XX -3? DP Ij EJ !jVE IE IfcT T - GOVERNOR, ."GEN. nENRY M, EOYT, OF LUZERNE. LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR, HON. CHARLES W, STONE, OF WARREN. SECRETARY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS, HON, AARON K, DUNKEL, OF PHILADELPHIA. JUDGE OF SUPREME COURT, HON, JAMES P, STERRETT, OF ALLEGHENY. OITR CANDIDATES. Wlro they nrc nnd llicir Public Services in . the rust Men of Brillinnt Re cords and Personal Worth. Henry Marlln Hoyt, tbo liepubllcan candi date lor Governor, was horn In Luzerne county In 1830..: Ho entered Wyoming Seminary in 111, and wont from there to Williams College, where he graduated In 1819. In 18.50 ho began to loach school In Tonawanda, and after a year was elected Professor of Mathematics In Wyo ming Seminary. Two years later he studied law in Chief Justice Georgo W. Woodward's office, at Wllkesbarre. He taught school for a time In the south, but lu 185G he took an active part In Ilia Fremont Presidential campaign In this State, after which he began to practice law In Wllkesbarre. In 1861 he was active In raising the Fifty-second regiment, Pennsylva nia volunteers, and was commissioned as Lieu tenant Colonel by Governor Curtln. He was In General Negley 's brigade during the Peninsular campaign or 1862, and early in the following winter was sent with the rest under General W. . W. H. Davis to co-operate with the naval at tack on Fort Sumter. Ho participated, under General Gllraore, in the slego operations con ducted on Morris Island against Fort Wagner and Fort Sumter. In the summer of 1861 a night attack was organized by General Foster against Fort Johnson In Charleston harbor, where he was taken prisoner. Alter being con f I ned at Macon, Colonel Iloyt was brought back Willi (WO other oflicers to Charleston Jail. While cm the way from Macon to Charleston lie escaped from the cars with four other Union officers. After several days and nights of fruitless efforts for liberty, they were recaptured by the enemy, with the aid of blood hounds, and placed In the Charleston Jail. Upon being exchanged, Colonel Hoyt rejoined his regiment and remained with it until near the close of the war. He was promoted to colonel on January 9, 1861, and was mustered out of the service on November 5, 1861. On March 13, 1865, he was breveted brigadier general. During the year 1867, under an uppolntmeut from the lute Governor Geary, bo discharged the duties of Ad ditional Law Judge of the Eleventh district. In 1875 and 187G, Colonel Hoyt was Chairman of the Republican State Committee, displaying in the successful campaigns of that yeai marked .ability as a political leader. He was also one of the Delegates at Large from this State to the liepubllcan National Convention of 1870 at Cin cinnati.' Hon. Charles W. Stone. Charles W. Stone was born at Grotan, Mid dlesex county, Mass. , on June 29, 1843. From the common school be went to Lawrence Acad emy, and from them to Williams College. He graduated at the latter institution in 1863. Soon after finishing bis collegiate course, he became Principal of the Union Academy at Warren, und continued in charge until appointed Super intendent of the schools of Warren county In March, 1865. In September of the same year lie was elected Principal of the Erie Academy. During the summer of 1868 he entered the office of Judge Wetmore, of Warren, as a (student at law, and In September, 1867, he was admitted to practice in the several courts of the county. In January, 1868, he entered into partnership with Judge R. Brown. In tho full of 180S he was elected to the Stato House of Representatives from the Warren and Venango district. In 1870 he wag re-elected without op position. Iu 1876 ho was elected to the State Senate for two years, carrying his district by 400 votes more than were cast for President Hayes. He is a clear and forcible debater. In the Senate Mr. Stouo bas shown great devotion to the peo ple of the oil regions, and was one of the three Senators who, on the mil lust., appealed from tho decision of Lieutenant-Governor Latta that the Houso oil -pipe bill could be considered, be cause it was the same "In object, purpose and Ititeul.aud in substauce" as a Senate bill which had previously been considered and defeated by the Seuif to. The appeal was defeated by a vote of 28 to 18, and the oil-pipe business thus gets a , .jujotus lor this session of the Legislature. Hon. James 1. Sterrett. lion. James P. Sterrett was born la the Tus rarora Valley, Juniata county, Pennsylvania, on the 7th of Novcmbor, 1822. He received his preliminary education at the Tuscarora Acad emy, aud entered Jefferson College in the fall of 1842, graduating from that Institution In 1815, after which be was connected with it for one year as principal of the Preparatory Depart ment. Having road law at Carlisle, and com pleted his course at the University of Virginia, he was admitted to the bar of tbat State In 1818. In tho spring of 1849 he began the practice of law in Pittsburg. In 1861 he was appointed on a commission authorised by tho Legislature to rovise the revenue laws of this Commonwealth. On thefourtb jf January, 1862, he was appointed President Judge of the Court of Common Pleas of Allegheny County, Hud In the fall of the same year was elected by the Republican party to nil the President Judge ship for a term of ten years. Iu 1872 be was again unanimously nominated tor this position by the Republican County Convention, and was re-elected without any opposition from the Democrats. On the 2Ctb of February, 1877, he was appointed by Governor Hartranft to fill the position of Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. At the Republican State Convention held In September last be was nominated by acclamation for the seat be then held tempora rily, but was defeated by Judgo Trunkey, the Democratic candidate. In early life Judge Sterrett was an Old Line Whig, and he bas been an earnest Republican ever slnco the or ganization of tbe latter party. Aaron K. Dunkel. Aaron K. Dunkel was born In Mauheiui town ship, Lancaster county, May 20, 1837. He at tended tbe common schools In Manhelm and East Hempfleld district until the age of fifteen, when be entered the office of the Lancasterlan. In April, 1856, be obtained a situation as com positor on the daily Pennsylvanlan, then edited by Colonel John W. Forney. At the outbreak of tbe war he enlisted as a private In Company K, Eighteenth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers (State Fenclbles), for the three mouths cam paign. At the expiration of his term of ser vice be enlisted as a private In tbe Indepen dent Company Zouaves d'Afrique, Captain Coins, which was raised by order of the War Department as General Ranks' body guard. He was commissioned Second Lleuten aut In Company H, nun Regiment P. V., In August, 1862, and promoted Captain In April, 1803. Captured by tbe Confederates at Gettys burg In J uly of u same year, be was held a prisoner at Llbby, la Kioto. 18111 HONESTY, The True Republican Policy How the Credit and Faith of the Na tion Have Been Kept. What Republicanism has Done for the Na tionReduced Its Debt, Cut Down the Interest, and Lessened Taxation One-half. The election of the last Democratic President that the country bad was foUowcd by the crisis of 1857, and we had hardly begun to recover from that heavy blow, when the rule of the Democracy was at last overthrown, and tbe war of the rebellion wbb begun to destroy the t which they could not control. Tbe Republican party came Into power with tbe revenues of tbe conn try wasted, and the credit of the nation so poor that It was paying a blgbcr rate of interest than ever within the generation, and even more lhan it was paying in the height of the war that fol lowed. We had this war forced upon us when our navy was scattered to the four quarters of the globe, and material and ammunition piled up by traitorous officials in southern forts and arsenals in readiness for the contest which the mad rulers of the south bad planned long before the north awoke to the desperation of the men who saw slipping away from them, never to re turn, tbe power that they had held so long. We had to begin from tbe beginning. There was an army to raise and to equip, a navy to build aud toman, with not a dollar In the Treasury, hardly a gun In the arsenals, and not a ship on the sea that was worthy of tho name. Such was tbe condition of tbe country when tho peo ple at last asserted themselves, and wrested tho control of its destiny from the parly that had been plunderlnglt and squandering its resources for a score of years. THE DEMOCRATIC J,EOACV. The Republican party can Indeed challenge tbe record, and stand or rait by the result. The war was fought and won not without an enormous expenditure of blood and treasure, but still without the ruin of our Industries or our credit. Tbe close or the war saw the country with its manufactures fully em ployed, agriculture comparatively neglected, and a debt of S2 680,000,000, which was iu. creased in the following year by tho ex penses of the war to 82,773,000,000. There were State debts besides amounting to 8864,785,000. Total to the credit of Democratic rule In this country, over a million lives lost and about $3,000,000,000. This was tho burden that was laid upon the Republican party, and which it has carried ever since, although it has been steadily lightened each year. All through Bu- chanan's administration, with no extraordi nary expenses, It had been steadily growing, but under Republican management it has been decreased every year in some years by an amount greater than the largest total of the na tional debt In anyone year previous to 1861, not excepting even the heavy obligations remaining after the war of 1812. Some facts concerning the growth and decrease of the debt will show how it was piled up and how it has been re duced. On July 1, 1861, three months after Sumter was fired upon, the debt was S90,380, 873, aud it bore five and six per cent, interest. For temporary loans the Democratic Secretary of the Treasury had paid as high as ten and twelve per cent, interest. From that time on the debt grew with frightful rapidity, for war Is expensive, aud the government was such a cus tomer of the people that it took all that they had to sell, aud yet in all this time no higher rate of interest was paid than 7 and 3-10tbs, and al though there were 8830,000, 000 out at the close of the war, all had been nald ntr ihren years later. Nor did the government ever fall to get the full valuo of its bonds. Tho Greenbackers and the Nationals are vnrv fond of talking about the bonds that were bought at Ihlrty-flve and forty cents on tbe dol lar, and there are some people who are foolish enough to believe them. Yet a glance at the annual reports of the New York Stock Ex change sales will show them that the minimum price for which any United States bond was ever sold on the Exchange was 82, which was the lowest quotation in 1861 ror the sixes or 1881. We repeat, instead of the bonds being taken by the capitalists at thlrty-flve and forty cents, there is no case recorded on any stock exchange of any bond of the United Stales being sold at a less price than 82 in the year when these bonds wero first Issued, and they sold up to 95J,'. In 1862 these bonds wero still the only securities or the government that were on the list, and the minimum price was 86 wuue tne maximum was 107. Never since the very first year of the war has there been a twelvemonth In which the bonds or the United States did not touch par. This Is a record unparalleled by that or any nation iu the world. In 1863, the dark days or tbe rebellion, these bonds reached their lowest price at 91,",', but they sold up as high as UOj,'. In that year tbo first five-twenties were issued, and they never sold more than one quarter below par until 1865, when they once went to 'J. since then not one of tbo different classes of United States securities has ever been sold at public sale below par. HOW WE ARE 1-AYINO THE DEI1T. To this high point was the credit of the gov ernment kept. As soon as the war was over, and the enormous outlay on its account was stopped, the Republican party addressed itself vigorously to the reduction of the debt. Re funding was a secondary operation, aud one not to be attempted until it was shown that the government could not only carry the debt, but begin to pay it off. Tbe debt, less cash on hand, was at Us greatest amount August 31, 1865, when It reached the vast total of 82,750,431,571 43, entailing an an nual Interest charge of 8100,977,697 87. This was a debt of 878 25 for every man, woman and child In the country, and to pay the Interest on this vast sum required an expenditure of 8129 ror every one or the 35,228,000 people In tbe United States. Then began the reduction or the debt by tbe paying off of the six per oents. and tho seven-thirties. The total was reduced the first year 8120,000,000, and the next year 8128, 000,000. This was done by insisting upon the most rigid economy and the thorough col lection of the revenues, and by the sale of old materials aud reducing the army and navy at once to a peace footing. Iu tbe noxt two years the cancellation was not so great. But in 1870 the total was cut down a hundred millions, and in 1871 and 1872 almost as much more. Now, said the Republican party In Con gress, the credit of tbo United States Is good enough to warrant us in borrowing at lower rates of interest. So the funding act was passed in July, 1870, aud on tho 1st or December, 1871, a hundred millions or six per cents, were paid off and disappeared from the debt statement, being replaced by the fives or 1881. On the 20th or March in the year following a like amount was retired. Thosaving in interest on the first hundred millions has already been six aud three quarter millions, and on the second instalment called in, almost six-and-a-half more. Every year since the last or the war tbe six per cents, hod been coming in, and this operation was hastened by tbe operations or tbe funding act, so that the amount of this class or bonds redeemed amounted to 8210,000,000 in 1872 alone. Tbese changes in tbe debt continued during tbe next three years, until the early part of 1869, when the last or tbe fives had been placed. Up to that time the reduction In tbe amount or six per cents outstanding had been at the rate of a hundred mllllonsa year, until from 81,874,347,000 in 1869 there were only less than a thousand millions out in 1876. In the fall, after theabuu. dant crops had been harvested and the country bad begun to feel the Impetus given to trade, Industry and agriculture by the Centennial Ex hibition, designed and carried through lu the face ol tbe most strenuous Democratlo oppo sition, Secretary 8berman began measures for tbe further cancellation of the debt by the Issue of four-and-a-nalfs. which many men of moimy ana long experience baa thought lu- ptmot loafcb la. ixw loan been placed PAMCS. I THEIR HISTORY AND THEIR CAUSES. Soma of the Evil Effects of Democrat ic Par tisanship as Exemplified In the Past Shall It be Repeated? The Pittsburg Telegraph publishes a review oj the various financial panics which have oc curred in our history, and after reciting briefly the history of the United 8tats Bank np to the year 1819, thus tells the story or the disaster tbat befel our trade In that year: "Fortunes were wiped out In a day, specula tive companies, tbat stood everywhere thick as shocks In a wheat field, vanished magically, and shareholders were aghast; suburban lands and city lots that were to return a hundredfold dropped to almost worthlessness. As an ex ample of the effect of the panic on real estate here, an old citizen says that land on Boyd's Hill held at 82000 an aero dropped to 8100; lots on Fourth avenue held at 82000 fell to 8100; properly in tbe region of Market street, on which were good brick bouses, only partly paid for, wero wholly abandoned, as property quite as good could be bought ror loss than the sums due on these. But the United States Bank, with Its capital or 35,000,000, weathered the storm, aud by furnishing the country again with a stable currency or uniform value, won back pub Ho confidence, and again compelled the Slate banks to go Into liquidation, or to raise the value of the notes to the standard of the na tional banktfbtes. This, together with the temporary settlement or the slavery agitation by tbe compromise or 1820, and especially with the Impetus given to home manufacturers by tbe tariff of 1824, and tbe work of Internal im provements, set the country upon Its feet once mora UNI'AnALLELD FOR VINDICTIVENE99. : ; "It Is not In man, however, to let wellouougli alone, above all when it stands In the way of bis political theory. The second charter of tho bank was to expire in 1836. When the Thirty third Congress assembled on tho 2d of December in that year, President Jackson saldin his mes sage that lu the Interim his Secretary or the Treasury had ordered tho removal or the gov ernment deposits rrom tbe United States to the State banks, and he gave as his principal rea son for this that the bank had used these de posits for partisan purposes. The parliamen tary warfare that followed this action was un paralleled ror vlndicttveness, and Is too long to be narrated here, even ir germane to the sub ject. The constitutional point Involved was theold one that Jefferson had contended for, viz. , the power to charter banks was a right reserved to the States; they alone could sup ply a constitutional paper currency." The State rights question had come bounding to the surface again. This authoritative recognition of the value and usefulness of the State banks, and the Importance attached to them as government depositories, stimulated their organization to an extraordinary degree. Many were chartered to take the place ol the United States Bank, the closing of which was expected. The State banks Increased from 282 In 1830 to 632 in 1837. During the same period their capital rose from 8145,000,000 to 8290,000,0k); their circulation from 861,000,000 to 8149,ooO,OiiO; their loans and discounts from 8200,000,000 to 8185,000,000; their deposits rrom 855,000,000 to 8127,000,000. Thus during these seven years the banking facilities of the country bad been con siderably more than doubled, while the Increase In the .capital of the country was small, and there was no manifest need of the addition of a dollar to the currency. Tbe result of the In crease of the currency was an unexamp.ed delirium of extravagance and speculation, in the midst of which came the destruc tive collapse of 1837. Ruin reigned on every hand; almost every business man sud business house In the land was Involved in die common wreck. Collections were next to Im possible, and In some States, aH notably Mlsils slppl, wholly so. Credit everywhere was de stroyed. There was a general suspension of tho bunks at the first blast of the storm In 1837. In 1838 they made a heroic endeavor, and resur.ied payment, but the year following those of Phil adelphia and tbe regions of tbe south and vest again bent before tbe storm. The distress was pitiful, and during the first two years of the panic It was necessary to Import largo quanti ties of food from Europe. The country tbat a short time before abounded in what 11 called wealth, and boasted loudly of its many re sources, could not furuish bread to the hungry. The failure of the banks holding the deposits of the government left it without a penny. Con gress was hastily summoned, and Treasury notes were issued to keep tho department going until tho Sheriff could sell out the share-holders of the defunct banks and recover the de posits. Finally the government divorced its monetary affairs rrom those or trade and com merce, and established the Independent Treas ury. The disaster was so complete that one caunot point to any exact date when the bard times ceased. The recovery was in fact in the gradual re-creation of the ruined industries. THE ACTUAL BANK CIRCULATION. "Until 1853 the volume or paper money In creased slowly, and only according to the actual wants or expanding trade; but at that period specie began to gain largely on the volume of paper, and the people, learning nothing from the painful lessons of tbe past, enlarged the volume of paper in proportion to the influx or gold rrom California, until, In 1857, the circula tion reached 8214,000,000, which was far beyoud legitimate need, and then came the third great commercial crisis of our history tho panic of 1857. According to Treasury statistics, the actual bank circulation or tbat year was 8214, 778,822, aud inside of a twelvemonth it shrank to 8155,208,344, a contraction of nearly 860,000, 000. And during the same period the total bank loans shrank from 8684,456,000 to 8533,165,000, a contraction or more than 8150,000,000, which or Itself reveals the suffering or business then. The crisis was quick aud sharp and bitterly felt; but our rl cb soil, a fine foreign market for our crude productions, aud the rapid develop ment of industry under mild taxation, restored property, and by i860 tbe paper circulation had risen to 8207,000,000, almost as great as before the panic. Another panic was imminent then. and was only averted by the outbreak of the war and the suspension of specie payment by the bunks, December 30, 1801, when Hie government loans, first of 859,000,000 aud then or 8150,000, 000, had been drawn by Secretary Chase. "Several prominent facts are observed as one glances over our commercial history. The first of these is its popular passion for Mr nm.,ev. No disaster has been severe enough to teach its people the dangers of speculative wealth. The second is tbe fact that the longest and eruellst penou oi sunering that this countrv vr an dured, previous to the civil war, was brought ou uypoillicui tampering With the omrencv. The fluauclal question was a leadlnn Kane in the re-election of Presldeut Jackson, and be uu uuraiy sieppeu irom his high office wheii me pauic of 183, spread dismay in every bouse, hold. The third fact is the marvellous recupe. rauve powers oi uie country, as exhibited In the signal lustauce-to take oulyone, ot tbe aggregate wealth of the country, in spite or the desolating panlo or 1837, increasing twice as much during the ten years from 1840 to l0 as it did during the ten years from 1850 to 186a " KEPUBLICANISM. Au Uuliuishcd Mission While the Present Condition of Affairs Exists. The assertion that the Republican party has fulfilled its mission presupposes that it was limited to destroying slavery and maintaining the Union. These were merely the obstacles It had to encounter and tbe duties it was called to discharge, lu order to enable tbe Union to live and grow and expand according to Its vast ca pad lies. Its real work began where this Intro. ductory effort terminated. The south jas still to be restrained from Interfering with lie freed people. The power which biougM pea f out of war and freedom from slavery must fow de fend botn peace ana freedom until fiey are finally established. Tbe Industries of lie coun try must be maintained at suob a pitch and so forwarded that they can bear tbe remaining ouraen or debt and grow In variety land vol "'i nmfrrlii1 Trirrpr., JfiUe-WM NATIONALISM, Its Significance in Politics, Something of What We May Expect . Should It Succeed to Power. A Party that Counsels Its Members to Make Themselves Proflolent In the Use of Firearms-Will You Aid It? As tho National-Greenback and Democratlo parties are running lashed to all Intents and purposes, the subjoined extracts from docu ments circulated in the west by the first-named party must have a very important significance to the friends of law and order. From the tract entitled "Meat for Men," Issued by Pomeroy, Chairman of the National Committee for organizing Greenback clubs, page 9: "Let Congress, so soon as we, the people, can be beard in that heretofore Infamously corrupt body of plunderers, declare that In order to save tbe American Republic, the bond must be burned, and destroyed even as slavery was destroyed. That It must be called in and retired in ashes, even as the greenback money has been taken in. Tbat the bondholder shall have greenback, legal-tender, lawful money of the United Slates for every claim he holds against the United States. If be refuses this, then let him howl ir he wishes to. Let him rave, and his financial damnation rest on his own dis honest head. We will have ;no bonds or any kind issued by tbe government. ' 'If tlils government of ours will not protect us, the tax-paying people, then we owe it no allegiance. If it will not do this, it is a bad, an infamous government, after all tbe people have done for it, aud we had better unite the west and the south, secede rrom a Union that bene fits only eastern bondholders, and let their dupes in northeastern States go Into slavery to the Illegitimate brat of Republican borning and Democratic adoption. So it Is, eastern masters aud money-hoarders, that we sight the guu directly at your black hearts. Too long have your political tricksters in both parties held the hot iron or bankruptcy to our backs. Too long have you, by aid or knaves and hirelings, bold us In tbe morass or poverty and the slough of despond. You can give us back the full sliver dollar the greenback dollar as a munition of peace and a part of the government, or in 1880 never rises a sun on the Republic as 11 now standB. You have lied to tbe people. You, August Belmont, Jay Cooke, John Sherman, Samuel J. Tildcn, and all of the plundering bullion-baggers. You have torn down tbe Constitution till It bangs only by one nail. You have ignored the rights or the people. You have turned the misfortunes of a war you pro longed to your great advantage and the people's disaster, and you deserve to have your banks broken open, your houses plundered, your spoons and furniture stolen, your ill-gotten gains wrested from you, your possessions con fiscated, and your northeastern States held as appendages to a united west and south, hand-ln-band co-operating as the New America. Give us back the money of our fathers. Give us back the greenback money you have stolen and burned. Give us, tbo people, the property that belongs to us who live by labor, or you shall bo shorn of your power, despoiled of your possessions, and left in the desolation you Kan tor tnose you nave so long planned to hold as slaves. CLEANING THEM OUT OF HOMES. "Young men of the west and south, we can clean all of those eastern pirates out of homes and the property tiiey have stolen. We can unite and whip them to reason and to a compre hension or the right. We can leave the coun try northeast or tho Allegheny mountains to pay the national debt. We can unite and make the southwest the garden or tbe world. Wo can open the Mississippi river and float our billions or produce down its waters to market. We can send our surplus products to foreign countries by way of southern cities. With the proceeds weean line the west and south with new rail roads, open new mines, and make the east a hov.ilng wilderness, In which will roam the ghosts of tbe witch-burners and of those Puri tans who made fortunes In supplylug tbe south with slaves stolen from the coast, of Africa. We can do all this, and you will take this for your repast in the near future if you do not burn your Ill-gotten bonds and let tho people live. Organize Greenback Clubs with bayo nets in reserve. " From page 14, same tract: "Citizens have been robbed of their equality. Land has been robbed of Us value. Labor has been robbed or its life. Life bas been robbed of its reward. Every boudbolder Is a robber whose knife is an infamous law that was made to en rich a few at the expense of the many. Every national banker is a robbor of the people In bis monopoly to take, from them double Interest on the bills he puts out, not one of which are re deemable lu gold or silver. Silver has been robbed ot its power to pay debts, and as a result of your loug-contluued robberies you have had Just one little sip or tbe bell-broth you have been brewing this sixteen years ror your dishon est selves. " From "Hot Drops, " No. 2, page 3: "Now we waru you, you cowardly, sneak ing, dishonest, treucheroue,. false-hearted, avari cious, mercenary hirelings or an eastern money power, that we, the people or the western and southern States, Including Pennsylvania and all or New York west rrom the mouth or the Hudson river, do intend to take possession or the govornmeut of tho United States, hurl you aud your bondliuldliig element rrom power, and create for you euough legal-tender greenback money to relieve the general government from its embarrassments. REPUDIATION OK EVKKY HOHD. "Wemeau tbat the debt of the United States shall be paid in greenbacks; and right here we Inform you rrom the western prairies, tbat, so sure as God lives, if this question is not settled by 1880; ir tho law then does not declare that the bonds shall be paid In greenbacks exactly as the soldiers or tbe Uulted States were paid in green back money, we shall never again ask for such an issue of money, but will, rrom that hour, strike for the repudiation of every bonded obli gation of tbe government, and thus wipe out rrom existence every United States. bond, and their holders shall have nothing, put this in your pipe and make the most or It! lurs is an absolute government, ft is a government or the people, and by the eternal It shall be a gov eminent ror the people, or It shall be smashed Into so many fragments that each separate State will, iu comparison, be a complete world. From "Hot Drops, No. 4, page 7: "If the government will not do this thine. then we, the people, In defence ol our lives, our liberties, our homes, our families, and all tbat tbe future holds out to us as a promise through the work of the founders of the Republio, must overthrow this government, repudiate all its unconstitutional contracts, wipe out the in debtedness of the United States, and commence anew. Therefore we say to those who adminis ter tbe laws pay tbe the bondholders to the uttermost farthing; in greenbacks, full legal tender money, aud ever after hold It at par wim goia, or any otuer material of which money is made. Do Ithls,. or rwe, the people. will be compelled, in self-defence, to repudiate you wuo are in congress and the Presidential cbair only as our servants to repudiate you and your unconstitutional promise to teach you who are our servants, aud you who are our plunderers, a lesson that will last every one of you tor all time to come. " From "Hot Drops" No. 8, page 18: "Now, the government bas tbe absolute power to create money of metal or paper and to declare It lawful money, as It did create and did declare the greenback paper money to be. Therefore tbe government bas no need to hire or borrow even one dollar; therefore it bas no need to pay Interest for the use of that lawful money It has tbe absolute; right to create. This is the great principle we contend for, that ours may be a perfect government. " From "Hot Drops' No. 6. STRAY SHOT. TIIE SIC IRlMlsn ERS Of ARGUMENT. Great Facts In Little Snac-No Grains of Allowance ivr Ihn.o Who Wonld Destroy the Country. Was it the Ohio idea, after all? It seems not. The Ohio "idee" is now 5,000 Republican majority. There seems to be a panic among tho Dem ocratic President-makers. The Graphic expresses the opinion that Sam Tilden will become a nun. None like him now. Marble- suggests tombstones. Perhaps he will get a place at the head of Democracy, after all. The silent agony of the Democratic editor is the most moving spectacle of this stormy epoch. A party must have convictions to win confi dence. The man who has no political faith Is a thing of putty. It was a favorite remark of the late Samuel J. Tilden, reformer, who died of too much cipher, to say "I'll see you later. " It would add fresh laurels to his brow if Edison would Invent a Democratlo platform upon which that whole party could stand. Democrats are consoling the Greenbackers with the idea that though they may not carry Pennsylvania this year, they will do so In 1880. There Is at least one crumb of comfort for Senator Thurman, now that ho is laid away in his little bed. He made It soft aud be will He easy. The only fixed principle tho Democratic party has Is its unwavering advocacy of rorelgn pauper labor against American Industry and enterprise. Tho Tribune says the cipher dispatches which have been published compared with those tbat are to come are as a penny-whistle to a fog-horn. Fernando Wood is financially embarrassed; he 18 bad off politically, too, and is truly in condition to sympathize with the great Demo cratic party. The music of the Greenback song appears in tbe Graphic Every noto is marked on the back, "This is a million dollars, " but the song doesn't seem to sing well for all that. The fiat men in Ohio lost a grand oppor tunity to put their principles in practice. They should have got together a few votes early, and declared "this is a majority. " An exchange says the crop of hay and oats is so large In Maine tbat it is cheaper to be a Jackass than a mun. The greenback crazedown there was then really a question of cheapness. Thurman is satisfied that he was cheated when be traded with Pendleton a seat In tbe Senate for Presidential chances. He would like to have "Gentleman George" take the rag. baby back, at all events. A Cincinnati paper says you can't make a diphtheria patient drunk. It Is evident that Democratlo politicians don't have tbe diph theria, and It Is gratifying to know tbero Is one disease they haven't got. The Greenbackers have proved themselves better talkers than tbey are voters, as shown by tbe result of the elections in tbe west; but tbey are altogether too strong to be made light of by tbo friends of honest money. Candidate Dimmick, of the Fifteenth Con gressional district, must feel lonesome. Nearly all the Democratic papers refuse to support him. He is realizing how much easier it is to humbug a convention than the public, The Democratic papers have forgotten all about the fact tbat there was an election in Maine. That Greenback party that fought to bravely in Soptember forgot the better part or valor, and did not live to fight another day. The rrfortality among Democratic states men tills yea? Is positively frightful. Mr. Til den dies of too much cipher, Mr. Thurman of too much "Ohio Idea," Mr. Hendricks of too much CoraniuDlsm, and all the Massachusetts Democrats of too much Butler. Senator Wallace began a speech the other day in this way: "There is something the mat ter. What is It?" Iu Ohio it seems to be a great slaughter of windmills; In Pennsylvania 11 seems to be that tbe peoplo begin to wake up and realize the danger that threatens. The Brooklyn Eagle cannot discover why John Kelly should hate Mr. Tilden, whose only crime consists in bis having been elected Presi dent or the United States. We rejoice at the remark. It shows that Mr. Tilden Is charged with one crime of wblcb he roally Isn't guilty. . The Republican party believes in the en forcement of law and the punishment or crime that what a man honestly earns or becomes possessed or he shall be protected In enjoying. Democracy Is the party or lawlessness, riotous demonstrations, repudiation; Grccnbacklsm is its side show ol financial Jugglery. Senator Hendricks has done well, but he is wishing Just now tbat he had drawn it a trifle stiffer on the currency questlou. Mr. Hondricks can read the mystic writing on tbe wall just as well as any man lu politics, aud it says that in 1880 one of the signs out before both camps will be, "No Greenbackers or Inflationists need ap ply." A desperate effort is making by the Demo cratic journals of tbe oil regions to get some credit out or the passage or the Pipe-line bill, Tbe record of the Senate shows tbat ten Repub licans and an equal number of Democrats voted for the bill, but the record Is by no moans a favorite source of authority lor Democratic editors. They prefer to draw on their lmagl nation for facts. I he Republican par proposes that the dollar for wblcb the mechanlo and laboring man works snail oe the best dollar in the world. uemucracy uuu ureenDacBisro declare that 11 snau do a piece or paper tbe value of which snau change as often as tbe moon does, if not as oiten as the tides or the ocean rise and nil subject to the caprice of gamblers and specula. tors. Rai.aln..n Cl . . ... m . . """-""j Biaujs. aim states cor rectly, tbat one-fourth of the national debt has oeen liquidated In thirteen years, or since the summer or 1863. At the same rate of payment uie enure aeot would be paid in 1917; but as me resources oi me country are sure to in. crease, we have no doubt of tbe debt belnir ex. tlnguished about Ihe year 190X, when the thirty jran iuur-per-cenis. will rail due. Colonel Victor E. Piollett, State Master of tne Pennsylvania Grangers, can take bis place by the aide of Rise-up William Allen, of Ohio. The latter declared that resumption of specie payments was "d- barren Ideality." Mr. Piollett goes him one better, and says that the assertion that paper bas no Intrlnsio valne Is "the fallacy of the age." He regards It more valuable than silver or gold, because nails and car-wheels are made of it, and housei built of iu Whatever progress in industrial strength the Republic bag made In the last seventeen years THE TARIFF, 1, Its Value to Pennsylvani; How the Democrats Have Assailed at Every Opportunity. What the Republican Party Has Done frl Proteotlon In the Interest of the Country and Its Citizens. In the early stages of the Republic all classe all sections, and all parties were earnestly r a protective tariff on foreign Imports, for the pin pose or encouraging and fostering the establish mentand permanent maintenance of domest production. This was inherent In the spirit the revolution, which was as much Incited b the despotic repression of the colonial indu tries, In order to give the permanent control t the American markets to British manufacture! as by any other cause. Among the first fruit or the protective policy was tbe American cot ton crop, which was fairly protected into ex istence. But as in the lapse of time the Rcpul lie became populous and nourishing, and tl amazing spread or cotton culture made It tli basis or tbo formidable political power whic subsequently assumed the namo of the Demo cralto party, a combination of the strong for elgn commercial element at New York with tl southern agricultural force was formed, tbe in terest or which lay In opposing the protectioi or domestic manufactures and favoring a lov tariff on foreign goods, on the ground of fur nishing the farmers and planters with chca merchandise for consumption, This southern school or politics was founde by John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, an although it was courageously opposed by Presl dent Jackson, yet under the auspices of Presl dent Vau Buren the whole Democratic part gradually fell Into the arrangement. Tberea son of this was that in New York, which wa the northern centre of the Democratic party the predominant influence was the foreign im port trade. When this became fairly establishei aud recognized, foreign capital and conimerci centralized almost irresistibly in N8w ynr). city, and armed with ample money supplies foi political work from those sources, tbe Demo cratic leaders of New York and the south lon managed the whole national policy to suit tli views of the agricultural Interests of the soul I on the one hand and of foreign commerce on th other. To counteract this combination, th friends of protection sought to build up manu laoiures in sucn parts oi uie south as were no! adapted to tbe planting interests, and those movements were represented by Whig states men or the south, like Clay, Clayton, Bell Mangam, Crittenden, etc. , while In tbo New England and Middle States manufactures grew and strengthened In consequence of the enor mous influx of foreign labor. THE TARIFF A NATIONAL QUKSTIOX It was not until the great Presidential ca paignof 1840 that the tariff was fairly madon national test question. The defeat of Vim Buren led to the passage of the Protective Tanf of 1842, under which all branches of productive Industry took an Immense start, and made suel progress that the plantation oligarchy of tlu south saw the dawn of their policy and powei unless a reaction could be effected. Upon tin plain and open issue of Free Trado this could not be done, and therefore it was not attempted But by tbe shrewd devise of the annexation oi Texas a popular cry was raised on which the Democrats again obtained tbe control of the Administration and Congress. Tbe immediate result was the passage of the low tarifl'of lsic aud the war with Mexico. Under this ruinous tariff tbe progress made under the Protect Tariff was mostly lost. When, during Jackson's administration, South Carolina undertook to nullify tho pro tective duties, a Compromise Tariff was on acted. But when the tariff of 1842 was passed. strongly protective as It was, no resistance wns" offered or threatened. Public sentlraeut bad advanced. Statesmanship resorted to strategy instead ofjmenace. Extending tbo area of the Republio was but a device to euable the cotton power to recover central and enact a low tariff. Accordingly the Tariff of 1840 was passed by the casting vote of Vice President Dallas and lgned by President Polk, both or whom, while candidates ror those offices, were heralded as friends or the existing Tariff of 1842. So trans parent was this trick that even the war lever did not prevent tho decisive defeat or the Demo cratlo ticket at the Presidential election of 181. During the subsequent Democratlo nomina tions of Presidents Pierce and Buchanan free trade bad full swing because there was uo politi cal element strong enough to make headway against the' Democratlo party. This was caused by the fact tbat tbe concentration of foreign capital and commerce at New York had become enormous, and was wholly on the Democratic side, while at the south the plantation oligarchy naa completely crushed the Whig element and made the south a Democratic unit. Slavery at me south and foreign capital at New York were the bases upon which the formidable streagtli of tbe Democratic party was built up. Intbeti lure of things such a party could nolbe expect to ravor tbe growtb or domestic industry, and never did. From catering ,to an agricultur population at the south, It passed naturally t efforts to make the farmers of the north and west believe their interests hostile to protection. But no sooner did the Republican party obtain tne power to enact a protective tariff than it did 6o, and has. firmly maintained that policy ever since. No sooner, however, had the war ended, aud with It the vast demand for money, than me Democratlo leaders renewed their attacks upon tbe protective tariff, mainly under the in fluence of the foreign oapltal centralized In New York. Every successive Conerresa since the war has been agitated by Democratlo efforts to modify or repeal the protective duties. CONTROLLING Til IS SOLID SOUTH. These did not gather much force until the confederates recovered control of Uie solid south, aud since that time the efforts at free trade have been open, undisguised, and des perate. In the last eighteen years Republican A iuuujr ua. eicuwxi niupenaous laDrio or do mes tic Industry all over the north and west, and In many parts of the south. The western in dustries have risen to colossal proportions as U by magic Yet, In the only two Democratic Congresses we have had siuce I860, the most laborious efforts have been made to destroy the protective system, and to enact tariff schedules for tbe discouragement of native manufactures and favoring the competing foreien eoods. When Mr. Kerr (Democrat) was elocted Speaker or tbe House or Representatives, he appointed a committee or ways and Means with a decided free-trade majority, which soent Us entire lime In vain endeavors to mature and pass a free-trade tariff. Mr. Randall (Democrat), the preseut Speaker, appointed a similar commit tee, headed by Fernaudo Wood, an ultra free. iriuia Democrat. That committee made the most outrageous tariff ror the oppression of American Industrie! ever yet attempted. It was ao intensely rorelgn that even the free- trade organs opposed it as stupid aud foolish. 'lb.0 argument presented by tbe broad com mon sense or Andrew Jackson, that by diversi fying me employments or tbe people, the mar kets for agricultural product would be lm proved, has gradually become tbe accepted doc trine for northern and western farmers, all oi wuom ravor manuiaoturea for that reason. Bu It Is everywhere met by the Democrat with all tbe old free-trade sophistries used with so muoL effect in the auw-war times, and on which the ciass prejudloe or the farmers were then baaed. Tbe northern and western farms.. ima... know tholr own interests now much better than they did in those times. And tbey have aeen under Republican, auspices tbe exportation of northern raw products attain proportions never dreamed of by the statesmen of the free-trade school. ADVANTAGES TO OUB INDUSTRIAL POPU LATION. Under the old Democratlo polloy, all the raw products of the Republio shipped abroad were am mr in rorelgn merchandise. Now th.