Gazette of the United States and daily evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1794-1795, July 07, 1794, Image 2

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    ttavannah sugars
ME LASSES-,
at Hamilton's wharf, from ttie
Brig Industry.
Bourdeanx Brandy,
Red and White Wine,
In hogsheads and cases,
taililing at Walnut street wharf, frdtri
the ship America,
ASD FOR SALE BY
John Vaughan.
tdfr7 diw
0« Wtdnefday Evening,
The 9th inft. at 7 o'clock,
if ill be.fold Ly Public Vendue,
The 15 RIG
.INDUSTRY,
T&sLgSsf* -Now lying at Hamilton's
Wharf,
AS came froth sea, burthen 130 torts
about 18 months old, Well found, rigging
ind fails in good order.
Approved notes at 3 and 5 months will
be taken in payment. Inventory to be
ictn at the Subscriber's cfFC .
Footman iff Go.
Auctioneers.
J«'y 7- <*3*
Just Publiflieclj
j4t?4 to be fold by
JOHN ORMROD)
No. 41, Chefnut street,
A NEW EDITION nf
Latch's King's Bench
REPORTS,
Or
Cajes determined in that Court during the
3 jfiijl years of Charles I.
July 7 4t
NEW THEATRE.
Mrs. Oldmixon's
NIGHT.
This Evening,
July 7.
XVill be Presented,
An OPERA, in three A£ts, translated
from the French c*f Baumarchais, by-
George Cajman, Esq. called the
Spanijh Barber >
Or, The
FRUITLESS PRECAUTION.
Tfce Mulic by Arnold, and the
accompaniments by Carr ; with ad
ditional airs by Messrs. Reinagle and
Cam
Count Almavia, Mr. Moreton
Do&or Bartheloj. Mr. Green
Bazil, Mr. Darlcy
Lazarillo, , Mr. Bates
Alcaide, Mr. Darlcy, jun.
Notary, Mr. Warrell
Tallboy, Mr. Francis
Aigus, Mr. Blifl'et
Rofina, MrS Oldmixon
End of the Play, a new Dance, com
posed by Mr. Francis, called the
Scheming Milliners,
Or, The
BEAU NEW TRIM'D <
By Mn Francis, Mr. Bellona, Mr.
BlifTet, Mrs. De Marque and Mrs.
Cleveland.
After which the Cantdta of
MA D BESS.
Composed by Pufcell, with accompani
ment® by Dr. Arnold, will be sung
by Mrs. OLbMIXON.
10 which will be added, a Fafce, called
THE
Prisoner at Large,
Or, The
HUMOURS of KILARNEY.
Lord Osmond, Mr. Fennell
Old Dowdle, Mr. Bates
Ciount Fi iporr, Mr. Finch
Jack Connor, Mr. Harwood
Father Frank, Mr. BlifTet
Friil, Mr 4 Francis
Phelim, Master Warrell
Tough-, Mr. Morris
Trap, Mr. Darley, jun.
Muiis, Mr. Wignell
Adelaide* Mrs. Cleveland
Rachel, Mrs. Marshall
Mary, Mrs. Rowfon
Laudlady, Mrs. Bates.
Tickets to be had at Mrs. Oldmix-
; at Mr. Fennell'sv the corner of
Fourth and Arch-streets; at Messrs.
Carr & Co's. at the usual places, and of
Mr. Franklin, at the Theatre.
$~J~ Mr. Bh'ffet and Mrs. De Marque's
Night will be on Wednesday.
The tragedy of CYMIiELINE, with
the farce of the DEVIL UPON TWO
STICKS.
G3" Mr. Franklin's Night will be on
Friday.
■For the Gazette of the United Sie7.f.
MR. FEI»NO,
ihe following articles afford a refpeSa
blt proof of the good difpojition ofjlie
people of North-Garolina-z-artd that
ibofe ivbo have calculated an a different
Jlate of the public mind in that quarter,
have ibeen incorr/8 in their opinions, >
Yours, C. D.
(COPY)
To the lion. James Iredell, Esq. one
of the Judges of the Federal Court.
The ADDRESS of the Grand Jury
of the Federal Court for the Circuit of
North-Carolina, held at the city of
Raleigh on the id daj of Jttni, 1794.
We the Jury , aforefaid, imprcfTed
wi th a lively sense of the exemplary pains
which you have taken in your charge
to point out to us our duty, as Grand
Jurors of this courts consider ourselves
-bound in gratitude to return you our
sincere and ardent thanks. The rftong/
and lively colours in which you have
painted our situation with the belliger
ent powers, and this' advantages we de
rive from a state of neutrality, must con
vey eunvi&ion to the; mind of every per
son who wishes the Welfare of his
| try.
We are happy to obfene that the
President's Proclamation has met with
the general approbation of the citizens
of this state ; had it hot beefi consonant
with the general opinion, we are apt to
believe feme part of the attention of this
court would have been occupied in trials
of that description.
As your charge was particularly ad
drefled to lis, and but a few of thf in
habitants weie ptefent, we request it as
a favor that you wAuld grant us a copy
thereof with permission to have it pub
lished; that the comprehenfivc view
which, you have taken on the subject
may be generally diflethinated.
That you may enjoy a long fuccefiion
of years, with the blefiings of health
1 and prosperity added thereto, are the
sincere wishes of this Jury.
Signed for the whole,
Ambrosl: Ramsay, Foremans
• ANSWER.
TO
AMBROSE RAMS Ati £ssi..
Wake Court-House, June 5.
Sir,
The bufijiefs of the coiirt jilit it oilt
of my power, before the Grand Jury
had dispersed, to express in the manner
I wiflied, the high sense I entertain of
the great honor of their address. Their
approbation of my sentiments on so in
teresting a accompanied with
the pleaiing information they convey, is
the more agreeable to me as it convinces
me of what I had before every reason to
believe; that whatever may be the sen
timents of a few individuals, the great
body of the citizens of this state confi
| der the peace and reputation of thier
country of no common value, and that it,
is their indispensable duty to obey the
constitutional authorities, which they as
as well as the citizens of the other
states have concurred in establishing;
authorities formed on the ftrqngeft basis
of freedom, and calculated without the
flighted diftin&ion for the equal secu
rity and happiness of all.
Whatever may be our future fate ei- j
ther as to peace or war, such a disposi
tion dan alone preserve us a united peo- 1
pie, give dignity and energy to our go-■
vernment, maintain the chara&er of a
refpefted nation, and convince the world
that the fame sense of duty which diftat- •
ed the preservation of peace, when peace
was the object of our common counsels,
will equally lead to a vigorous support Or
any war into which the aggreflions of
any other nation may force us.
You will oblige me in communicating
this letter as yotf have opportunity, to
the several gentlemen who composed the
Grand Jury, a (Turing them at the fame
time that I shall retain through life the
mod grateful sense of their personal
kindness, and that 1 reciprocate in the
warmest nwnner the fame wishes for their
health and prosperity, as they are so
good as to express for mine.
Such, Sir, I (hall ever entertain for
yourfelf personally,
Being, with great regard,
Your faithful and
Obedient servant
JA. IREDELL.
The chat-ge delivered in the Circuit
Court of North-Carolina, referred to in
the above address, is substantially the
fame, which was delivered by the fame
Judge in the Circuit Court of South-
Carolina, and which has already appear
ed in this paper.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, April 7.
THE AGE OF REASON,
Being an inveftigatiorf of tiue andfabu
lous Theology-—By Thomas Paine.
This production displays in full force
all the qualities that characterize Mr.
Paine's other writing?, and proves that
his mind ik neither impaired norembar
raffed by the events palling around him,
or by What he himfelf may have fuffer
ed. As few of our readers will have an
opportunity of feeing the work itfelf,
we infart
Mr. Paine's Creed.
" As several of my colleagues, and
others of my fellow-citizens of France,
have given me the example of making
their voluntary and individual piofeflion
of faith, I also will make mine ; and I
do this with all the sincerity and frank
nefs with which the mind of man com
municates with itfelf.
" I believe in one God, and no more;
and I hope for happiness beyond this
life.
" 1 believs the equality of man, and
I believe that religious duties consist in
doing juilice, loving mercy, and endea
voring to make our fellow-creatures hap
py-
" I do not believe in the Creed pro
feffed by the Jewish church, by the
Roman church, by the Greek church,
by the Turkish church, by the Protest
ant chutch, nor by any chuch that 1
know of. My own mind is my own
church.
1 " All national institutions of church
es, whether Jewish, Chriflian, or Turk
ish, appear to me 110 other than human
inventions set up to terrify and enslave
mankind, and to monopolize power and
profit.
" I do not mean by this declaration
to condcmn those who believe otherwise.
They have;the fame right to theif belief J
as I have to mine. But it is necessary (
to the happiness of man, that he be
mentally faithful to himfelf. Infidelity
does not ctnfifl in believing, or in eft/believ
ing : It conjijls in profejjing to believe
what he does not believe."
STATE PAPER.
6FFICI AL NOTE.
Delivered by General Baron Igeljtroem, j
refpeSing the Manifcjlo publi/hed by the \
Poli/h injurgents at Cracow.
" A formal aft of inforreclion, which
has been promulgated at Cracow by its
authors, and which invites to commoti
on and preaches rebellion—one of those j
seditious writings among t'noufands of
the 1 fame description, by which allure
ments have been held forth since the be
ginning of the French revolution, to
introduce the principles of rapine and
murder, and to difolve all civil and faci
al order, —has also appeared here, as if
Poland had not already been fufficiently
overwhelmed with misfortunes. This
writing is circulated in print. The
guilty authors of this piece, in which a
monstrous mixture of those falfe per
suasives of pretended patriotism are ob
served, by announcing the violation of
property ; in which the molt impudent
temerity is united with the dereli&ion of
every regard to all welfare, —have been
daring enough to avow their names.
Disclaiming all other authority but that
assumed by that horde of French rebels,
they talk the language of sovereignty,
assume the authority of prefchbing laws
and of subverting a form of govern
ment' , and while they make the sacred
rights of property their sport, they
dare, aided by their impudence, to in
troduce arbitrary levies, and to fubjeft
in this manner the inhabitants of a flou
rifhing city of the Republic, and all its
adjacent diflriifts, to the exactions of ra
pine, *-hich are converted into a system.
" Such manifold crimes cannot re
main unpunished, and the troops of h#r
Majesty (tie Empress of all the Ruflias,
to whom the prefcrvatiou of the tran
quility of Poland is nearefl to htr breall,
have already orders to disperse those,
hordes of banditti. They have already
1 done it with some success. Soon will
they also storm the centre of rebellion,
• and punish the crimes againfl the lawful
authority ; happy, if their blows fall i
only upon the guilty heads, and iF her
presence can be the protection of op
pressed innocence. But this is not
enough. The great delinquents, the
authors of so many ills, mnftbe pnnifh
ed ; intrigue must be repressed; hypo
cricy unmasked, and the formidable life
which the government can make of i(s
authority, must be of that nature, that
all the means used, shall give, under
tliefe circumftancea, a great example of'
justice, to become tbt terror of those
who could fuffer themfelvei tote delu
ded by so culpable an example.
«Tfte undersigned, commander irt
chief and minister plenipotentiary of
her Majesty the Enipreft of all the Ruf
fias, fully sensible of the urgency, and
of the salutary effe£ts which the steady
and resolute conduct of the government
will produce in this emergency, has the
honor to reqUest for this puipofe the ,
King and his Council to accelerate the !
period of the convention of the Diet,
and of all the other Tribunals whose
province is to take cognizance of fibu
lar crimes, to summon thole rebels who
were not afliamed of affixing thei/names
to that writing, to denounce before
that tribunal not only that writing, but
also all other writings of such a nature,
which have already copioiifly appeared
to consign them to pnblic contempt,
and to pronounce by laws the sentence
upon this instrument of rebellion, upon
the authors and distributors of those
writings, arid likewise Upon all those
persons directly or indirectly concerned
therein, that they may fuffer the feverelt
punifiiment both in person and proper
ty ; and that frefh' orders be given to all
the tribunals, to double their vigilante,
to detect the secret authors and promo
ters of those partisans of revolution,
and to deliver them up to juilice in the
fame manner.
" While the undersigned recals to re
membrance the well known and incessant
solicitude of her Imperial Majesty, his
moll sublime sovereign, for the peace
and tranquillity of Poland, he reiterates
at the fame time the offer which he so
repeatedly made, of co-operating lly
all the means in his power, to secure
jtiftice, and the power and execution of
the laws.
" Rebels, whose mad fury might pro
voke rage, but only inspire pity, efpe
ciallv since it is known that they are de
prived of all the means of accomplishing
their rebellion, have it not in their pow
er to give offence. The motives which
occasioned the request of the undersign
ed, have also no other tendency but to.
secure to Poland that (late of tranquili
ty which it Hands so much in need of,
and which is the only resource which
can preserve its existence.
(Signed)
BARON VON IGELSTROEM.
Warsaw, April 5, 1794.
BERMUDA, June 20.
The French fleet and troops which
arrived in the Weft Indies came too late
to relieve their islands—but had they
been a few days longei on their passage
Sir J. Jtrvis muil have been failed for
England with some of the largest ships,
and every thing must have favored them.
However, there is every reason to believe,
that all the force sent by the French
regicides will be captured, a 6 the British
forces in that qurrtcrare thought fuf
ficient for that puipofe.
■———<——■ V
' UNITED STATES.
HALIFAX, (N.C.) June 25.
A North-Carolina correspondent ob
serves, that certain intemperate speech
es and .publications ait; calculated to im
press strangers with a belief, that the
government of the United States ex
hibits no characteristic but venality and
cowardice, and if any vestige of repub
licanism remain* on this fide the Atlan
tic, it is only to be found among the
discontented members of a few popular
societies. Even that tried Republican,
our illustrious Chief Magiflrate, is stig
matised with the moil feurrilous epithets,
because he will not, according to the
custom of Kings, rashly recommend a
dsclaration of war.
In the opinion of some of the refllefs
leaders of this party, to be moderate, is
'to be corrupt—to be a friend to peace,
is to favor Britain—and to differ from
therti in sentiment, is to be an Aristocrat.
As if moderation was not one of the
cardinal virtues of a ftatei'man—as if
peatie ras sot the diftingtiifliing feature
of a wile government—as if to differ in
opinion was not the privilege of freeman,
and the lot of mortals.
1 he nation whose government c£afe«
to aft temperately is loft ; it is by the
calm comparison of discordant opinions
that the truth is discOvered, and public
dccifions cannot lail to he consonant to
public interest in an enlightened country
like this, when pafiion hath not usurped
the place of reason. In this view, the
forbearance of Congress on some late oc-
Cafions cannot be too much commended,
the virtue of the Executive in determin
ing to fend an Envoy-Extraordinary
to demand explanations, contrails the
wisdom of a Republic with rashness of a
Monarchy—and the fate of the non-im
povtation aft in the Senate, proves the
unqueflionable advantage of two branch
es to the legislature.
i It has even been alledged by some
as kn obje&ion agauifi all republican g6-
veinments, because the United States
did not declare war against Britain for
the multiplied aggreffidns of that haugh
ty nation ; but the event, it is
will raise rational republicanism higher
in the estimation of the world, than it
has ever yet been, and furnifh a fuffici
ent refutation to such indiscreet fuggef.
tiohs.
The power of involving a nation in
war, is one of the highest adts of sove
reignty, and none but the enemies of
mankind, would wish this dangerotfe
prerogative to be veiled otherwise than
inhere it is by the federal cohilitutionj
or exercised with less caution than our
government hath lately displayed.
These intimations will not be rtlifhed
City Swindlers, who are at home on
ly in scenes of confuiion—by frontier
patriots, who already have a claim to
more than Warren Haftings's wealth
from the spoils of the public—by Bri
tish debtors, whose only hope of respite
from the claws of the Sheriff, or total
disengagement from their creditors, reft 3
otj the general calamity—and by a fort
of left-handed republicans among us,
who after the example of the fix-No
bles of France, make ardent £ raft (lions
of devotion to freedom, while they are
fecietly plahning the rhoft insidious arts
to undermine its foundations.
The man who under the mafic of re
publicanism, recommends war, should
be fufpefted as an incendiary who aflem
bles a mob tinder pretext of redrefling
public grievances, and leaves the delud
ed multitude exposed tb the vengeance
of the law, while he (lips off with the
plunder and pillage of the neighbour
ing lioufes.
If the British ctfurt, upon the de
mand of Mr. Jay, should be so unwise as"
to refufe compensation, it is to be pre
sumed that our government will do
what is proper to maintain American
rights, and vindicate American honor,
in which all good citizens will co-incide,
even (hould arms be the alternative—
but the designing ones, dreading the pa
cific and virtuous difpofhions of our
Executive, have taught many well mean
ing people to believs, that this is the
time to Compell a furiender of the Welt
ern Posts, and enforce a complete exe
cution of the treaty of 1783.
An opinion—fpecioiis, but not solid,
against which the public attention is in
vited to a few obvious objections :
1 ft. Our title to the Western PofW
rests upon the clear and iirdifputable
terms of a written inrtrument, ratified
by* the supreme authority of both na
tions, and therefore ought to be kept
unconnected with the French revoluti
on, or any other European question.
2d< The British King being allied
to the enemies of France by treaties of
fenfive and defenfive, an attack, at this
crifrs, upon the territory which he
claims even unjustly, would be conflru
ed by the combination into an attack
upon the whole-'—therefore the present
is the most favorable time far Britain,
'and the most unfavorable for the United
States, to bring the Contest to an iflue.
3d. The British King is now armed
against France, his Mlnifter commands
a decided majority in the present Par
liament, he can make no figure on the
European theatre, and while thus pre
pared would be the less reludtant to
bend his whole land and naval force a
gainst the United States. A diversion
which might be favourable to French
liberty, but fatal to American prospe
rity.
4th. This dispute bar. existed for tli.e
space of ten years without open hostili
ty, to declare against Britain now, on
that account alone, would enable George
111. to fay to bis Parliament, " The
Americans have this war
not 011 their own account, but to aid the
French—you cannot therefore hesitate
to continue the necefiary supplies."
sth. yenal as the British House of
Commons may be, it is not fuppofeable
that they would, in times of European
tranquility, after the termination of the
present difgraceful war, enable the King
to prosecute a new one equally expen
live, rather than execute a fair treaty
which he himfelf had fueely made.
6th. In'proportion as our new settle
ments extend, we are brought nearer to
the posts which must constitute the
scenes of military aft ion ; supplies and
information for armies a£ting on that
theatre will be at hand, the Indians will
difappcar, and finally the posts will be
ours—without a ttruggle.
If these considerations at'e.entitled to
weight—if we haveaheady wafted four
years and five millions of dollars, tote
twice defeated by the Sans Culottes of
the j/ildernefs—if it required the con
tinued exertions of the British govern
ment, aided by her then colonies the
United States, for seven years, from
17 JJ to 1762, with the advantage of a
powefful fleet, to obtain the yndifturb
ed polTcffisn gf tliat country-—if a con-