therein fpecified. What i l thus said to be given and granted by ■ the free will of the iovereign, Wc the , people of America hold in our own i right. The sovereignty rests in our ■ selves, and in (lead of receiving the p r f : vileges of free citizens as a boon Wn : the hands of our rulers", we defined their • powers by a constitution of our own framing, which prescribed to them that thus fit they might go, but no farther ' j All power, not thus expressly delegated" lis retained. Here, let us pause, and | leisurely survey the difference, the ir n . j menfe difference, between a citizen and ; a fubjedl. A free citizen, of a -free • state, is the higheit llyle of man. A. i fubjeft is born in a state of dependence, and bound to obey. A citizen has with' jn himfelf a portion of sovereignty, and is capable of forming or amending the constitution, by which he is to be go verned ; and of eledmg, or of being elected, to the office ut as firll magi flrate. In monaichies, tte fuLjects are what they are by the grace of their so vereign ; but in free representative.go vernments, rulers are what they are by the grace of the people. In comparing the conftru&ion of the legislative affembliesof these ftates,'with the parliament of Great Britain, how ltriking the contrail! Here the repre sentatives are apportioned on such prin ciples as collects and transmits the real sentiments of the represented : Bat iti Great Britain.the parliament is a mock ery of representation. The elc&ors are but a handful of the whole mais of fub je£ls. Large towns have few or no re prefenlativef, while decayed borough* are -.uthorifed to fend infinitely more than would be their quota on any rea fonablc system. In these dates the le gidative aflemblies are like miniature pictures of the whole community, where each part retains its comparative im portance, though on a reduced scale. Ia the parliament of Great Britain, the j few give law to the many. It has been ; demouftrated by calculations on this | fnbjja, that a majority of the Englii'h house of coiiimons is chofenby lefstlia,n Bgco persons, though the kingdom contains more than eight millions of fubje&s. Here the views and willies of the legislature, are for tl>e moll pan the views 3 rid wishes of the people; but in England the reverse is often the cafe. In the British parliament, the miniller with a pensioned majority, may carry what schemes he pleases; but in our legislative affemblics, every overture must j stand or fall according to its real or ap i parent tendency, to help or hurt the ! people. Thus might Igo on till I out raged your patience, in demonltrating the ftiperiority of our government over those which are reputed the bell in the old world. With such a constitution, and with such exteniive territory, as we possess, to what heighth of national grcatnefs may we not aspire ? Some of our large ttates have territory ftjperior to the is lands of Great Britain, and the whole together are little inferior to Europe itfelf. The natural advantages of our country are many and great. We are not left to depend on others for our support and strength. Our luxuriant foil is capable of producing, not only enough for the encreafing multitude that inhabit* it, but a furplnfage for ex portation, fufficient to supply the wants of hundreds of tlicufands in foreign countries. Our numbers, if they coiv tinue to encreafe, as they hitherto have done, will, in lefß than a century, amount to forty millions. The light of fcierci is kindling up in every corner of these 1 ftatcs. Manufactures, and all the ufefiJ ' arts are making rapid progiefs among ; us, while agriculture, the firll and bcH: ' employment of man, surpasses all its an cient limits. With pleasure 1 could dwell 011 the pleasing prufpecl of our ri ling grcatnefs; but I halten to point out what is the line of conduA proper to be pursued by those who are so high ly favored. We ought, in tliefirll place, to be grateful to the All-wife diipofer of events, who has given us so great a portion of political happineis. To pos sess such a country, with the of liberty and peace, together with that security of person and property, which relults from a well ordered efficient go vernment, is, or ought to be matter of constant ttiankfulnefs. Indtiflry, frugality and temperance, are virtues which we should eminently cultivate. These are the only founda tion, on which a popular government can reft with fafcty. Republicans (hou'd be plain in their apparel—their enter-
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers